Mi 


t^i-'J:/' 


&mi 


I 


mmiiiJi: 


v: 


5  UiSf^3U«i^^«f>.i».>!»*. 


/  PRINCETON.   N.J. 


Part  of  the 

ADDISON  ALKXWDER  LIBRARY, 

which  /  ;i>  [ireswnted  by 

Mkssbs.  H.   L.  and  a.  Stiart. 

_     ^  3e<i 


BR  749 

L5    1851 

Lingard 

,    John, 

1771 

-1851. 

The   antiquities 

of 

the 

Angle 

-Saxon 

church 

J 

5r-"  I 


ru*  I 


THE 


ANTIQUITIES 


ANGLO-SAXON  CHURCH. 


By  the  Rev.  JOHN  LINGARD. 


SECOND    AMERICAN,    FROM    THE    LONDON    EDITION. 


BALTIMORE: 
PRINTED  AND  PUBLISHED  BY  J.  MURPHY  &  CO. 

No.    178    MARKET    STREET. 

PITTSBURG:      GEORGE      QUIGLEY. 

Sold  by  Catholic  Booksellers  generally  throughout  the  United  States. 

1851. 


PREFACE 

TO  THE  AMERICAN  EDITION. 


The  merited  and  long  established  celebrity  of  Dr.  Lingard  as 
a  writer  and  an  historian,  is,  of  itself,  sufficient  to  commend  to 
public  notice  any  of  the  productions  of  his  pen  ;  but,  independ- 
ently of  this  consideration,  the  subject  of  the  present  volume 
possesses  much  in  it  to  claim  the  peculiar  attention  of  the 
American  reader. 

Whatever  concerns  the  origin,  or  is  connected  with  the  early 
history,  of  the  Saxon  conquerors  of  England,  cannot  be  devoid 
of  interest  for  their  descendants,  however  separated  by  place 
from  the  scenes  in  which  they  acted  such  prominent  parts.  The 
Antiquities,  too,  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church  will  be  found 
a  most  important  and  useful  branch  of  study  for  the  general 
scholar ;  and  almost  an  indispensable  acquisition  for  the  theo- 
logical student;  as  many  of  the  controversies  which,  unfor- 
tunately, divide  the  Christian  world  at  this  day,  have  either 
direct  reference  to  the  doctrines  and  discipline  of  the  early  Saxon 
Church,  or  derive  considerable  light  from  a  knowledge  of  its 
principles  and  institutions. 

Such  a  guide,  then,  as  Dr.  Lingard,  whose  qualifications  for  the 
inquiry  are  unquestioned,  and  whose  character  for  integrity  is 
unimpeached,  cannot  but  afford  most  desirable  assistance  to 
such  as  wish  to  examine  for  themselves  the  momentous  ques- 
tions that  form  the  subject  of  religious  investigation.  Dr. 
Lingard  is  not  here,  however,  a  polemic,  but  an  antiquary; 

3 


4  PREFACE. 

and  the  calm  and  dispassionate  manner  in  which  he  treats 
of  facts  and  doctrines,  which  have  so  often  formed  the  subject 
of  much  angry  controversy,  is  the  best  guarantee  we  can  have, 
that  truth  alone  has  ever  been  the  object  he  had  in  view  ;  and 
that  the  fullest  reliance  may  be  placed  in  the  conclusions  at 
which  he  has  arrived.  It  will  be  seen  that  all  his  statements 
are  sustained  by  copious  references  to  original  authorities,  by 
means  of  which  the  learned  reader  will  be  enabled  to  ascend  to 
the  sources  of  the  author's  information,  and  form  his  own  judg- 
ment of  the  justness  of  his  inferences. 

In  presenting,  then,  "  The  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Church"  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  the  publisher 
hopes  that  he  will  be  found  to  have  added  to  their  means  of 
literary  enjoyment,  and,  at  the  same  time,  contributed  some- 
what to  their  moral  and  religious  improvement. 


'"■•Wwrs 


THE  PKEFACE. 


The  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church  has  exercised  the  in- 
dustry of  several  writers,  whose  researches  and  discoveries 
have  been  rewarded  with  the  approbation  of  the  public.  It 
is  not  my  wish  to  encroach  upon  their  labours.  With  patient 
and  meritorious  accuracy  they  have  discussed  and  detailed  the 
foundations  of  churches,  the  succession  of  bishops,  the  decrees 
of  councils,  and  the  chronological  series  of  events.  Mine  is  a 
more  limited  attempt,  to  describe  the  ecclesiastical  polity,  and 
religious  practices  of  our  ancestors;  the  discipline,  revenues, 
and  learning  of  the  clerical  and  monastic  orders;  and  the  more 
important  revolutions  which  promoted  or  impaired  the  pros- 
perity of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church. 

Of  these  subjects  I  am  not  ignorant  that  some  have  been 
fiercely  debated  by  religious  polemics.  The  great  event  of 
the  Reformation,  while  it  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the  powers, 
imbittered  with  rancour  the  writings  of  the  learned.  Con- 
troversy pervaded  every  department  of  literature :  and  history, 
as  well  as  the  sister  sciences,  was  alternately  pressed  into  the 
service  of  the  contending  parties.  By  opposite  writers  the 
same  facts  were  painted  in  opposite  colours :  unfavourable  cir- 
cumstances were  carefully  concealed,  or  artfully  disguised; 
and  the  men,  whom  the  Catholic  exhibited  as  models  of  virtue, 
and  objects  of  veneration,  the  Protestant  condemned  for  their 
interested  zeal,  their  pride,  their  ignorance,  and  their  superstition. 
I  will  not  deny,  that  the  hope  of  acquiring  additional  information 
has  induced  me  to  peruse  the  works  of  these  partial  advocates 

A  2  5 


6  PREFACE. 

But  if  I  have  sometimes  listened  to  their  suggestions,  it  has 
been  witli  jealousy  and  caution.  My  object  is  truth;  and  in 
the  pursuit  of  truth,  I  have  made  it  a  religious  duty  to  consult 
the  original  historians.  Who  would  draw  from  the  troubled 
stream,  when  he  may  drink  at  the  fountain  head  ? 

It  may,  perhaps,  be  expected  that  I  should  offer  an  apology 
for  the  freedom  with  which  I  have  occasionally  noticed  the 
mistakes  of  preceding  historians.  It  is  certainly  an  ungracious, 
but,  I  think,  a  useful  office.  On  almost  every  subject,  the 
public  mind  is  guided  by  the  wisdom  or  prejudices  of  a  few 
favourite  writers;  their  reputation  consecrates  their  opinions: 
and  their  errors  are  received  by  the  incautious  reader  as  the 
dictates  of  truth.  On  such  occasions,  to  be  silent  is  criminal ; 
as  it  serves  to  perpetuate  deception :  and  to  contradict,  without 
attempting  to  prove,  may  create  doubt,  but  cannot  impress  con- 
viction. As  often,  therefore,  as  it  has  been  my  lot  to  dissent 
from  our  more  popular  historians,  I  have  been  careful  to  fortify 
my  own  opinion  by  frequent  references  to  the  sources  from 
which  I  have  derived  my  information.  No  writer  should  ex- 
pect to  obtain  credit  on  his  bare  assertion :  and  the  reader, 
who  wishes  to  judge  for  himself,  will  gratefully  peruse  the 
quotations,  with  which  I  have  sometimes  loaded  the  page.  To 
the  Anglo-Saxon  extracts,  when  their  importance  seemed  to 
demand  it,  is  subjoined  a  literal  translation.  The  knowledge 
of  that  language,  though  an  easy,  is  not  a  common  acquire- 
ment. 

If  I  am  not  deceived  by  a  natural,  but,  I  trust,  venial  par- 
tiality, the  subject  which  I  have  undertaken  to  elucidate,  is  in 
itself  highly  curious  and  interesting.  The  Anglo-Saxons  were, 
originally,  hordes  of  ferocious  pirates.  By  religion  they  were 
reclaimed  from  savage  life,  and  raised  to  a  degree  of  civiliza- 
tion, which,  at  one  period,  excited  the  wonder  of  the  other 
nations  of  Europe.     The  following  pages  are  destined  to  de- 


PREFACE.  7 

scribe  the  nature  and  the  practices  of  that  rehgion,  the  duties 
and  qualifications  of  its  ministers,  and  the  events  which  con- 
firmed its  influence  over  the  minds  of  its  professors.  Such 
researches,  whatever  may  be  the  nation  to  which  they  refer, 
are  pleasing  to  an  inquisitive  reader.  When  they  relate  to 
our  own  progenitors,  they  will  be  perused  with  additional 
interest. 

I  must,  however,  acknowledge,  that  I  am  far  from  being 
satisfied  with  the  performance.  On  several  subjects,  my  informa- 
tion has  been  necessarily  incomplete.  After  the  revolutions 
of  more  than  a  thousand  years,  the  records  of  Anglo-Saxon 
antiquity  can^xist  only  in  an  imperfect  and  mutilated  state.  If 
much  has  been  preserved,  much  also  has  been  lost.  To  collect 
and  unite  the  scattered  fragments,  has  been  my  wish  and  en- 
deavour ;  but  in  despite  of  every  exertion,  many  chasms  will  be 
discovered,  which  it  was  impossible  to  supply.  If  the  deficiency 
of  the  materials  be  not  admitted  as  a  sufiicient  apology,  the 
reader  must  accuse  the  skill  of  the  artist :  his  industry,  he  trusts, 
may  defy  reproof;  and  on  it  he  rests  his  only  claim  to  cora- 
mpndation. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Cliristiantty  introduced  into  Britain — Conquests  of  the  Saxons — Their  Conversion 
— Conduct  of  the  Missionaries— Controversies  respecting  Easter. 

A.  D.  Page 

Christianity  introduced  into  Britain       _•-----         17 

180  Conversion  of  Lucius  -  --.----18 

305  Dioclesian's  persecution  of  the  Christians    -----        t6. 

430  Heresy  of  Pelagius         ..-------1!) 

The  Saxons ib. 

449  Their  first  arrival  under  Hengist      -------20 

Their  conquest    ----------        ib. 

Zeal  of  Gregory  the  Great  for  their  conversion  -        -        -        -    21 

He  purchases  Anglo-Saxon  slaves ih, 

596  Sends  Augustine  with  several  other  missionaries  -  -  -  -  22 
Auo-ustine's  first  interview  with  Ethelbert,  -----  23 
He  preaches  to  the  Kentish  Saxons  ------    ib. 

Moderation  of  the  missionaries 24 

Conversion  of  the  kingdom  of  Essex ib. 

627  ■  of  Edwin,  king  of  Northumbria  -        -        -        -        25 

633  He  is  killed  in  hattle 26 

635  Victory  and  succession  of  Oswald ib. 

Mission  of  Aidan ---27 

631  Conversion  of  the  East-Angles ib. 

634  of  the  West-Saxons 28 

653  of  the  Mercians 29 

678  of  the  South-Saxons 30 

General  conduct  of  the  missionaries ib. 

Their  labours  and  merit 32 

Barbarism  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  before  their  conversion         -        -  33 

Their  improvement  after  their  conversion  -        -        -        -        -  ib. 

Dispute  respecting  the  time  of  Easter  -----  36 

. the  ecclesiastical  tonsure 37 

C52  Termination  of  the  disputes  -        --        »        -        -        -  38 

2 


9 


10  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Extensive  Jurisdiction  of  St.  ,3ugustine — Archbishops  of  Canterbury — York — 
Lichfield — Number  of  Bishoprics — Election  of  Bishops-^Episcopal  Monasteries 
I    — Iiisiiiulion  of  Parishes — Discipline  of  the  Clergy — Celibacy. 

A.  D.  Pi^ge 

598  Augustine's  jurisdiction  over  the  Saxons  -        -        -        -        -    40 

■  over  the  Britons       -        -        -        -        -        ib. 

603  They  reject  his  authority  ------        --42 

605  He  dies 43 

613  Slaughter  of  the  British  monks        -------    ;j. 

Archbishops  of  Canterbury  -------44 

735  of  York ib. 

785  of  Lichfield      - ib. 

Multiplication  of  bishoprics    --------46 

Election  of  bishops     -        -        -        -        -        ^        ~        .        .         ib. 

Bishops  chosen  in  synods        --------47 

nominated  by  kings         -----         --413 

Anglo-Saxon  clergy        ----.----49 

Episcopal  monasteries  --------50 

Education  of  the  clergy  ---------     li. 

700  Establishment  of  parishes   --------52 

Discipline  of  the  clergy  ----__-.    jj. 

Celibacy  of  the  clergy         -        -        -        -        --        -        -        53 


CHAPTER  III. 

Revenues  of  the  Clergy — Donations  of  Land — Voluntary  Oblations — Tithes — 
Church  Dues — Right  of  .Asylum — Peace  of  the  Church — Romescot. 

Donations  of  land  --------.59 

Immunities  ----------GO 

Causes  of  benefactions  --------Cl 

Restraints  ----------62 

Voluntary  oblations         ---------63 

Tithes -.64 

Plough-alms  ----------65 

Kirk-shot   -----------        ib- 

Leot-shot        -----------     ?6. 

Soul-shot 66 

Right  of  sanctuary  ---------    ;j. 

Extraordinary  sanctuaries    --------67 

Peace  of  the  church        ---------68 

Benefactions  to  foreign  churches  .-----        68 

854 of  Ethelwulf ib. 

Romescot  -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        ib. 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Origin  of  the  Monastic  Institute — Anglo-Saxon  Monks — Of  St.  Gregory— Of  St. 
Columha — Of  St.  Benedict — Voivs  of  Obedience — Chastity — Poverty — Posses- 
sions of  the  Monks — Their  Mention  to  the  Mechanic  Arts — To  Agriculture 

Their  Hospitality — Their  Charity. 

A.  D. 

Page 

Origin  of  the  monastic  institute     ----___     71 

Its  (lifTusion      -------__,         73 

Monks  established  by  St.  Gregory  -         -        -        -        .        -     74 

597  Introduced  by  St.  Augustine       ----_,,        75 

565  Monks  of  St.  Columba,  at  Icolmkille     --.._.    ;j, 
635  Introduced  into  Northumbria      -----_.         j^. 

Their  discipline     ------____     75 

529  Monks  established  by  St.  Benedict {},, 

Their  discipline    --------.         .77 

661  They  are  introduced  by  St,  Wilfrid     ----_.         79 

674  by  St,  Bennet  Biscop      -        -        -        .        -    ib. 

The  order  is  rapidly  diffused       ----...go 

640  Anglo-Saxon  nuns  in  France  ---._..gi 

650  Convents  erected  ,in  England      ----..        .gg 

Double  monasteries       -------..    y-j_ 

Monastic  vows  --------_.        g^ 

of  obedience  ---.--_.    ^-^^ 

of  chastity  ----.-..g5 

660  History  of  Edilthryda ;j^ 

Renunciation  of  property   ----._.         .§7 

Change  of  the  ancient  discipline  -----_.     gg 

704  Origin  of  secular  monasteries     -----__         g9 

False  notions  of  the  monastic  institute  --.-_.     gg 
Use  of  monastic  wealth     --------92 

Improvement  of  architecture  ------..92 

Magnificence  of  the  churches     ----_.        .94 

Improvement  of  the  mechE^nic  arts-         ----..     ^-/^^ 

of  agriculture        ---.-__         95 

Charities  of  the  monks  ----.-_.     95 

1000  of  Leofric,  abbot  of  St,  Albans      -         -        -        -        .        97 

1010  of  Godric,  abbot  of  Croyland  ------    ib. 


CHAPTER  V, 

Government  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church— Episcopal  Synods— National  Councils- 
Supremacy  of  the  Popes— They  establish  Metropolitan  Sees—Confinn  the  Elec- 
tion of  Archbishops — Reform  Abuses — .iml  receive  Appeals. 

Episcopal  synods         -  -----_.        99 

Provincial  and  national  councils      -----._  joo 

Their  decrees  enforced  by  the  civil  power     -        -        -        _        .       101 


12  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  Page 

Supreme  jurisdiction  of  the  Roman  pontiff     -----  102 

He  establishes  metropolitical  sees       -        -        -        -        -        -104 

Confirms  the  election  of  the  archbishops        -----  105 

Enforces  the  observance  of  the  canons         -        -        -        -        -       106 

Sends  legates  into  England  --------  107 

Receives  appeals        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -108 

History  of  St.  Wilfrid 109 

678  He  is  deposed  ----------      110 

Appeals  to  Rome  ---------     z5. 

679  Papal  sentence  -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -111 

Wilfrid  persecuted        ---------     tJ. 

686  He  is  restored 112 

691  Banished      -        -        -         - 113 

703  His  second  appeal     -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -114 

705  And  final  restoration     -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -115 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Heligious  Fradices  of  the  Anglo-Saxons — Their  Sacraments — The  Liturgy — 
Communion — Confession — Penitential  Canons — Mitigation  of  Penance — Abso- 
lution, 

Sacraments  of  the  Anglo-Saxons        -        -        -        -        -        -118 

Liturgy 120 

Communion       ----------       122 

Breviary  or  course         --------  1-23 

Latin  service     ----------       124 

Confession   -----------  125 

680  Penitential  canons     ---------       126 

Mitigation  of  penance  ---------  127 

Absolution         -        -        -        -        --        -        -        -        -       129 

CHAPTER  Vn. 

Euchological    Ceremonies —  Benediction    of    the    Anglo-Saxon    Knights  —  Of 
Marriages — Ordinations  of  the  Clergy — Coronation  of  Kings — Dedication  of 
Churches. 

Benediction  of  knights  --------  130 

050  History  of  Here  ward         -        -        -        -        -        -        -         -131 

Marriages     -----------  132 

Marriage  settlements  -        -        -        -        -        -        -         -133 

ceremony       -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -         -134 

Consecration  of  virgins     --------       135 

Ordinations  ..-_------  137 

of  deacons      --------       139 

of  priests  ---------  140 

of  bishops       --------       141 


CONTENTS. 


13 


A.  D.  ^"^^ 

Coronation  of  kings      ---- 142 

Coronation  ceremony         ..------       143 

Dedication  of  churches  -------  145 

798 of  Winchelcomb 147 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Origin  of  Prayers  for  the  Dead^ Associations  for  that  purpose— Devotions  per- 
formed for  the  Bead— Funeral  Ceremonies— Places  of  Sepulture. 

Prayers  for  the  dead 14^ 

Associations  for  that  purpose 149 

991  History  of  Brithnod ^^^ 

993  History  of  Alwyn ^^^ 

Works  of  charity ^^^ 

Devotions         __--------»• 

Preparation  for  death ..-  155 

Manner  of  burial ^^7 

Places  of  burial ^^^ 

Elevation  of  dead  bodies 1^^ 

1104  Opening  of  the  tomb  of  St.  Cuthbert 160 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Veneration  and  invocation  of  the  Saints— Relics— Miracles— Pictures  and  Images 

Pilgrimages — Travels  of  St.  Willihald — Ordeals. 

Invocation  of  the  saints 163 

Foreign  saints       -        -        -        -        '        "         '        "        "        -164 
Native  saints     ----------       165 

Festivals  of  the  saints -        ■        "        -167 

Relics 1^^ 

Miracles      -        - ^'^^ 

Pictures  and  images  -        -        - 1^2 

787  Councils  of  Nice  and  Frankfort 174 

Pilgrimages      ------"""' 

721  Willibald's  travels  to  the  Holy  Land 177 

1  SI 
Pilgrimages  to  Rome 

Ordeals ^^^ 


CHAPTER  X. 

Literature  of  the  Inglo-Saxons— Learning  of  Theodore  and  Mrian^Libraries— 
Theology— Classics— Logic— Arithmetic— Natural  Philosophy— Learned  Men 
— St.  Aldhehn — Bede — Alcuin. 

Learning  of  the  Anglo-Saxons 1^° 

679  Theodore  and  Adrian ^^^ 

Libraries  -        - 1^0 

B 


14  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  Page 

Study  of  Theology       -        -        - 191 

Study  of  the  classics  --------       192 

of  poetry      -        -         -        -        -        -        -         -        -        -193 

of  rhetoric         -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -194 

of  logic         -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -195 

of  numbers        ---------       190 

of  natural  philosophy   --------    ih. 

Bede's  system  of  nature    -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -197 

The  planets  and  fixed  stars    --------    ib. 

Astrology 200 

The  tides     ---- 201 

Meteorology      ----------        ;6. 

719  Account  of  St.  Aldhelm         --------  204 

735  of  Bede H. 

810  of  Alcuin        --. 206 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Descents  of  the  Danes — Destruction  of  Churches  and  Monasteries — Prevalence  of 
Ignorance  and  Immorality — Efforts  to  restore  the  Clerical  and  Monastic  Orders, 

Decline  of  learning   -        -        -        -        -        -        -  -        -212 

Exhortations  of  Alcuin  -        -        -        -        -        -  -        -        -213 

The  Danes -  -         -         ib. 

793  They  destroy  the  abbey  of  Lindisfarne  -        -        -  -        -        -211 

Invasion  of  Ragnar  Lodbrog      -        -        ■        "     "  -  -        -      215 

866  of  his  sons -        -        -216 

867  They  ravage  Northumbria-         ...---        -        ib. 

867  Nuns  of  Coldingham 217 

870  Destruction  of  Croyland    --------      218 

of  Medeshamstede       -------  220 

of  Ely 222 

678  Victories  of  Alfred 223 

Ferocity  of  the  people        --------      224 

Ignorance    -         --------        --jj. 

Degeneracy  of  the  clergy  --------      226 

Extinction  of  the  monastic  order    -------  228 

Convents  of  nuns      ---------      230 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

Restoration  of  Ecclesiastical  Discipline — St.  Dunstan — He  is  raised  to  the  See  of 
Canterbury — Reproves  Edgar — Opposes  the  Pontiff — Restores  the  3Io7iks— 
Council  of  Culne. 

920  Birth  of  St.  Dunstan 234 

He  is  introduced  to  court  --------        ib. 

Becomes  a  monk  .----__--    /ft. 


CONTENTS.  15 

A.  D.  Page 

Dunstan  is  made  abbot  of  Glastonbury       .        .        -        -        *      235 

956  Offends  Edwin 236 

956  Is  banished 237 

960  Is  recalled 238 

961  Is  made  archbishop  of  Canterbury      ------       239 

Reproves  Edgar    ----------     li. 

Opposes  the  pontiff   ---------      240 

Reforms  the  clergy        ---------  241 

963  Oswald  expels  the  clergy  from  Worcester  -----       242 

963  Ethelwold  expels  them  from  "Winchester         -----  243 

Canons  in  favour  of  the  monks  ------246 

Concord  of  the  English  monks      -------  247 

Restoration  of  learning      --------       248 

J?]lfric's  translations  and  homilies-         ------    ib. 

Discipline  of  the  clergy     --------       250 

978  Council  of  Calne  -        -        - 252 

1011  Sack  of  Canterbury 254 

1012  Martyrdom  of  St.  Elphege     -- 255 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Mssions  of  the  Jlnglo-Saxons — St.    Willibrord — St,  Boniface-^Sti  Willehad—^ 
St.  Sigjrid  in  Sweden — Conversion  of  DenmarJi — Of  Norway. 

675  St.  Wilfrid  preaches  in  Friesland  -------  258 

686  Ecgbert  plans  the  foreign  missions      ------       259 

690  St.  Willibrord  converts  the  Frisians       -        ^        .        -        -        -  260 
692  Martyrdom  of  the  two  Ewalds  -------        ib. 

Associates  of  St.  Willibrord  -------  261 

St.  Boniface 262 

719  He  preaches  in  Germany       --------  263 

724  Procures  associates  from  England       ------       264 

744  Reforms  the  clergy  of  France        -------  265 

755  Is  martyred        _---------       266 

772  St.  Willehad  preaches  to  the  northern  Germans       -        -         -        -  267 

1000  St.  Sigfrid  preaches  in  Sweden ib. 

1019  Anglo-Saxon  missionaries  in  Denmark  ------  268 

Conversion  of  St.  Olave,  king  of  Norway-        -        -        -        -        ib. 

1027  Anglo-Saxon  missionaries  in  Norway    ------    ib, 

NOTES. 

854  Ethelwulfs  donation  to  the  church  (A) 269 

Definition  of  a  good  Christian  (B)         ------  270 

Anglo-Saxon  moneys  (C)  --------       272 

Double  monasteries  (D)         --------  279 

Miscellaneous  remarks  on  the  monks  (E) 280 


16  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  Page 

Saxon  building-s  (F) 284 

Relaxation  of  discipline  (G) 286 

Supremacy  of  St.  Peter  (H) 287 

747  Henry's  account  of  the  council  of  Cloveshoe  (I)  ...       288 

Carte's  account  of  St.  Wilfrid  (K) 290 

Monasteries  at  Lindisfame  (L) 292 

Organ  at  Winchester  (M)     -        -         - 293 

Belief  respecting  the  eucharist  (N) 294 

Imposition  of  public  penance  (0) 304 

Confirmation     _.--------       306 

On  the  coronation  of  princes  (O) ib. 

Menologies  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  (P) 308 

On  images  (Q)     ----------  311 

Latin  versions  of  the  Scriptures  (R) 312 

Anglo-Saxon  pronunciation  of  Greek  (S)        -----  313 
Anglo-Saxon  poetry  (T)    -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -315 

Alcuin's  epitaph  (U) 317 

Account  of  Elgiva  and  Ethelgiva  (V) 318 

Church  at  Winchester  (X) 321 

Anglo-Saxon  Alphabet        ---------      323 

The  Lord's  Prayer  in  Saxon 324 


r  t 


ANTIQUITIES 


OF   THE 


ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Christianity  introduced  into  Britain — The  conquests  of  the  Saxons — Their  conyersion 
— Conduct  of  the  Missionaries — Controversies  respecting  Easter, 

At  the  commencement  qf  the  Christian  era,  Britain  was  the 
principal  seat  of  the  Druidical  superstition.  By  whoi)i,  and  at 
what  period,  the  natives  were  converted  to  Christianity,  are  sub- 
jects of  interesting  but  doubtful  inquiry.^  If  we  n:iay  beheve 
the  testimony  of  an  ancient  and  respectable  historian,  tiiey  were 
indebted  for  tiiis  invaluable  blessing  to  the  zeal  of  some  among 
the  first  disciples  of  Christ.^  The  names  of  the  missionaries  he 
thought  proper  to  omit:  but  the  omission  has  been  amply  sup- 
plied by  the  industry  of  more  modern  writers.  With  the  aid  of 
legends,  traditions,  and  conjectures,  tbey  have  discovered  that 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  St.  Simon  and  St.  James,  severally 
preached  in  Britain;  and  that,  after  their  departure,  the  pious 
undertaking  was  continued  by  the  labours  of  Aristobulus,  and 
Joseph  of  Ariniathea.^     To  notice  the  evidence  which  has  been 

'  For  the  time,  we  are  often  referred  to  the  words  of  Gildas,  (tempore,  ut  scimus,  suji}. 
moTiberii  Csesaris.  Gild,  de  excid.  Brit.  edit.  Bertram,  p.  71  ;)  but  a  diligent  perusal 
will  show  that  the  writer  alludes  to  the  first  preaching  of  the  gospel  in  the  Ronjan  em* 
pire,  not  to  the  conversion  of  Britain. 

2  See  Eusebius,  (Dem.  Evang.  1,  i.  c.  7,)  who  informs  us,  tl^at  the  apostles  not  only 
preached  to  the  nations  on  the  continent,  but  passed  the  ocean  and  visited  the  British  isles, 
(TTreg  Tov  u)Ki-j.\'ijv  Tr^e^x'^nv  iTi  tjic  v-mxiifjiViM  B^£TTiv/;t-<f  vjfiTBc.)  Theodoret  appears  to  as- 
sert the  same,  though  his  words  may  admit  a  wider  interpretation.     Oi  h  nfxi^ifA  etxim 

Theod.  torn.  iv.  p.  610. 

3  The  original  testimonies  are  carefully  collected  by  Usher,  (De  Brit.  Eccl.  primord. 
p.  1 — 30.)  The  Catholic  polemics  were  anxious  to  prove  that  the  British  church  was 
founded  by  St.  Peter,  (Parsons.  Three  conver.  vol.  i.  p.  7,  fol.  1688.  Broughton, 
Eccles.  Hist.  p.  6S.  Alford,  Annal.  torn.  i.  n.  26.  ,39.  49,)  and  the  Protestant  objected 
with  equal  zeal  the  rival  pretensions  of  St.  Paul,  (Godwin,  De  prim.  Brit,  conver.  p.  5. 
Stillingtteet,  Orig.  Brit.  p.  37.)  The  former  relied  on  the  treacherous  authority  of 
Metaphrastes  :  the  latter  on  the  ambiguous  and  hyperbolical  expressions  of  a  few  more 
ancient  writers. 

3  B  2  17 


18  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

adduced  in  support  of  these  fables,  would  be  superfluous,  lu  an 
age  of  less  discernment,  they  could  hardly  obtain  credit:  in  the 
present  they  may  be  deservedly  neglected. 

If  it  be  true  that,  at  this  early  period,  any  of  the  Britons  em- 
braced the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  we  may  safely  pronounce  their 
number  to  have  been  inconsiderable,  and  must  look  to  some  later 
epocha  for  the  more  general  dilfusion  of  religious  knowledge. 
]?y  the  native  writers  we  are  referred  to  the  reign  of  Lucius,  a 
British  prince,  who  is  conjectured  to  have  been  the  third  in  de- 
scent from  Caractacus,  and  to  have  inherited  a  portion  of  the 
authority,  which  Claudius  had  formerly  bestowed  upon  that 
hero.**  Though  educated  in  the  errors  of  paganism,  he  had  im 
bibed,  according  to  their  account,  a  secret  reverence  for  the  God 
of  the  Christians ;  and  was  at  last  encouraged  by  the  favourable 
edict  of  the  Emperor  Aurelins,  to  solicit  the  spiritual  aid  of  Eleu- 
therius  the  Roman  pontift^^  Two  clergymen,  Fugatius  and 
Damianus,  were  commissioned  to  second  the  pious  wishes  of  the 
prince ;  their  zealous  exertions  were  rewarded  with  the  most 
rapid  success ;  and  the  honourable  title  of  apostles  of  Britain  was 
secured  to  them  by  the  gratitude  of  their  disciples.'' 

Of  the  subsequent  history  of  the  British  church,  but  few  par- 
ticulars can  be  gleaned  from  the  works  of  the  ancient  writers. 
The  first  event  which  claims  our  notice  is  the  persecution  raised 
against  the  Christians  by  the  policy,  or  the  superstition,  of  Dio 
clesian.  He  had  committed  the  government  of  the  island  to 
Constantius ;  and  that  prince,  though  he  abhorred  the  cruel 
policy  of  enforcing  perjury  and  dissimulation,  by  the  fear  of  tor- 
ments, dared  not,  in  the  subordinate  station  of  Caesar,  to  refuse 
the  publication  of  the  imperial  edict,  or  to  prevent  the  inferior 
magistrates  from  indulging  their  private  hatred  against  the 
enemies  of  the  gods.  If  the  British  church  had  to  lament,  on  this 
occasion,  the  weakness  of  several  among  her  children,  who 
yielded  to  the  impulse  of  terror,  she  could  also  boast  of  the 
courage  of  many,  who  braved  the  fury  of  their  adversaries,  and 
grasped  with  joy  the  crown  of  martyrdom.  At  their  head  our 
ancestors  were  accustomed  to  revere  the  saints,  Alban,  the  proto- 

*  He  was  the  great-grandson  of  Arviragus,  vphose  identity  with  Caractacus  was 
formerly  suggested  by  Alford,  (torn.  i.  p.  35,)  and  has  since  been  ably  maintained  by 
Dr.  Milncr,  (Hist,  of  Winch,  vol.  i.  p.  29.)  The  objections  of  Cressy,  (Hist.  p.  22,) 
and  of  Siillingtleet,  (Orig.  p,  29,)  may  be  easily  repelled,  or  eluded, 

*  The  conversion,  and  even  the  existence  of  Lucius,  have  been  questioned  by  the 
skepticism  of  some  writers.  But  that  the  Christain  faith  was  publicly  professed  in 
Britain,  before  the  close  of  the  second  century,  is  clear  from  incontestible  authority,; 
(Tert.  cont.  Jud.  p.  189,  edit.  Regalt.  Orig.  horn.  vi.  in  Luc,  hem.  vi.  in  Ezech. ;)  and 
that  Lucius  vi'as  the  person  to  whom  their  ancestors  owed  this  advantage,  is  the  general 
assertion  of  the  British  writers.  I  can  see  no  reason  why  their  evidence  should  be  re- 
fused, till  it  be  opposed  by  the  eq\)al  testimony  of  other  historians. 

"  Nennius,  p.  108,  edit.  Bert.  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  6C7.  Were  not  the  Triads  a  very 
questionable  authority,  a  dangerous  competitor  might  be  produced  in  Bran,  the  supposed 
grandfather  of  (Caractacus.     See  Triad  35. 


HERESY    OF    PELAGIL'S.  19 

martyr  of  Britain,  and  Julius  and  Aaron,  citizens  of  CaerleonJ 
But  Constantius  was  not  long  the  silent  spectator  of  cruelties 
which  he  condemned:  within  two  years  he  was  vested  with  the 
imperial  purple;  and,  from  that  moment,  he  placed  the  Christians 
under  his  protection,  and  returned  the  sword  of  persecution  into 
its  scabbard.^ 

In  a  remote  corner  of  the  west,  the  Britons  had  scarcely  heard 
of  the  controversies  which  agitated  the  oriental  churches.  But 
they  lent  a  more  willing  ear  to  the  doctrines  of  their  countryman 
Pelagius ;  and  his  disciples,  armed  with  syllogisms  and  distinc- 
tions from  the  logic  of  Aristotle,  confoRnded  the  simplicity,  though' 
they  could  not  pervert  the  faith  of  their  pastors.  The  rapid  pro- 
gress of  error  alarmed  the  zeal  of  the  orthodox  clergy ;  and  the 
Roman  pontiff,  or  the  bishops  of  Gaul,  or  perhaps  both,  com- 
missioned St.  Germanus  of  Asxerre,  and  St.  Lupus  of  Troyes, 
to  support  the  declining  cause  of  catholicity.**  They  met  the 
disciples  of  Pelagius  in  the  synod  of  Verulam :  the  day  was  spent 
in  unavailing  debate ;  in  the  evening  a  miracle  confirmed  the 
arguments  of  Germanus  ;  and  his  opponents  declared  themselves 
proselytes  to  his  doctrine.  The  missionaries  returned  in  triumph 
to  their  dioceses ;  but  th-ey  were  scarcely  departed,  when  the  ex- 
ploded opinions  were  preached  with  renewed  activity,  and  the 
bishop  of  Auxerre  wa-s  compelled  to  resume  his  apostolic  functions. 
His  labours,  however,  were  repaid  with  the  most  complete  suc- 
cess. The  partisans  of  error  disappeared  before  him ;  and  Pe- 
lagianism  was  eradicated  from  the  island.^"  But  the  satisfaction, 
which  the  Britons  expressed  at  this  event,  was  clouded  by  sub- 
sequent misfortunes :  a  foreign  and  more  formidable  enemy 
arose  ;  and,  after  a  long  and  doubtful  struggle,  the  religion,  with 
the  government  of  the  natives,  sunk  beneath  the  persevering 
efforts  of  the  Saxons, 

The  Saxons,  in  the  commencement  of  the  second  century, 
were  a  small  and  contemptible  tribe  on  the  neck  of  the  Cimbrian 
Chersonesus :"  in  the  fourth,  they  had  swelled  into  a  populous 
and  mighty  nation,  whose  territories  progressively  reached  the 
Elbe,  the  Weser,  the  Ems,  and  the  Rhine. '^  Their  favourite 
occupation  was  piracy.     A  body  of  Franks,  stationed  by  the 

7  Gild.  p.  72,  73.     Bed.  Hist.  I.  1,  c.  vii. 

8  Euseb.  vit.  Const.  I.  1,  c  xvi.  For  the  date  of  this  persecution,  an.  305,  see  Smith, 
(Bed.  Hist,  appeti.  p.  659.) 

9  An.  42fl.  From  whom  Germanus  received  his  mission,  is  an  unimportnnt  question, 
which  has  been  warmlj'  but  fruitlessly  discusseil.  By  Constantius  (Vit.  Germ.  1.  I.e. 
xiy.)  it  is  ascribed  to  the  Gallic  prelates;  by  Prosper  (Chron.  ad.  an.  429,  lib.  adv. 
collat.  c.  xli.)  to  Pope  Celestine. 

10  Vit.  Ger.  I,  ll,c.  i. 

^^  Evj  Tov  m;/(_ivx  THc  KifxCeix.:ic  ^ecp'.inTk!.  Ptol.  in  quar.  Europ.  tab.  That  Ptolemy 
wrote  before  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  appears  from  the  latest  of  his  observa- 
tions, which  were  made  in  the  year  l.'?9,  (Encycl.  method.  Physique,  torn.  i.  p.  .^O.').) 

'^.\mm.  Marcel.  I.  37.     Eihelwerd.  I,  1,  f.  474,  edit.  Savile.  ' 


20  ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH, 

emperor  Probus  on  the  coast  of  Pontus,  had  seized  a  Roman 
fleet,  and  steering  unmolested  through  the  Bosphorus  and  the 
Mediterranean  sea,  had  reached  in  safety  the  shores  of  Batavia. 
Their  successful  temerity  awakened  the  adventurous  spirit  of  the 
neighbouring  nations;  who,  though  they  were  ignorant  of  the  art 
of  navigation,  though  they  possessed  neither  the  patience  nor  the 
skill  to  imitate  the  construction  of  the  Roman  vessels,  boldly  de- 
termined to  try  their  fortune  on  the  ocean.  In  light  and  narrow 
skiffs,  the  intrepid  barbarians  committed  themselves  to  the  mercy 
of  the  winds  and  waves ;"  the  commerce  of  the  provincials  re- 
•warded  their  audacity,  and  increased  their  numbers;  and,  in  the 
midst  of  every  storm,  the  Saxon  squadrons  issued  from  their 
ports,  swept  the  neighbouring  seas,  and  pillaged  with  impunity 
the  unsuspecting  coasts  of  Gaul  and  Britain.  When  the  Emperor 
Honorius  recalled  the  legions  from  the  defence  of  the  island,  the 
natives,  who  had  often  experienced  the  desperate  valour  of  the 
Saxons,  solicited  their  assistance  against  their  ancient  enemies 
the  Picts  and  the  Scots.  Hengist,  with  a  small  band  of  merce- 
naries, accepted  the  proposal:'-*  but  the  perfidious  barbarian 
turned  the  sword  against  his  employers,  and  the  possession  of 
Kent  was  the  fruit  of  his  treachery.  The  fortune  of  Hengist 
stimulated  the  ambition  of  other  chieftains.  Shoals  of  new  ad- 
venturers annually  sought  the  shores  of  Britain;  and  the  natives, 
though  they  defended  themselves  with  a  courage  worthy  of  a 
more  prosperous  issue,  were  gradually  compelled  to  retire  to  the 
steep  and  lofty  mountains  which  cover  the  western  coast. 

By  this  memorable  revolution,  the  fairer  portion  of  the  island, 
fi'om  the  wall  of  Antoninus  to  the  British  channel,  was  unequally 
divided  among  eight  independent  chieftains.^^  The  other  bar- 
barous tribes,  that  dismembered  the  Roman  empire,  exercised  the 
right  of  victory  with  some  degree  of  moderation  ;  and,  by  incor- 
porating the  natives  with  themselves,  insensibly  learned  to  imi- 
tate their  manners,  and  to  adopt  their  worship.  But  the  natural 
ferocity  of  the  Saxons  had  been  sharpened  by  the  stubborn  re- 
sistance of  the  Britons.  They  spared  neither  the  lives  nor  the  habi- 
tations of  their  enemies ;  submission  was  seldom  able  to  disarm 
their  fury ;  and  the  churches,  towns,  and  villages,  all  the  works 
of  art,  and  all  the  remains  of  Roman  grandeur,  were  devoured 
by  the  flames.'""      But  while  they  thus  indulged  their  reseiit- 

'^  Cui  pelle  salum  sulcare  Britannum 

Lucius,  ct  assuto  glaucuin  mare  findere  lembo. 

>Sid.  ApoL  carm.  7,  ad.  Avlt. 

"Ann.  449. 

"Anxious  for  the  honour  of  his  countrymen,  Goodall  attempts  to  prove,  that  the 
conquests  of  the  Saxons  were  lioundcd  by  the  river  Tweed.  See  his  introduction  to 
Scottish  history  prefixed  to  Fordun's  Scotichronicon,  (Edin.  1759,  p.  40.) 

"'  Confovebatur  do  mari  us(]ne  ad  mare  ignis,  orieritali  sacrilegorum  manu  cxagge- 
ratuR,  ot  finitimas  quas(]ue  civitates  agrosque  populans,  qui  non  quievit  accensus,  donee 
cnnctam  pene  exurens  insular  supcrficieni  rubra  occidentalem  trucique  occanum  lingua 
dt'lanilteret.      fiild.  p.  85.     (iildas  was  an  enemy  and  a  Uriton.      He  may  have  exag- 


t-e.A.1.   OF    GREGORY  FOR    THE    CONVERSION    OF    BRITAIN.       21 

ment,  they  dried  up  the  more  obvious  sources  of  civil  and  reU- 
gious  improvement.  With  the  race  of  the  ancient  inhabitants 
disappeared  the  refinements  of  society,  and  the  knowledge  of  the 
gospel :  to  the  worship  of  the  true  God  succeeded  the  impure 
rites  of  Woden ;  and  the  ignorance  and  barbarism  of  the  north 
of  Germany  were  transplanted  into  the  most  flourishing  pro- 
vinces of  Britain. 

It  was  once  the  boast,  or  the  consolation  of  the  Greeks,  that, 
if  they  had  been  subdued  by  the  superior  fortune  of  Rome,  Rome 
in  her  turn  had  yielded  to  them  the  empire  of  learning  and  the 
arts."  The  history  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  presents  an 
almost  similar  revolution.  The  fierce  valour  of  the  northern  bar- 
barians annihilated  the  temporal  pov/er  of  Rome ;  and  the  reli- 
gion of  Rome  triumphed  over  the  gods  of  the  barbarians. 
Scarcely  had  the  Saxons  obtained  the  undisputed  possession  of 
their  conquests,  when  a  private  monk  conceived  the  bold,  but 
benevolent  design,  of  reducing  these  savage  warriors  under  the 
obedience  of  the  gospel.  Gregory,  on  whom  the  veneration  of 
posterity  has  bestowed  the  epithet  of  the  great,  had  lately  re- 
signed the  dignity  of  Roman  prefect,  and  buried  in  the  obscurity 
of  the  cloister  all  his  prospects  of  worldly  greatness.  While  he 
remained  in  this  humble  station,  he  chanced  to  pass  through  the 
public  market  at  the  moment  in  which  some  Saxon  slaves  were 
exposed  to  sale.  Their  beauty  caught  the  eye  of  the  fervent 
monk ;  and  he  exclaimed,  with  a  pious  zeal,  that  forms  so  fair 
ought  no  longer  to  be  excluded  from  the  inheritance  of  Christ. 
Impressed  with  this  idea,  he  repaired  to  the  pontiff,  and  extorted 
from  him  a  reluctant  permission  to  quit  his  monastery,  and  an- 
nounce the  gospel  to  the  barbarous  conquerors  of  Britain.  But 
the  people  of  Rome  were  unwilling  to  be  deprived  of  a  man 
whose  virtues  they  adored.  Their  clamours  retarded  his  depart- 
ure; and  his  subsequent  elevation  to  the  papal  throne  compelled 
him  to  abandon  the  design. ^^ 

Gregory,  however,  still  kept  his  eyes  fixed  on  Britain.  The 
absence  of  his  personal  exertions  he  Could  easily  supply  by  those 
of  other  missionaries  ;  and,  from  his  high  station  in  the  church, 
he  might  direct  their  operations,  and  second  their  endeavours. 
The  patrimony  of  Sf.  Peter,  in  Gaul,  was  at  this  period  adminis- 
tered by  the  presbyter  Candidus.  To  him  he  gave  an  extraordi- 
nary commission  to  purchase  a  competent  number  of  Saxon 

gerated  the  cruelties  of  the  invaders;  but  the  substance  of  his  narrative  is  corroborated 
by  the  Saxon  chronicle,  (p.  15,)  and  by  the  subsequent  tenor  of  the  Saxon  history. 

'"  Grsecia  capta  ferum  victorem  cepit,  et  artes 
Intulit  ai^resli  Latio. — Hou. 

'8  Bede  1.  ii.  p.  78.  I  see  no  reason  to  dispute  the  truth  of  this  anecdote,  oil  the 
ground  that  it  is  not  mentioned  by  foreign  writers.  Bede  asserts,  that  he  received  it 
"traditione  majorum  ;"  and  no  nation  could  he  more  interested  than  the  Saxons  to  pre* 
serve  the  memory  of  the  accident  which  led  to  their  conversion.  See  also  the  Saxon 
homily  in  nat.  St.  Greg.  p.  11.  18,  edit.  Elstob. 


S3  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THK    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

slaves  under  the  age  of  eighteen,  and  to  send  them  with  sure 
guides  to  Rome,  where  they  might  be  educated  under  his  eye, 
and  at  his  expense. ^^  It  was  his  intention  to  raise  them,  at  a  con- 
venient time,  to  the  priesthood,  and  to  employ  them  in  the  con- 
version of  their  countrymen.  But  their  progress  was  slow;  and 
his  zeal  was  impatient.  After  a  short  interval  he  resolved  to  try 
the  courage  of  his  monks,  ignorant  as  they  were  of  the  language 
and  manners  of  the  barbarians.  Having  selected  the  most  learned 
and  virtuous  of  the  community,  he  explained  to  them  his  views, 
elevated  their  hopes  with  the  prospect  of  eternal  rewards,  and 
confirmed  their  consent  with  his  apostolical  benediction.  Ani- 
mated by  the  exhortation  of  the  pontiff,  the  missionaries  tra- 
versed with  speed  the  north  of  Italy,  and  arrived  at  the  foot  of 
the  Gallic  Alps :  but  the  enthusiasm  which  they  had  imbibed  in 
Rome,  insensibly  evaporated  during  their  journey ;  and,  from 
the  neighbourhood  of  Lerins,  they  despatched  Augustine,  their 
superior,  to  Gregory,  to  explain  their  reasons  for  declining  so  un- 
promising and  so  dangerous  an  enterprise.  But  the  pontiff  was 
inflexible.  He  exhorted,  conjured,  commanded  them  to  proceed  ; 
he  solicited  in  their  favour  the  protection  of  the  princes  and  pre- 
lates of  the  Franks ;  he  begged  of  the  Gallic  clergy  to  depute 
some  of  their  body  to  be  their  interpreters  and  associates ;  and  at 
last,  after  a  long  and  tedious  suspense,  received  the  welcome 
news,  that  they  had  landed  in  safety  on  the  isle  of  Thanet.  It 
was  the  year  five  hundred  and  ninety-seven. 

Of  the  Saxon  kingdoms,  that  of  Kent  was  the  most  ancient, 
and  the  best  disposed  to  receive  the  truths  of  the  gospel.  The 
immediate  descendants  of  Hengist  seem  not  to  have  inherited 
the  martial  virtues  of  that  conqueror,  but,  by  cultivating  the  arts 
of  peace,  they  had  endeavoured  to  excite  a  spirit  of  improve- 
ment among  their  subjects.  The  example  of  their  neighbours, 
the  Franks,  who  had  embraced  the  Christian  faith,  taught  them 
to  view  with  less  partiahty  the  worship  of  their  ancestors;  and 
from  the  prosperity  of  that  apostate  people  they  might  infer,  that 
victory  was  not  exclusively  attached  to  the  votaries  of  Woden. 
Bertha,  daughter  to  Charibert,  king  of  Paris,  was  married  to 
their  sovereign  :  she  practised  the  rites  of  the  gospel  in  the 
heart  of  their  metropolis ;  and  the  saintly  deportment  of  Liud- 
hard,  the  prelate  who  attended  her,  reflected  a  lustre  on  the  faith 
which  he  professed.  From  the  epistles  of  St.  Gregory  it  appears, 
that  these  and  similar  causes  had  awakened  a  desire  of  religious 
knowledge  among  the  inhabitants  of  Kent,  and  that  application 
for  instruction  had  been  made  to  the  prelates  of  the  Franks; 
whose  apathy  and  indolence  are  lashed  by  the  severe  but  merited 
animadversions  of  the  pontiff.^" 

'9Greg.  Ep.  I.  v.  ep.  10. 

20  Bed.  Hist.  1.  i.  [I.  Gl.  Malm,  dc  Reg.  1.  i.  c.  i.  f.  4,  edit.  Savile.  Greg.  Ep.  1.  v. 
cp.  58,  S'J. 


AUGUSTINE    PREACHES    TO    THE    KENTISH    SAXONS.  23 

It  was  at  this  favourable  period  that  Augustine  reached  the 
isle  of  Thanet,  and  despatciied  a  messenger  to  inform  the  Saxon 
king,  that  he  was  arrived  from  a  distant  country,  to  open  to  him 
and  his  subjects  the  gates  of  eternal  happiness.  Probably  the 
mind  of  Ethelbert  had  been  prepared  by  the  diligence  of  his 
queen.  He  consented  to  hear  the  foreign  priests  :  but  fearful  of 
the  secret  influence  of  magic,  determined  to  give  them  audience  in 
the  open  air.  Elated  with  this  faint  gleam  of  success,  the  mis- 
sionaries approached  the  appointed  place  in  the  slow  and  solemn 
pomp  of  a  religious  procession :  before  them  was  borne  a  silver 
cross,  and  a  portrait  of  Christ ;  and  the  air  resounded  with  the 
anthems  which  they  chanted,  in  alternate  choirs,  praying  for  the 
conversion  of  the  pagans.  Ethelbert  listened  with  attention  to  the 
discourse  of  Augustine  :  his  answer  was  reserved  but  humane. 
Though  he  expressed  no  inclination  to  abandon  the  Avorship  of 
his  foreftithers,  he  acknowledged  that  the  offers  of  the  missionary 
were  plausible,  and  praised  the  charity,  which  had  prompted 
strangers  to  undertake  so  perilous  a  journey,  for  the  advantage 
of  an  unknown  people.  He  concluded  with  an  assurance  of  his 
protection  as  long  as  they  chose  to  remain  in  his  dominions.^^ 

Without  the  Avails  of  Canterbury,  the  queen  had  discovered 
the  ruins  of  an  ancient  church,  built  by  the  Britons  in  honour  of 
St.  Martin.  By  her  orders  it  had  been  repaired,  and  given  to 
the  Bishop  Liudhard :  it  was  now  transferred  to  the  use  of  the 
missionaries,  whose  etforts  she  seconded  with  all  her  influence. 
The  patronage  of  the  sovereign  insured  the  respect  of  the  sub- 
jects ;  and  curiosity  led  numbers  to  view  the  public  service,  and 
learn  the  religious  tenets  of  the  strangers.  They  admired  the 
solemnity  of  their  worship ;  the  pure  and  sublime  morality  of 
their  doctrine  ;  tlieir  zeal,  their  austerity,  and  their  virtue.  In- 
sensibly the  prejudices  of  the  idolaters  wore  away ;  and  the 
priests  of  Woden  began  to  lament  the  solitude  of  their  altars 
Ethelbert,  who  at  first  maintained  a  decent  reserve,  ventured  to 
profess  himself  a  Christian ;  and  so  powerful  was  his  examplcj 
that  ten  thousand  Saxons  followed  their  prince  to  the  waters  of 
baptism. ^^ 

From  the  natural  ferocity  of  the  Saxon  character,  there  was  rea- 
son to  fear  that  tiie  royal  convert,  in  the  fervour  of  proselytism, 
might  employ  the  flames  of  persecution  to  accelerate  the  progress 
of  Christianity.     But  his  teachers  were  actuated  by  motives  more 

21  Bed.  I.  i.  p.  61.  Horn.  Sax.  in  nat.  St.  Greg.  p.  33 — 31.  Gosceline  pretends  to 
give  us  the  very  speech  of  Augustine;  but  it  was  probably  composed  for  him  by  tliat 
writer,  (Ang.  Sac.  toni.  ii.  p.  .59.)  From  the  Saxon  homily  we  learn,  that  on  this  and 
similar  occasions,  the  French  clergymen  served  as  interjjreters.  Aiib  lie  )'unh 
Jjjppa  pealpcoba  inub  bam  cyninje  "^  h\y  leobe  Dobep  popb 
bobobe.  p.  33. 

22  Bcde  I.  i.  c.  26.  The  joy  of  the  pontifl"  prompted  him  to  impart  his  success  to 
Eulogius,  (he  patriarch  of  Alexandria.  In  solemnitate  Dominicse  nativitalis  plus  quam 
decern  millia  Angli  ab  eodem  nunciati  sunt  fratre  ct  co-episcop  j  nostro  baptisati.  (Ep. 
Greg.  1.  vii.  pp.  30.     Smith's  Bed.  app.  viii.) 


34  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH, 

congenial  lO  the  mild  spirit  of  the  gospel :  and  with  a  moderation 
which  is  not  always  the  associate  of  zeal,  sedulously  inculcated 
that  the  worship  of  man,  to  be  grateful  to  the  Deity,  must  be  the 
spontaneous  dictate  of  the  heart;  and  that  the  obstinacy  of  llie 
idolater  was  to  be  overcome,  not  by  the  sword  of  the  magistrate, 
but  by  the  labours  of  the  missionary. ^^  These  lessons  they  had 
imbibed  from  the  mouth  of  the  pontitf ;  and  they  were  frequently 
inculcated  in  his  letters.  In  obedience  to"'  li^^  instructions,  the 
weakness  and  prejudices  of  the  converts  were  respected  ;  the  de- 
serted temples  of  Woden  were  convej-ted  into  Christian  churchy  ; 
and  the  national  customs  gradually  adapted  to  the  offices  of  reli- 
gion. Hitherto  the  Saxons  had  been  accustomed  to  enliven  the 
solemnity  of  their  worship  by  the  merriment  of  the  table.  The 
victims  which  had  bled  on  the  altars  of  the  gods,  furnished  the 
principal  materials  of  the  feast ;  and  the  praises  of  their  warriors 
were  mingled  with  the  hymns  chanted  in  honour  of  the  Divinity. 
Totally  to  have  abolished  this  practice,  might  have  alienated 
their  minds  from  a  religion,  which  forbade  the  most  favourite  of 
their  amusements.  By  the  direction  of  Gregory,  similar  enter- 
tainments were  permitted  on  the  festivals  of  the  Christian  mar- 
tyrs ;  tents  were  erected  in  the  vicinity  of  the  church ;  and  as 
soon  as  the  service  was  concluded,  the  converts  were  exhorted 
to  indulge  with  sobriety  in  their  accustomed  gratifications,  and 
return  their  thanks  to  that  Being,  who  showers  down  his  bless- 
ings on  the  human  race.^^ 

From  Kent  the  knowledge  of  the  gospel  was  speedily  trans- 
mitted to  the  neighbouring  and  dependent  kingdom  of  Essex. 
Saberct,  the  reigning  prince,  received  with  respect  the  Abbot 
Mellitus,  and  invited  him  to  reside  in  his  metropolis."  But  the 
prospect  of  the  missionary  closed  wath  the  death  of  his  patron. 
The  three  sons  of  Saberct,  who  were  still  attached  to  the  worship 
of  their  ancestors,  bursting  into  the  church  during  the  time  of 
sacrifice,  demanded  a  portion  of  the  consecrated  bread,  which 
Mellitus  was  distributing  to  the  people.^*'  The  bishop  (he  had 
been  lately  invested  with  the  episcopal  dignity)  dared  to  refuse; 
and  banishment  was  the  consequence  of  his  refusal.  He  joined 
his  brethren  in  Kent :  but  they  were  involved  m  equal  difficul- 
ties. After  the  death  of  Bertha,  Ethelbert  had  married  a  second 
wife.  His  son  Eadbald  was  captivated  with  her  youth  and 
beauty ;  at  his  accession  to  the  throne  he  took  her  to  his  bed ; 
and  when  the  missionaries  ventured  to  remonstrate,  abandoned 
a  religion  which  forbade  the  gratification  of  his  passion.     Dis- 

"  BeJ.  1.  i.  c.  26.     Horn.  Sax.  in  nat.  St.  Grog,  p.  36. 

- '  For  this  condescension,  which  was  copied  from  the  practice  of  the  first  Christian 
missionaries,  (Mosh.  Hist.  Eccl.  ssec.  ii.  p.  2,  c.  iv.  not.)  the  pontiff  has  been  chastised 
by  the  puritanical  zeal  of  Dr.  Henry,  (vol.  iii.  p.  194.)  He  asserts,  that  it  introduced 
the  grossest  corruptions  into  the  Christian  worship.  But  to  accuse,  is  easier  than  to 
prove  :  and  Henry  has  prudently  forcrotten  to  specifv  the  nature  of  these  corruptions. 

2^  An.  604.  '  2n  Bed.'l.  ii.  c.  T^. 


CONVERSION    OP    EDWIN.  25 

heartened  by  so  many  misfortunes,  Mellitus,  with  Justus  of  Ro- 
chester, retired  into  Gaul.-''  Laurentius,  the  successor  of  St. 
Augustine,  had  determined  to  follow  their  example;  but  spent 
the  night  before  his  intended  departure  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter. 
At  break  of  day  he  repaired  to  the  palace  ;  discovered  to  the  king 
the  marks  of  stripes  on  his  shoulders  ;  and  assured  him,  that  they 
had  been  inflicted  by  the  hands  of  the  apostle,  as  the  reward  of 
his  cowardice.  Eadlmld  was  astonished  and  confounded.  He 
expressed  his  willingness  to  remove  the  causes  of  discontent; 
dismissed  his  father's  widow  from  his  bed ;  and  recalled  the 
fugitive  bishops.  His  subsequent  conduct  proved  the  sincerity 
of  his  conversion :  and  Christianity,  supported  by  his  influence, 
soon  assumed  an  ascendancy  wliich  it  ever  after  maintained.^^ 

From  the  south,  the  knowledge  of  the  gospel  passed  to  the 
most  northern  of  the  Saxon  nations.  Edwin,  the  powerful  king 
of  Northumbria,  had  asked  and  obtained  the  hand  of  Edilberga, 
the  daughter  of  Ethelbert :  but  the  zeal  of  her  brother  had  stipu- 
lated that  she  should  enjoy  the  free  exercise  of  her  religion,  and 
had  extorted  from  the  impatient  suitor  a  promise,  that  he  would 
impartially  examine  the  credibility  of  the  Christian  faith.  With 
these  conditions  Edwin  complied,  and  alternately  consulted  the 
Saxon  priests  and  Paulinus,  a  bishop  who  had  accompanied  the 
queen.  Though  the  arguments  of  the  missionary  were  enforced 
by  the  entreaties  of  Edilberga,  the  king  was  slow  to  resolve  ; 
and  two  years  were  spent  in  anxious  deliberation.  At  length, 
attended  by  Paulinus,  he  entered  the  great  council  of  the  nation ; 
requested  the  advice  of  his  faithful  Witan  ;  and  exposed  the  rea- 
sons which  induced  him  to  prefer  the  Christian  to  the  pagan  wor- 
ship.^^  Coiffi,  the  high  priest  of  Northumbria,  was  the  first  to 
reply.  It  might  have  been  expected,  that  prejudice  and  interest  - 
would  have  armed  him  with  arguments  against  the  adoption  of 
a  foreign  creed :  but  his  attachment  to  paganism  had  been 
weakened  by  repeated  disappointments,  and  he  had  learned  to 
despise  the  gods,  who  had  neglected  to  reward  his  services. 
That  the  religion  which  he  had  hitherto  taught,  was  useless,  he 
attempted  to  prove  from  his  own  misfortunes ;  and  avowed  his 
resolution  to  listen  to  the  reasons,  and  examine  the  doctrine  of 
Paulinus.  He  was  followed  by  an  aged  thane,  whose  discourse 
offers  an  interesting  picture  of  the  simplicity  of  the  age.  "When," 
said  he,  "0  king,  you  and  your  ministers  are  seated  at  table  in 
the  depth  of  winter,  and  the  cheerful  fire  blazes  on  the  hearth  in 
the  middle  of  the  hall,  a  sparrow,  perhaps,  chased  by  the  wind 
and  snow,  enters  at  one  door  of  the  apartment,  and  escapes  by 
the  other.  During  the  moment  of  its  passage,  it  enjoys  the 
warmth ;  when  it  is  once  departed,  it  is  seen  no  more.     Such  is 

•'  Ann.  625,     Both  Justus  and  Mellitus  became  afterwards  archbishops  of  Canter- 
bury, 

28  Id,  1,  ii.  c.  6,  29  An.  627. 

4  C 


26  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

ihe  nature  of  man.  During  a  few  years  his  existence  is  visible 
but  what  has  preceded,  or  what  will  follow  it,  is  concealed  from 
the  view  of  mortals.  If  the  new  religion  offer  any  information 
on  these  important  subjects,  it  must  be  worthy  of  our  atten- 
tion."^°  To  these  reasons  the  other  members  assented.  Pauli- 
nus  was  desired  to  explain  the  principal  articles  of  the  Christian 
faith :  and  the  king  expressed  his  determination  to  embrace  the 
doctrine  of  the  missionary.  When  it  was  asked,  who  would 
dare  to  profane  the  altars  of  Woden,  Coiffi  accepted  the  danger- 
ous office.  Laying  aside  the  emblems  of  the  priestly  dignity,  he 
assumed  the  dress  of  a  warrior :  and,  despising  the  prohibitions 
of  the  Saxon  superstition,  mounted  the  favourite  charger  of 
Edwin.  By  those  who  were  ignorant  of  his  motives,  his  conduct 
was  attributed  to  a  tempora.ry  insanity.  But  he  disregarded  their 
clamours,  proceeded  to  the  nearest  temple,  and,  bidding  defiance 
to  the  gods  of  his  fathers,  hurled  his  spear  into  the  sacred  edifice. 
It  stuck  in  the  opposite  wall  f^  and,  to  the  surprise  of  the  trem- 
bling spectators,  the  heavens  were  silent,  and  the  sacrilege  was 
unpunished.  Insensibly  they  recovered  from  their  fears,  and, 
encouraged  by  the  exhortation  of  Coiffi,  burnt  to  the  ground  the 
temple  and  the  surrounding  groves.^^  From  so  favourable  a  be- 
ginning, the  missionary  might  have  ventured  to  predict  the  entire 
conversion  of  the  nation :  but  he  could  not  calculate  the  numer- 
ous chances  of  war ;  and  all  the  fruits  of  his  labours  were 
speedily  blasted  by  the  immature  death  of  the  king.  Edwin  was 
slain  as  he  bravely  fought  against  Penda  king  of  Mercia,  and 
Casdwalla  king  of  the  Britons.  During  more  than  twelve  months, 
the  victors  pillaged  the  kingdom  of  Northumbria  without  opposi- 
tion ;  Edilberga,  her  children,  and  Paulinus,  were  compelled  to 
seek  an  asylum  in  Kent ;  and  the  converts,  deprived  of  instruc- 
tion, easily  relapsed  into  their  former  idolatry. 

The  history  of  the  Saxon  kingdoms  is  marked  with  the  most 
rapid  vicissitudes  of  fortune.  Oswald  and  Eanfrid  were  the  sons 
of  Adelfrid,  the  predecessor  of  Edwin.  In  the  mountains  of  Scot- 
land they  had  concealed  themselves  from  the  jealousy  of  that 
prince ;  and  had  spent  the  time  of  their  exile  in  learning,  from 
the  monks  of  Hii,  the  principles  of  the  gospel.  After  the  victory 
of  the  confederate  kings,  they  returned  to  Northumbria.  Eanfrid 
was  treacherously  slain  in  a  parley  with  Csedwalla :  Oswald 
determined  to  avenge  the  calamities  of  his  family  and  country. 
With  a  small,  but  resolute  band  of  followers,  he  sought  the  army 

30  Bed.  I.  ii.  c.  13. 

^'  This  circumstance  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Latin  copies  of  Bede  ;  but  it  has  been 
preserved  by  King  Alfred  in  his  version.  Da  fceaC  he  mib  hip  fpejie  p 
hic  pcicobe  pcTpce  on  bam  heapje.     Bed.  Hist.  Sax.  p.  517. 

'^  Alcuin  has  celebrated  the  fame  of  Coiffi  in  his  poem  on  the  church  of  York, 
O  nimium  tanti  feUx  audacia  facti ! 
Polluit  ante  alios  quas  ipse  sacraverat  aras. — v.  186 


MISSION    OP    AIDAN  27 

of  the  enemy,  and  discovered  it  negligently  encamped  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Hexham.  A  cross  of  wood  was  hastily  erected 
by  his  order,  and  tlie  Saxons,  prostrate  before  it,  earnestly  im- 
plored the  protection  of  the  God  of  the  Christians.  From  prayer 
they  rose  to  battle,  and  to  victory.  Ca^dwalla  was  slain  ;  his 
army  was  dispersed  ;  and  the  conqueror  ascended  without  a  rival 
the  throne  of  his  ancestors.^^  As  he  piously  attributed  his  suc- 
cess to  the  favour  of  Heaven,  he  immediately  bent  his  attention 
to  the  concerns  of  religion,  and  solicited  a  supply  of  missionaries 
from  his  former  instructors.  Gorman  was  sent,  a  monk  of  a 
severe  and  unpliant  disposition ;  who,  disgusted  with  the  igno- 
rance and  barbarism  of  the  Saxons,  speedily  returned  in  despair 
to  his  monastery.  As  he  described  to  the  confraternity  the  diffi- 
culty and  dangers  of  the  mission,  "  Brother,"  exclaimed  a  voice, 
"  the  fault  is  yours.  You  exacted  from  the  barbarians  more  than 
their  weakness  could  bear.  You  should  have  first  stooped  to 
their  ignorance,  and  then  have  raised  their  minds  to  the  sublime 
maxims  of  the  gospel."  This  sensible  rebuke  turned  every  eye 
upon  the  speaker,  a  private  monk  of  the  name  of  Aidan  :  he  was 
selected  to  be  the  apostle  of  the  Northumbrians ;  and  the  issue 
of  his  labours  justified  the  wisdom  of  the  choice.  As  soon  as  he 
had  received  the  episcopal  ordination,  he  repaired  to  the  court 
of  Oswald.  His  arrival  was  a  subject  of  general  exultation ;  and 
the  king  condescended  to  explain  in  Saxon  the  instructions  which 
the  missionary  delivered  in  his  native  language.  But  the  suc- 
cess of  Aidan  was  owing  no  less  to  his  virtues  than  to  his  preach- 
ing. The  severe  austerity  of  his  life,  his  profound  contempt  of 
riches,  and  his  unwearied  application  to  the  duties  of  his  pro- 
fession, won  the  esteem,  while  his  arguments  convinced  the 
understanding  of  his  hearers.  Each  day  the  number  of  prose- 
lytes increased  ;  and,  within  a  few  years,  the  church  of  Nor- 
thumbria  was  fixed  on  a  solid  and  permanent  foundation.^"* 

The  East-Angles  were  indebted  for  their  conversion  to  the 
zealous  labours  of  Felix,  a  Burgundian  prelate.  In  the  com- 
mencement of  the  seventh  century,  their  monarch,  Redwald,  had 
invited  to  his  court  the  disciples  of  St.  Augustine,  and  received 
from  them  the  sacrament  of  baptism.  Yet  he  abjured  not  the 
worship  of  his  country ;  and  the  same  temple  was  sanctified  by 
the  celebration  of  the  Ghristian  sacrifice,  and  polluted  by  the 
immolation  of  victims  to  the  gods  of  paganism.^^  His  son  Eorp- 
wald  was  more  sincere  in  his  belief:  but  the  merit  of  firmly 
establishing  the  Christian  worship  was,  by  his  death,  transferre<l 
to  his  successor,  Sigebert,  who,  during  a  long  exile  in  Gaul,  had 
imbibed  with  the  knowledge  of  the  gospel  a  profound  veneration 
for  the  monastic  institute.      No  sooner  had   he  ascended  the 

33  Bed.  I.  iii.  c.  1—2.     Ann.  635.  34  Bed.  I.  iii.  c.  3— ii. 

3'  Bed.  1.  ii.  c.  15.  Hume  (Hist.  p.  .32.  Millar,  4°,  1762)  inadvertently  ascribes 
the  apostasy  of  Redwald  to  his  son  Eorpwald. 


28  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

throne,  than  Felix,  commissioned  by  Honorius  of  Canterbury, 
requested  permission  to  instruct  liis  subjects.  He  was  received 
with  welcome,  and  fixed  his  residence  at  Dunwich,  the  capital 
of  the  kingdom.^'^  By  the  united  etiorts  of  the  king  and  the  mis- 
sionary, the  knowledge  of  Christianity  was  rapidly  diti'used  ;  and, 
the  better  to  eradicate  ignorance  and  idolatry  from  the  higher 
classes  of  the  people,  a  public  school  was  instituted  after  the 
model  of  that  at  Canterbury .^^  Having  shared  for  a  time  the 
cares  and  splendour  of  royalty  with  Egeric,  a  near  relation, 
Sigebert  retired  to  a  monastery  to  prepare  himself  for  death. 
Bnt  his  repose  was  disturbed  by  the  invasion  of  a  foreign  enemy. 
A  formidable  body  of  Mercians  had  penetrated  into  the  heart  of 
the  country ;  the  misfortunes  of  the  campaign  were  ascribed  to 
the  want  of  conduct  or  of  valour  in  Egeric  ;  and  the  East-Angles 
clamorously  demanded  the  aged  monarch,  who  had  so  often 
led  them  to  victory.  With  reluctance  he  left  his  cell  to  mix  in 
the  tumult  and  dangers  of  the  field.  On  the  day  of  battle,  when 
arms  were  offered  him,  he  refused  them  as  repugnant  to  the 
monastic  profession,  and  with  a  wand  directed  the  operations  of 
the  army.  But  the  fortune  of  the  Mercians  prevailed  :  both  the 
kings  were  slain  ;  and  the  country  was  abandoned  to  the  ravages 
of  the  conquerors.  Yet,  under  the  pressure  of  this  calamity,  the 
converts  persevered  in  the  profession  of  their  religion  ;  and  Felix, 
within  the  seventeen  years  of  his  mission,  had  the  merit  of  re- 
claiming the  whole  nation  from  the  errors  of  paganism. 

While  Christianity  was  thus  making  a  rapid  progress  in  the 
kingdoms  of  the  north  and  east,  a  new  apostle  appeared  on  the 
southern  coast,  and  announced  the  tidings  of  salvation  to  the 
fierce  and  warlike  inhabitants  of  Wessex.^^  His  name  was  Bi- 
rinus.  Animated  with  a  desire  of  extending  the  conquests  of 
the  gospel,  he  had  obtained  from  Pope  Honorius  a  commission 
to  preach  to  the  idolatrous  tribes  of  the  Saxons.     By  a  fortunate 

2"  Anno  631. 

3'  The  situation  and  design  of  this  school  have  been  the  subject  of  much  controversy 
between  tlie  champions  of  the  two  universities.  The  origin  of  Cambridge  was  formerly 
derived  by  its  partisans  from  Cantaber,  a  Spanish  prince,  who  was  supposed  to  have 
landed  in  Britain  in  the  reign  of  Gurguntius,  about  400  years  before  the  Christian  era, 
(see  Caius  De  Ant.  Cant.  p.  20 — 60;)  and  the  Oxonians,  not  to  yield  to  their  oppo- 
nents, claimed  for  their  first  professors,  the  philosophers  whom  Brutus  had  brougiit 
with  him  more  than  a  thousand  years  before  that  period,  (Assertio  Antiq.  Oxon.  p,  1. 
London,  1508.)  Antiquity  so  remote,  was  too  ridiculous  to  obtain  credit:  both  con- 
tracted their  pretensions  ;  and  Sigebert  was  selected  for  the  founder  of  Cambridge,  Alfred 
the  Great  for  that  of  Oxford.  The  war,  however,  was  still  continued,  and  the  most  emi- 
nent scholars  joined  either  party,  as  their  judgment  or  partiality  directed.  Without 
engaging  in  the  dispute,  I  may  be  allowed  to  observe,  that  there  appears  no  reason  to 
believe,  with  the  advocates  for  Oxford,  that  the  school  of  Sigebert  was  designed  only  to 
teach  the  rudiments  of  grammar,  or,  with  their  opponents,  that  it  was  established  at 
Cambridge.  Bede  tells  us,  that  it  was  formed  in  imitation  of  the  school  at  Canterbury, 
in  which  all  tlie  sciences  known  at  that  period  were  studied  ;  and  Smith  has  made  il 
highly  probalilc  that  it  was  situated  either  at  Seaham  or  Dunwich.  See  Smith's  Bede, 
App.  p.  721. 

^'  Ann.  034. 


CONVERSIOX    OF    THE    MERCIANS.  29 

concurrence  of  circumstances,  he  had  scarcely  opened  his  mis- 
sion, when  Oswald  of  Northunibria  arrived  at  the  court  of  Kine- 
gils,  and  demanded  his  daughter  in  marriage.  The  arguments 
of  the  missionary  were  powerfully  seconded  by  the  influence  of 
the  suitor.  The  princess  and  her  father  embraced  with  docility 
the  religion  of  Christ  5  and  the  men  of  Wessex  were  eager  to 
conform  to  the  example  of  their  monarch.  Success  expanded 
the  views  of  Birinus :  frdm  the  capital  he  removed  to  Dorches- 
ter, a  city  on  the  confines  of  Mercia ;  and  flattered  himself  with 
the  expectation  of  converting  that  extensive  and  populous  king- 
dom. 

But  Mercia  was  destined  to  receive  the  faith  from  the  pious 
industry  of  the  Northumbrian  princes ;  who  were  eminently 
instrumental  in  the  dissemination  of  Christianity  among  the  nu 
merous  tribes  of  their  countrymen.  Peada,  the  son  of  Penda, 
king  of  Mercia,  had  oflered  his  hand  to  the  daughter  of  Oswiu, 
the  successor  of  Oswald  :  but  the  lady  spurned  the  addresses  of 
a  pagan ;  and  the  passion  of  the  prince  induced  him  to  study  the 
principles  of  her  religion.  His  conversion  was  rewarded  with 
the  object  of  his  afl'ections.  To  those  who  doubted  his  sincerity, 
he  replied  that  no  consideration,  not  even  the  refusal  of  Alcfleda, 
should  ever  provoke  him  to  return  to  the  altars  of  Woden :  but 
an  argument  more  convincing  than  mere  professions  was  the 
zeal  with  which  he  procured  four  Northumbrian  priests  to  in- 
struct the  Middle-Angles,  whom  he  governed  as  king  during  the 
life  of  his  father.  Even  Penda  himself  v/as  induced  to  grant  his 
protection  to  the  missionaries ;  and  though  he  refused  to  yield 
to  their  exhortations,  he  treated  with  contempt  such  of  his  sub- 
jects as  had  enrolled  themselves  among  the  Christians,  and  yet 
retained  the  manners  of  pagans.  Within  a  few  years  the  fortune 
of  war  annexed  the  crown  of  Mercia  to  that  of  Northumbria, 
and  Diuma,  a  missionary,  was  raised  to  the  episcopal  dignity. 
The  converts  were  true  to  the  faith  which  they  had  embraced ; 
and  retained  it  with  enthusiasm,  after  they  had  thrown  off"  the 
yoke,  and  replaced  the  sceptre  in  the  hands  of  their  native 
princes. 

The  zeal  of  Oswiu  was  not  satisfied  with  one  royal  proselyte; 
and  his  solicitations  prevailed  on  Sigebert,  the  East  Saxon 
monarch,  to  receive  the  saCred  rite  of  baptism.^^  The  men  of 
Essex  supported  the  character  of  their  fathers.  Like  them  they 
embraced  the  Christian  faith,  and  like  them  apostatized.  A 
dreadful  pestilence,  which  they  attributed  to  the  vengeance  of 
Woden,  induced  them  to  rebuild  the  altars,  and  restore  the  wor- 
ship of  that  deity.  Jaruman,  bishop  of  Mercia,  was  alarmed  : 
with  haste  he  repaired  to  the  kingdom  of  Essex ;  and  by  his 
preaching  and  authority  confirmed  the  faith  of  the  wavering 
and  refuted  the  errors  of  the  incredulous,'*'' 

"9  An.  653.  40  Bed.  I.  iii.  c.  30. 


30  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

The  inhabitants  of  Sussex  were  the  most  barbarous  of  the 
Saxon  nations,  and  the  last  that  embraced  the  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity, Unmoved  by  the  example  of  their  neighbours,  whom 
they  branded  with  the  infamous  name  of  apostates,  they  long 
resisted  the  repeated  efforts  of  the  missionaries ;  but  their  obsti- 
nacy was  induced  to  yield  to  the  superior  zeal  or  superior  ad- 
dress of  St.  Wilfrid,  a  Northumbrian  prelate.  Expelled  from 
his  diocese  by  the  intrigues  of  his  enemies,  he  wandered  an 
honourable  exile  among  the  tribes  of  the  south,  wben  Edilwalch, 
the  king  of  Sussex,  who  had  been  lately  baptized,  invited  him  to 
attempt  the  conversion  of  his  subjects.  Wilfrid  had  travelled 
through  most  of  the  nations  on  the  continent;  to  the  advantages 
of  study  he  had  joined  those  of  observation  and  experience  ;  and 
while  his  acquirements  commanded  the  respect,  the  improve- 
ments which  he  introduced  conciliated  the  esteem  of  the  barba- 
rians. His  first  converts  were  two  hundred  and  fifty  slaves, 
whom,  together  with  the  isle  of  Selsey,  he  had  received  as  a 
present  from  the  munificence  of  Edilwalch.''^  On  the  day  of 
their  baptism,  they  were  unexpectedly  gratified  with  the  offer 
of  their  liberty  from  their  generous  instructor,  who  declared  that 
they  ceased  to  be  his  bondsmen  from  the  moment  in  which  they 
became  the  children  of  Christ.  The  liberality  of  Wilfrid  was 
felt  and  applauded  :  numbers  crowded  to  liis  sermons ;  and  those 
who  were  not  convinced  by  his  reasons,  were  silenced  by  the 
authority  of  the  king.  Within  the  space  of  five  years  he  firmly 
established  the  Christian  worship  in  Sussex :  and  after  his  de- 
parture the  wants  of  the  mission  were  supplied  by  the  pastoral 
care  of  the  bishops  of  Winchester.'*^ 

Tims  in  the  space  of  about  eighty  years  was  successfully  com- 
pleted the  conversion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons ;  an  enterprise, 
which  originated  in  the  charity  of  Gregory  the  Great,  and  was 
unremittingly  continued  by  the  industry  of  his  disciples,  with  the 
assistance  of  several  faithful  co-operators  from  Gaul  and  Italy. 
Of  the  conduct  which  they  pursued,  and  the  arguments  which 
they  employed,  a  few  particulars  may  be  collected  from  the 
works  of  the  ancient  writers."*^  They  were  instructed  most 
carefully  to  avoid  every  ofiensive  and  acrimonious  expression  ; 
to  inform  the  judgment  without  alienating  the  affections  ;  and  to 
display  on  every  occasion  the  most  disinterested  zeal  for  the  wel- 
fare of  their  disciples.'"''     The  great  and  fundamental  truth  of 

•ii  An.  678. 

«  Compare  Bede  (I.  iv.  c.  13,  v.  c.  18.  28)  with  Eddius  (vit.  Wilf.  c.  40)  and  Hun- 
tingdon, (1.  iii.  f.  192,  int.  scrip,  post  Bed.) 

^^  Daniel,  bishop  of  Winchester,  in  a  letter  to  St.  Boniface,  enumerates  the  argu- 
ments, which  were  thought  the  best  calculated  to  convince  the  pagans,  (Ep.  Bonif.  p. 
78,  edit.  Serrar.)  The  letters  of  the  pontifls  to  the  Saxon  kings,  (Wilk.  con.  vol.  i. 
p.  12.  30.  34,)  and  some  passages  of  Bode  (His.  1.  ii.  c.  13,  1.  iii.  c.  22)  may  also  be  con- 
sulted. 

•'■'  Non  quasi  insultando  vel  irritando  eos,  sed  placide  et  magna  moderatione.  Ep. 
Dan.  ibid. 


GENERAL    CONDUCT    OF    THE    MISSIONARIES.  31 

the  unity  of  God  was  the  first  lesson  which  they  sought  to  in- 
culcate. The  statues  of  the  gods  could  uot,  they  observed,  be 
fit  objects  of  adoration ;  since  whatever  excellence  they  pos- 
sessed was  derived  fronn  the  nature  of  the  materials,  and  the  in- 
genuity of  the  artist  :^^  and  from  the  successive  generation  of 
the  German  deities  they  inferred,  that  none  of  them  could  be  the 
first  great  cause,  from  whose  fecundity  all  other  beings  received 
their  existence.'*'^  If  they  were  the  dispensers  of  every  bless- 
ing, why,  it  was  asked,  were  their  votaries  confined  to  the  bar- 
ren and  frozen  climate  of  the  north,  while  the  warmer  and  more 
fertile  regions  were  divided  among  those  who  equally  despised 
their  promises  and  their  threats  ?"  If  Woden  were  the  God  of 
war,  why  did  victory  still  adhere  to  the  standards  of  the  tribes, 
which  had  trampled  on  his  altars  and  embraced  the  faith  of 
Clirist  ?  To  the  incoherent  tenets  of  paganism  they  opposed  the 
great  truths  of  revelation  ;  the  fall  and  redemption  of  man,  his 
future  judgment,  and  endless  existence  during  an  eternity  of 
ha^ppiness  or  misery.  For  the  truth  of  these  doctrines,  they  ad- 
verted to  the  consent  of  the  powerful  and  polished  nations, 
which  had  preferred  them  to  their  ancient  worship  ;  to  tlie  ra- 
pidity with  which,  in  defiance  of  every  obstacle,  they  had  spread 
themselves  over  the  earth,  and  to  the  stupendous  events  by 
which  their  diiiusion  was  accompanied  and  accelerated."*^  Nor 
did  they  hesitate  to  appeal,  like  the  apostles,  to  the  miracles, 
which  deposed  in  favour  of  their  mission ;  and  the  supernatural 
powers  with  which  they  believed  themselves  to  be  invested,  at- 
tracted the  notice  of  Gregory.  His  zeal  rejoiced  at  the  triumphs 
of  the  gospel :  but  his  virtue  was  alarmed  for  the  humility  of  his 
disciples.  In  a  long  letter  to  Augustine,  he  earnestly  exhorted 
him  to  reflect  on  the  nothingness  of  man  in  the  presence  of  the 
Supreme  Being;  to  shut  his  ears  to  the  subtle  suggestions  of 
vanity ;  and  to  be  convinced  that  the  wonders,  which  accom- 
panied  his  preaching,  were  wrought  by  God,  not  to  reward  the 
merits  of  those  who  were  only  humble  instruments  in  the  hand 
of  Almighty  power,  but  to  display  his  mercy  to  the  Saxons,  and 
to  attract  their  minds  by  sensible  proofs  to  the  knowledge  of 
salvation.'*^ 

In  one  respect  the  missionaries  ventured  to  deviate  from  the 
example  of  those  who  had  preceded  them  in  tiieir  sacred  functions. 

■isBed.  1.  ii.  c.  10,1.  iii.  c.  22, 

■"•^  Quoslibet  ab  aliis  generates  concede  eos  asserere,  ut  saltern  modo  hominum  natos 
decs  et  deas  potius  homines  quam  deos  fuisse,  et  CEcpisse,  qui  ante  non  erant,  probes. 
Ep.  Dan.  ibid, 

■'^  Cum  Christiani  fertiles  terras,  vini  oleique  feraces  CEEterisque  opibus  abundantes 
possideant  provincias,  paganis  frigore  semper  rigentes  terras  reliquerunt.  Ibid,  See 
a  similar  argument  in  Bede,  (1.  ii,  c.  13.) 

■•8  Inferenda  quoque  sfepius  eis  est  orbis  auctoritas  Christiani.     Ep,  Dan,  ibid. 

■'^  Quidquid  de  faciendis  signis  acceperis  vel  accepisti,  haec  non  tibi  sed  illis  deputes 
donata  pro  quorum  tibi  salute  collata  sunt.  Ep,  Greg,  ad  Aug.  apud  Bed,  1.  i.e.  31, 
Wilk,  con.  vol,  i.  p,  10. 


32  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Though  the  first  preachers  of  Christianity  rapidly  extended  their 
conquests  through  every  class  of  Roman  subjects,  almost  three 
centuries  elapsed  before  they  presumed  to  attempt  the  conversion 
of  the  emperors.  But  at  the  period  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  mission 
the  circumstances  were  changed.  The  rulers  of  the  barbarous 
nations  had  proved  themselves  not  insensible  to  the  truths  of  the 
gospel ;  and  the  influence  of  their  example  had  been  recently 
demonstrated  in  the  conversion  of  the  Franks,  the  Visigoths,  and 
tlie  Suevi.  Hence  the  first  object  of  the  missionaries,  Roman, 
Gallic,  or  Scottish,  was  invariably  the  same,  to  obtain  the  patron- 
age of  the  prince.  His  favour  insured,  his  opposition  prevented 
their  success.^°  Yet  let  not  malignity  judge  lightly  of  their  merit. 
If  virtue  is  to  be  estimated  by  the  effort  which  it  requires,  they 
Avill  be  entitled  to  no  ordinary  degree  of  praise.  They  abandoned 
the  dearest  connexions  of  friends  and  country;  they  exposed 
themselves  to  the  caprice  and  cruelty  of  unknown  barbarians : 
they  voluntarily  embraced  a  life  of  laborious  and  unceasing 
exertion,  without  any  prospect  of  temporal  emolument,  and  with 
the  sole  view  of  civilizing  the  nianners,  and  correcting  the  vices 
of  a  distant  and  savage  people.  If  they  neither  felt  nor  provoked 
the  scourge  of  persecution,  they  may,  at  least,  claim  the  merit  of 
pure,  active,  and  disinterested  virtue :  and  the  fortunate  issue  of 
their  labours  is  sufficient  to  disprove  the  opinion  of  those  who 
imagine  that  no  church  can  be  firmly  established,  the  foundations 
of  which  are  not  cemented  with  the  blood  of  martyrs.*' 

In  the  judgment  of  a  hasty  or  a  prejudiced  observer,  the  faults  of 
the  disciple  are  frequently  transferred  to  the  master:  and  the  facility 
with  which  the  natives  of  Essex  relapsed  into  idolatry  after  the 
death  of  Saberct,  and  those  of  Northumbria  after  the  fall  of  Ed- 
win, has  encQiu'aged  a  suspicion  that  the  missionaries  were  more 
anxiousto  multiply  the  number,than  to  eiffighten  the  mindsof  their 
proselytes.  It  should,  however,  be  remembered  that  the  teachers 
were  few,  the  pupils  many,  and  their  ignorance  extreme.  Under 
such  difliculties,  the  rapid,  though  temporary  success  of  Mellitus 
and  Paulinus  bears  an  honourable  testimony  to  their  zeal :  nor 
should  it  excite  surprise,  if,  after  their  unfortimate  expulsion,  the 
converts,  without  the  aid  of  instruction,  or  the  support  of  the  civil 
power,  gradually  returned  to  their  former  worship.  To  these 
two  instances  may  be  successfully  opposed  the  conduct  of  all  the 

*"  On  this  suhject  see  the  remftrks  of  Macquer  (Abrege  chronologique  de  I'histoire 
ecclesiastique,  vol.  i.  p.  512,  an.  1768,)  who  unfortunately  adduces  the  conduct  of  Caed- 
walla,  to  prove  that  the  converts  were  Christians  only  in  name,  and  still  retained  all  the 
vices  of  paganism.  But  C^d walla  was  neither  a  Saxon  nor  a  convert.  He  was  a 
British  prince,  whom  national  animosity  urged  to  wreak  his  vengeance  on  the  vanquished 
Northumbrians. 

*'  I  shall  not  pollute  these  pages  with  the  abuse  which,  about  two  centuries  ago,  re- 
ligious bigotry  so  lavishly  bestowed  on  the  apostles  of  the  Saxons.  If  the  reader's  taste 
lead  him  to  such  oflal,  he  may  peruse  the  works  of  Bayle,  (Cent.  8,  c.  85.  Cent.  13, 
c.  1,)  of  Parker,  (Ant.  Brit.  p.  33—46,)  and  of  Fox,  (Acts  and  Mon.  torn.  i.  p.  107.) 


BARBARISM    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXONS.  33 

Other  Saxon  nations,  in  which  Christianity,  from  its  first  admis- 
sion, maintained  a  decided  superiority.  To  object,  tliat  they 
yielded  witiiout  conviction,  is  to  venture  an  assertion  that  cer- 
tainly is  not  countenanced  by  the  obstinacy  with  which  men 
adhere  to  rheir  rehgious  prejudices;  and  is  suflicientiy contradicted 
by  the  reserve  with  which  Etheibert  hstened  to  the  instructions 
of  Augustine,  by  the  long  resistance  of  Edwin  to  the  arguments 
of  Pauhnus,  and  by  the  tardy  but  sincere  conversions  of  Peada, 
prince  of  Mercia,  and  Sigebert,  king  of  Essex.  But  the  claim 
of  the  missionaries  to  the  gratitude,  may  be  best  deduced  from 
the  improvement,  of  their  disciples;  and  whoever  wishes  justly 
to  estimate  their  merit,  will  carefully  compare  the  conduct  of  the 
Christian  with  that  of  the  pagan  Saxons, 

By  the  ancient  writers,  the  Saxons  are  mianimously  classed 
with  the  most  barbarous  of  the  nations  which  invaded  and  dis- 
membered the  Roman  empire.*^  Their  valour  was  disgraced  by 
its  brutality.  To  the  services  they  generally  preferred  the  blood 
of  their  captives ;  and  the  man  whose  life  they  condescended  to 
spare,  was  taught  to  consider  perpetual  servitude  as  a  gratuitous 
favour."  Among  themselves,  a  rude  and  imperfect  system  of 
legislation  intrusted  to  private  revenge  the  punishment  of  private 
injuries;  and  the  ferocity  of  their  passions  continually  multiplied 
these  deadly  and  hereditary  feuds.  Avarice  and  the  lust  of  sen- 
sual enjoyment  had  extinguished  in  their  breasts  some  of  the 
first  feelings  of  nature.  The  savages  of  Africa  may  traffic  with 
Europeans  for  the  negroes  whom  they  have  seized  by  treachery, 
or  captured  in  open  war:  but  the  more  savage  conquerors  of  the 
Britons  sold,  without  scruple,  to  the  merchants  of  the  continent, 
their  countrymen,  and  even  their  own  children.*'*  Their  religion 
was  accommodated  to  their  manners,  and  their  manners  were 
perpetuated  by  their  religion.  In  their  theology  they  acknow- 
ledged no  sin  but  cowardice,  and  revered  no  virtue  but  courage. 
Their  gods  they  appeased  with  the  blood  of  human  victims.  Of 
a  future  life  their  notions  were  faint  and  wavering :  and  if  the 
soul  were  fated  to  survive  the  body,  to  quaff  ale  out  of  the  skulls 
of  their  enemies  was  to  be  the  great  reward  of  the  virtuous :  to 
lead  a  life  of  hunger  and  inactivity  the  endless  punishment  of  the 
wicked." 

Such  were  the  pagan  Saxons.  But  their  ferocity  soon  yielded 
to  the  exertions  of  the  missionaries,  and  the  harsher  features  of 
their  origin  were  insensibly  softened  under  the  mild  influence  of 
the  gospel.     In  the  rage  of  victory  they  learned  to  respect  the 

*2  Julian,  de  laud.  Constan.  p.  116.     Sidon.  I.  viii.  ep.  9.     Zozim.  1.  iii.  p.  147. 

*5  Altissiniffi  gratife  stabat  in  loco.  Gild.  p.  87. 

*■'  Familiari,  says  Malmesbury,  (de  reg.  I.  i.  c.  3,)  ac  pene  ingenita  consuetudine, 
adeo  ut  non  dubitarent  arctissimas  necessitudines  sub  prjBtextu  minimorum  commodo- 
rum  distrahere. 

*'  Two  passages  in  Beds  (1.  ii.  c.  13.  1.  iii.  c.  30)  will  almost  justify  a  doubt  whether 
they  believed  any  future  state  at  all. 
5 


34  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

rights  of  humanity.  Death  or  slavery 'was  no  longer  the  fate  of 
the  conquered  Britons :  by  their  submission  they  were  incor- 
porated with  the  victors ;  and  their  lives  and  property  were 
protected  by  the  equity  of  their  Christian  conquerors.*^  The 
acquisition  of  religious  knowledge  introduced  a  new  spirit  of  legis- 
lation: the  presence  of  the  bishops  and  superior  clergy  improved 
the  wisdom  of  the  national  councils ;  and  laws  were  framed  to 
punish  the  more  flagrant  violations  of  morality,  and  prevent  the 
daily  broils  which  harassed  the  peace  of  society.  The  humane 
idea,  that  by  baptism  all  men  become  brethren,  contributed  to 
meliorate  the  condition  of  slavery,  and  scattered  the  seeds  of  that 
liberality  which  gradually  undermined,  and  at  length  abolished 
so  odious  an  institution.  By  the  provision  of  the  legislature  the 
freedom  of  the  child  was  secured  from  the  avarice  of  an  unnatu- 
ral parent;  and  the  heaviest  punishment  was  denounced  against 
the  man  who  presumed  to  sell  to  a  foreign  master  one  of  his 
countrymen,  though  he  were  a  slave  or  a  malefactor."  But  by 
nothing  were  the  converts  more  distinguished  than  by  their  piety. 
The  conviction  of  a  future  and  endless  existence  beyond  the 
grave  elevated  their  minds  and  expanded  their  ideas.  To  pre- 
pare their  souls  for  this  new  state  of  being,  was  to  many  the  first 
object  of  their  solicitude :  they  eagerly  sought  every  source  of 
instruction,  and  with  scrupulous  fidelity  practised  every  duty 
which  they  had  learnt.*^  Of  the  zeal  of  the  more  opulent  among 
the  laity,  the  numerous  churches,  hospitals,  and  monasteries 
which  they  founded,  are  a  sufficient  proof:  and  the  clergy  could 
boast  with  equal  truth  of  the  piety  displayed  by  the  more  emi- 
nent of  their  order,  and  of  the  nations  instructed  in  the  Christian 
faith  by  the  labours  of  St.  Boniface  and  his  associates.*^  In  the 
clerical  and  monastic  establishments,  the  niost  sublime  of  the 
gospel  virtues  were  carefully  practised :  even  kings  descended 
from  their  thrones,  and  exchanged  the  sceptre  for  the  cowl.^° 
Their  conduct  was  applauded  by  their  contemporaries  :  and  the 
moderns,  whose  supercilious  wisdom  affects  to  censure  it,  must 
at  least  esteem  the  motives  which  inspired,  and  admire  the  reso- 
lution which  completed  the  sacrifice.    The  progress  of  civilization 

*«  See  the  laws  of  Ina,  23,  24.  32.  46,  (Wilk.  leg.  Sax.  p.  18.  20.  22.) 

*'  Though  this  inhuman  custom  was  severely  forbidden  by  different  legislators,  (Wilk. 
leg.  Sax.  p.  17.  93.  107.  138,)  it  was  clandestinely  continued  long  after  the  Norman 
conquest,  (Ang.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  258.  Malm,  de  reg.  1.  i.  c.  3.  Girald.  de  expug,  Hiber. 
I.  i.  c.  18.) 

*8  See  Bede  (1.  ii.  c.  17,  I.  iii.  c.  26, 1,  iv.  c.  3.  Ep.  ad  Egb.  Ant.  p.  311,)  and  the  tes- 
timony of  St.  Gregory.  Gens  Anglorum  prave  agere  metuit,  ac  totis  desideriis  ad  jeter- 
nitatis  gloriam  pervenire  concupiscit,  (Moral.  1.  xxvii.  c.  8.     Ep.  1.  ix.  58.) 

*9  The  Old  Saxons,  the  Francs,  the  Hessians,  and  the  Thuringians  were  converted 
by  St.  Boniface ;  the  inhabitants  of  Westphalia  by  St.  Swibert ;  the  Frisians  and  the 
Hollanders  by  St.  Wilfrid  and  St.  Willibrord ;  the  nations  north  of  the  Elbe  by  St. 
Willehad.     See  Walker's  translation  of  Spelman's  Alfred,  (prtef.  not.) 

80  According  to  Walker,  (ibid.)  three  and  twenty  Saxon  kings,  and  sixt''  queens  and 
children  of  kings,  were  revered  as  saints  by  our  ancestors. 


DISPUTE    RESPECTING    THE    Ti:\IE    OP    EASTER.  35 

kept  equal  pace  with  the  progress  of  rehgion :  not  only  tlie  useful 
but  the  agreeable  arts  were  introduced ;  every  species  of  know- 
ledge which  could  be  attauied,  was  eagerly  studied ;  and  during 
the  gloom  of  ignorance  which  overspread  the  rest  of  Europe, 
learning  found,  for  a  certain  period,  an  asylum  among  the  Saxons 
of  Britain.*'*  To  this  picture  an  ingenious  adversary  may,  indeed, 
oppose  a  very  different  description.  He  may  collect  the  vices 
which  have  been  stigmatized  by  the  zeal  of  their  preachers,  and 
point  to  the  crimes  which  disgraced  the  characters  of  some  of 
their  monarchs.  But  the  impartial  observer  will  acknowledge 
the  impossibility  of  eradicating  at  once  the  fiercer  passions  of  a 
whole  nation ;  nor  be  surprised  if  he  behold  several  of  them 
relapse  into  their  former  manners,  and,  on  some  occasions,  unite 
the  actions  of  savages  with  the  profession  of  Christians.  To  judge 
of  the  advantage  which  the  Saxons  derived  from  their  conversion, 
he  will  fix  his  eyes  on  their  virtues.  They  were  the  offspring 
of  the  gospel;  their  vices  were  the  relics  of  paganism. 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  converts,  that,  during  the  seventh  cen- 
tury, the  peace  of  the  western  church  was  seldom  disturbed  by 
religious  controversy.  Though  their  teachers  came  from  differ- 
ent and  far  distant  countries,  they  were  unanimous  in  preaching 
the  same  doctrine  ;  and  it  was  for  several  centuries  the  boast  of 
the  Saxons,  that  heresy  had  never  dared  to  erect  its  standard 
within  the  precincts  of  their  church.  In  points  of  discipline, 
national  partiality  would  prompt  each  missionary  to  establish 
the  practice  of  his  own  country;  though  Gregory,  with  a  lauda- 
ble liberality  of  sentiment,  exhorted  his  disciples  to  despise  the 
narrow  prejudices  of  education,  and  carefully  to  select  from  the 
customs  of  different  churches,  whatever  was  best  calculated  to 
promote  the  general  interests  of  virtue  and  religion.^^  But  all 
were  not  animated  with  the  spirit  of  the  pontiff.  The  Scottish 
monks  had  been  taught  to  respect  as  sacred  every  institution, 
which  had  been  sanctioned  by  the  approbation  of  their  ances- 
tors ;  while  the  Roman  missionaries  contended,  that  the  customs 
of  an  obscure  and  sequestered  people  ought  to  yield  to  the  con- 
sentient practice  of  the  principal  Christian  churches.  Each  party 
pertinaciously  adhered  to  their  own  opinion  ;  and  the  controversy 
was  conducted  with  a  violence  which  threatened  to  destroy  the 
fabric,  that  had  been  erected  with  so  much  labour  and  perse- 
verance. Yet  the  great  objects,  which  called  forth  the  zeal,  and 
divided  the  harmony  of  these  holy  men,  regarded  not  tlie  essen- 
tials of  Christianity:  they  were  confined  to,  1,  the  proper  time 

6'  See  the  chapter  on  the  learning  of  the  Saxons. 

62  Novit  fraternitas  tua  Romana  Ecclesije  consuetudinem,  in  qua  se  meminit  nutritam. 
Sed  mihi  placet,  sive  in  Romana,  sive  in  Galliarum,  seu  in  qualibet  ecclesia  aliquid  in- 
venisti,  quod  plus  omnipotenti  Deo  possit  plaeere,  soUicite  eligas,  et  in  Anglorum 
ecclesia  inslitutione  prseeipua,  quse  de  mulfis  ecclesiis  colligere  potuisti,  infundas.  Bed. 
1.  i.  c.  27,  interrog.  2. 


36  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

for  the  celebration  of  Ea.ster,  and,  2,  the  most  approved  method 
of  wearing  the  ecclesiastical  tonsure. 

1.  The  festival  of  Easter,  instituted  in  honour  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  Christ,  has  always  been  considered  as  the  principal  of 
the  Christian  solemnities.  To  reduce  the  difl'erent  churches  of 
the  east  and  west  to  uniformity  in  the  celebration  of  this  great 
event,  was  an  object  which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  prelates 
assembled  in  the  council  of  Nice :  and  as  the  commencement  of 
the  Paschal  time  depended  on  astronomical  calculation,  it  was 
determined  that,  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria  should  annually 
consult  the  philosophers  of  Egypt,  and  communicate  the  result 
of  their  researches  to  the  Roman  pontiff;  whose  duty  it  was  to 
notify  the  day  of  the  festival  to  the  more  distant  churches. 
Unfortunately,  the  Roman  agreed  not  with  the  Alexandrian 
method  of  computation  ;  a  ditierent  cycle  of  years  was  employ- 
ed ;  and  the  limits  of  the  equinoctial  lunation  were  affixed  to  dif- 
ferent days.  Hence  arose  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  the  uni- 
formity required  by  the  council :  and  it  not  unfrequently  hap- 
pened, that  while  the  western  Christians  were  celebrating  the 
joyous  event  of  the  resurrection,  those  of  the  east  had  but  just 
commenced  the  penitential  austerities  of  Lent.''^  Weary  of  the 
disputes  occasioned  by  this  difference  of  computation,  the 
Roman  church  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  adopted  a 
new  cycle,  which  had  been  lately  composed  by  Dionysius 
Exiguus,  and  which,  in  every  important  point,  agreed  with  the 
Egyptian  mode  of  calculation.^''  But  the  British  churches, 
harassed  at  that  period  by  the  Saxons,  and  almost  precluded 
from  communicating  with  Italy,  on  account  of  the  convulsed 
situation  of  the  continent,  were  unacquainted  with  this  improve- 
ment,^' and  continued  to  use  the  ancient  cycle,  though  their 
ignorance  of  its  application  caused  them  to  deviate  widely  from 
the  former  practice  of  the  Roman  church.*^     Hence  it  happened 

^^  The  cycle  of  the  Alexandrians  contained  nineteen  years,  that  of  the  Romans 
eighty-four:  according  to  the  former  the  equinoctial  new  moon  could  not  occur  sooner 
than  the  eighth  of  March,  nor  later  than  the  fifth  of  April,  while  the  latter  affixed  these 
limits  to  the  fifth  of  March  and  the  third  of  April.  Hence  it  happened  in  the  year 
417,  that  Easter  was  celebrated  at  Rome  on  the  25th  of  March,  ah'd  at  Alexandria  on 
the  22d  of  April.     Smith's  Bed.  ap.  n°.  9,  p.  697,  698. 

^■'  It  contained  95  years,  or  five  Egyptian  cycles. 

^^This  is  the  reason  which  Bede  assigns  for  their  adlyesion  to  the  old  method. 
Utpote  quibus  longe  extra  orbem  positis  nemo  synodalia  I^aschalis  oostrvantiaB  dccreta 
porrexerat.     L.  iii.  c.  4. 

^^  On  this  circumstance  the  prejudice  of  party  has  endeavoured  to  build  a  wild  and 
extravagant  system.  Because  the  British  Cliristiaiis  of  the  seventh  century  differed 
from  the  Roman  church  in  the  time  of  celebrating  Easter,  it  has  been  gratuitously  as- 
sumed that  they  were  Quartodecimans  :  that  of  consequence  their  fathers  were  of  the 
same  persuasion  ;  and  uliimately  that  the  faith  was  planted  in  Britain  by  missioharics, 
who  were  sent  not  from  Rome,  but  from  some  of  the  Asiatic  churches.  The  truth  oi 
falsehood  of  the  latter  hypothesis  is  of  little  consequence ;  yet  it  is  certain  that  the 
Britons  in  the  time  of  St.  Augustine  were  not  Quartodecimans,  as  they  observed  Easter 
on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  moon,  only  when  that  day  happened  to  be  a  Sunday;  (Bed. 
1.  iii.  c.  4.  17  :)  and  that  their  ancestors  were  not  Quartodecimans  is  no  less  certain,  if 


biSPITTE    RESPECTING    THE    ECCLESIASTICAL    TONSURE.       37 

that,  during  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  the  British  Christians 
scattered  along  the  western  coasts  of  the  island,  observed  in  the 
computation  of  Easter  a  rule  peculiar  to  themselves:  and  when 
it  was  asked  how  they,  buried  in  an  obscure  corner  oii  the  earth, 
dared  to  oppose  their  customs  to  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
Greek  and  Latin  churches,  they  boldly  but  ignorantly  replied, 
that  they  had  received  them  from  their  forefathers,  whose  sanc- 
tity had  been  proved  by  a  multitude  of  miracles,  and  whose 
doctrine  they  considered  as  their  most  valuable  inheritance. 

2.  When  once  the  spirit  of  controversy  has  taken  possession 
of  the  mind,  the  most  trifling  objects  swell  into  considerable 
magnitude,  and  are  pursued  with  an  ardour  and  interest,  which 
cannot  fail  to  excite  the  surprise,  perhaps  the  smile,  of  the  indif- 
ferent spectator.  Of  this  description  was  the  dispute  respecting 
the  proper  form  of  the  ecclesiastical  tonsure,  which  contributed 
to  widen  the  separation  between  the  Roman  and  Scottish  mis- 
sionaries. The  former  shaved  the  crown  of  the  head,  which 
was  surrounded  by  a  circle  of  hair,  supposed  to  represent  the 
wreath  of  thorns,  forced  by  the  cruelty  of  his  persecutors  on  the 
temples  of  the  Messiah:  the  latter  permitted  the  hair  to  grow 
on  the  back,  and  shaved  in  the  form  of  a  crescent  the  front  of 
the  head.  Each  party  was  surprised  and  shocked  at  the  un- 
canonical  appearance  of  the  other.  The  Romans  asserted  that 
their  tonsure  had  descended  to  them  from  the  prince  of  the 
apostles,  while  that  of  their  adversaries  was  the  distinguishing 
mark  of  Simon  Magus  and  his  disciples.*^^  The  Scots,  unable 
to  refute  the  confident  assertions  of  their  adversaries,  maintained, 
that  their  method  of  shaving  the  head,  however  impious  in  its 
origin,  had  been  afterwards  sanctified  by  the  virtues  of  those 
who  had  adopted  it.^^  The  arguments  of  the  contending  parties 
serve  only  to  prove  their  ignorance  of  ecclesiastical  antiquity. 
During  the  first  fonr  hundred  years  of  the  Christian  era,  the 
clergy  were  not  distinguished  from  the  laity  by  any  peculiar 
method  of  clipping  the  hair  :  and  the  severity  of  the  canons  pro- 
ceeded no  farther  than  the  prohibition  of  those  modes,  which 
were  the  offspring  of  vanity  and  effeminacy.^'  The  tonsure 
originated  from  the  piety  of  the  first  professors  of  the  monastic 

any  credit  be  due  to  Eusebius,  (itist.  It  v.  c  23,)  to  Socrates,  (1.  v-  c.  2!,)  to  ConstAntine 
in  his  letter  to  the  bishops.  (Eus.  1.  iii.  c.  14,)  and  to  the  subscriptions  of  the  British 
prelates  to  the  council  of  Aries  (Spel.  Cone.  p.  40.  42.)  I  should  not  omit  that  Goodall 
(ad  Hist.  Scot,  iritrod.  p.  66.  Keith's  CataK  of  Scot.  Bishops',  ptef.  p.  vii.)  asserts  that 
the  Scots  employed  the  same  cycle,  and  observed  Easter  on  the  sarrte  day  as  was  cus- 
tomary in  the  Roman  church  previous  to  the  council  of  Nice.  He  founds  his  opinion 
on  the  ancient  paschal  table  published  by  Bucher,  in  which  the  festival  is  fixed  on  the 
fourteenth  day  of  the  moon  for  the  years  316  and  320. 

<>'•  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  2.5.  v.  c.  21. 

68  Numquid,  s;iys  Colman,  patrem  nostrum  Columbam,  et  successores  ejus  divinis 
paginis  contraria  sapuisse  vel  egisse  credendum  est?  quosego  sanctos  esse  non  dubitans, 
-emper  eorum  vitam,  mores,  et  disciplinam  sequi  non  desisto.     Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  2.5. 

t"^  Deflua  ciEsaries  compescitur  ad  breves  capillos.     Prudon.  ts^/  a-Tstpai-av,  13. 

D 


38  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH, 

institute.  To  shave  the  head  was  deemed  by  the  natives  of  the 
east  a  ceremony  expressive  of  the  deepest  aliiiction  :  and  was 
adopted  by  the  monks  as  a  distinctive  token  of  tliat  sechision 
from  worldly  pleasure,  to  which  they  had  voluntarily  condemned 
themselves.  When,  in  the  fifth  century,  the  most  illustrious  of  the 
order  were  drawn  from  their  cells,  and  raised  to  the  highest  dig- 
nities in  the  church,  they  retained  this  mark  of  their  former  pro- 
fession ;  the  new  costume  was  gradually  embraced  by  the  clergy; 
and  the  tonsure  began  to  be  considered,  both  in  the  Greek  and 
the  Latin  church,  as  necessary  for  admission  into  the  number  of 
ecclesiastics.  It  was  at  this  period  that  the  circular  and  semi- 
circular modes  of  shaving  the  head  were  introduced.  The 
names  of  their  authors  were  soon  lost  in  oblivion;  and  succeed- 
ing generations,  ignorant  of  their  real  origin,  credulously  attri- 
buted them  to  the  first  age  of  Christianity. '^^ 

Such  were  the  mighty  objects,  which  scattered  the  seeds  of 
dissension  in  the  breasts  of  these  holy  men.  The  merit  of  re- 
storing concord  was  reserved  for  the  zeal  and  authority  of  Oswiu, 
king  of  Northumbria.  As  that  province  had  received  the  doctrine 
of  the  gospel  from  the  Scottish  missionaries,  their  influence  was 
predominant  with  the  prince  and  the  majority  of  the  people  ;  but 
his  queen,  Eanfled,  who  had  been  educated  in  Kent,  and  his  son 
Alchfrid,  who  attended  the  lessons  of  St.  Wilfrid,  eagerly  adhered 
to  the  practice  of  the  Roman  church.  Thus  Oswiu  saw  his  own 
family  divided  into  opposite  factions,  and  the  same  solemnities 
celebrated  at  difterent  times  within  his  own  palace.  Desirous  to 
procure  uniformity,  he  summoned  the  champions  of  each  party 
to  meet  him  at  Whitby,  the  monastery  of  the  Abbess  Hilda,  and 
to  argue  the  merits  of  their  respective  customs  in  his  presence. 
The  conference  was  conducted  with  freedom  and  decency.  To 
Wilfrid  was  intrusted  the  defence  of  the  Roman,  to  Colman, 
bishop  of  Lindisfarne,  that  of  the  Scottish  missionaries.  Each 
rested  his  cause  on  the  authority  of  those  from  whom  the  disci- 
pline of  his  church  was  supposed  to  be  derived :  and  the  king 
concluded  the  discussion  by  declaring  his  conviction,  that  the 
institutions  of  St.  Peter  were  to  be  preferred  before  those  of  St. 
Cohmiba.  This  decision  was  applauded  by  the  courtiers :  and 
of  the  Scottish  monks  many  ranged  themselves  under  the  banners 
of  their  adversaries ;  the  remainder  retired  in  silent  discontent  to 
their  parent  monastery  in  the  isle  of  Hii.'^^ 

The  termination  of  this  controversy  has  subjected  the  success- 
ful party  to  the  severe  but  unmerited  censures  of  several  late 
historians.  They  affect  to  consider  the  Scottish  monks  as  an 
injured  and  persecuted  cast :  and  declaim  with  suspicious  vehe- 

70  See  8mitli's  Bed.  app.  n°  ix.  According  to  an  ancient  book  of  canons  quoted  by 
Usher,  the  semicircular  tonsure  was  first  adopted  in  Ireland.  (Ush.  Ant.  Brit.  c.  17,  p. 
924.) 

■I  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  25,  2G.     An.  664. 


TERMINATION    OF    THE    DISPUTES.  39 

mence  against  t!ie  haughty  and  intolerant  spirit  of  the  Roman 
3lergy/^  But,  if  uniformity  was  desirable,  it  could  only  be  ob- 
tained by  the  submission  or  retreat  of  one  of  the  contending  par- 
ties :  and  certainly  it  was  unreasonable  to  expect  that  those,  who 
observed  the  discipline  which  universally  prevailed  among  the 
Christians  of  the  continent,  should  tamely  yield  to  the  pretensions 
of  a  few  obscure  churches  on  the  remotest  coast  of  Britain/^ 
The  charge  of  persecution  is  not  warranted  by  the  expression  of 
the  original  writers,  who  give  the  praise  of  moderation  almost 
exclusively  to  the  Romans,  Bede  has  recorded  the  high  esteem 
in  which  Aidan  and  his  associates  were  held  by  the  bishops  of 
Canterbury  and  Dunwich ;  and  observes  that  through  respect  to 
his  merit,  they  were  unwilling  to  condemn  his  departure  from 
the  universal  discipline  of  the  Catholic  church/*  The  letters 
which  the  Roman  missionaries  wrote  on  occasion  of  this  contro- 
versy, uniformly  breathe  a  spirit  of  meekness  and  conciliation ; 
and  prove  that  the  writers  rather  pitied  the  ignorance,  than  re- 
sented the  obstinacy  of  their  opponents/^  But  historic  truth  will 
not  permit  equal  praise  to  be  given  to  the  conduct  of  the  Scottish 
and  British  prelates.  When  Daganus,  a  Caledonian  bishop, 
arrived  at  Canterbury  in  the  days  of  Lawrence,  the  successor  of 
St,  Augustine,  he  pertinaciously  refused  to  eat  at  the  same  table, 
or  even  in  the  same  house  with  those,  who  observed  the  Roman 
Easter  f  ^  and  St.  Aldhelm  assures  us  that  the  clergy  of  Demetia 
carried  their  abhorrence  of  the  Catholic  discipline  to  such  an  ex- 
treme, that  they  punished  the  most  trivial  conformity  with  a  long 
course  of  penance,  and  purified  with  fanatic  scrupulosity  every 
utensil,  which  had  been  contaminated  by  the  touch  of  a  Roman 
or  a  Saxon  priest.'^^  We  may  wonder  and  lament  that  for  objects 
of  such  inferior  consequence  men  could  suspend  their  more  im- 
portant labours,  and  engage  in  acrimonious  controversy :  but 
candour  must  admit  that  of  the  two  parties,  the  Romans  had  the 
better  cause,  and  by  their  moderation  deserved  that  victory  which 
they  ultimately  obtained.''* 

'2  Henry,  Hist,  of  Brit.  vol.  iii.  p.  204.     Rapin,  vol.  i.  p.  71. 

'^  Numquid  universal!,  qufe  per  orbem  est,  ecclesiae  Christi,  eorum  est  paucitas  ona 
de  angulo  extremse  insula;  prajferenda.     Wilf.  apud  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  25.     Also  I.  ii.  c.  19. 

1^  Bed.  ibid. 

'5  Bed.  1.  ii.  c.  4.  19.     Wilk.  Cone.  torn.  i.  p.  36.  40.     Ep.  Bonif.  44,  p.  59. 

"5  Bed.  1.  ii.  c.  4. 

7'  Apist.  Aldhel.  ad  Geron.  Regem,  inter  Bonifac.  ep.  44,  p.  59,  See  also  Bede,  L 
ii,  c.  20.     Mat.  West,  ad  an.  586. 

^8  Smith's  Bed.  app.  viii,  ix. 


40  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Extensive  jurisJiction  of  St.  Augustine — Archbishops  of  Canterbury — York — Lich 
field — Number  of  Bishoprics — Election  of  Bishops — Episcopal  Mcifuisteries — Insti 
lutioii  of  Parishes — Discipline  of  the  Clergy — Celibacy. 

Episcopal  authority  is  coeval  with  Christianity,  The  pleni- 
tude of  the  priesthood,  which  its  divine  Founder  had  commu- 
nicated to  the  apostles,  was  by  them  transmitted  to  the  more 
learned  and  fervent  of  their  disciples.  Under  the  appropriate 
title  of  bishops,  these  ministers  presided  in  the  assembly  of  the 
faithful,  delegated  to  the  inferior  clergy  a  discretionary  portion 
of  their  authority,  and  watched  with  jealous  solicitude  over  the 
interests  of  religion.^  Wherever  Christianity  penetrated,  it  was 
Etccompanied  with  the  episcopal  institution :  and  the  anomalous 
existence  of  a  church  without  a  bishop  was  a  phenomenon  re- 
served for  the  admiration  of  later  ages.  Faithful  to  the  practice 
of  his  predecessors  in  the  conversion  of  nations,  Augustine  was 
careful  to  receive,  within  the  first  year  of  his  mission,  the  epis- 
copal consecration  from  the  hands  of  the  Galilean  prelates.  At 
the  S3in\e  time  he  consulted  his  patron  respecting  the  future 
economy  of  the  rising  church.  Gregory,  whose  zeal  already 
predicted  the  entire  conversion  of  the  octarchy,^  commanded  it 
to  be  equally  divided  into  two  ecclesiastical  provinces,  in  each 
of  which  twelve  sufiragan  bishops  should  obey  the  superior  ju- 
risdiction of  their  metropolitan.  London  and  York,  which  under 
the  Romans  had  possessed  a  high  pre-eminence  over  the  other 
cities  of  the  island,  were  selected  for  the  archiepiscopal  sees ; 
and  the  precedency  of  their  prelates  was  ordered  to  be  regulated 
by  the  priority  of  their  consecration.  But  a  flattering  distinction 
was  granted  to  the  superior  merit  of  Augustine.  The  general 
government  of  the  mission  was  still  intrusted  to  his  hands ;  and 
the  northern  metropolitan  with  his  suflragans  was  directed  to 
listen  to  his  instructions,  and  to  obey  his  orders  ^ 

From  the  Saxons  the  pontiff"  extended  his  pastoral  solicitude 
to  the  Britons.  The  long  and  unsuccessful  wars  which  they  had 
waged  against  their  fierce  invaders,  had  relaxed  the  sinews  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline ;   and   the   profligate  manners  of  their 

*  Hip  natna,  says  yElfric,  ij*  jecpeben  Episcopus,  p  ly  ojrepfceapi- 
jenb.  p  he  opeppceapije  pymle  hip  unbe]i}>eobi?an.  Ep.  ^If. 
apud  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  167. 

-  At  this  time  the  Saxon  conquests  were  divided  between  eight  chieftains  or  kings ; 
but  as  Bernicia  and  Deira  were  soon  united  to  form  the  kingdom  of  Northumbria,  there 
appears  no  reason  why  the  word  heptarchy  should  be  rejected,  as  apphed  to  a  later 
period. 

2  Bede  I.  i.  c.  29. 


Augustine's  jurisdiction  over  the  britoNs.  41 

clergy  were  become,  if  we  may  credit  the  vehement  assertions 
of  Gildas,  an  insult  to  the  sanctity  of  their  profession.  More 
anxious  to  enjoy  the  emokiments,  than  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
their  station,  they  purchased  the  dignities  of  the  church  with 
presents,  or  seized  tliem  by  force ;  and  the  fortunate  candidate 
was  more  frequently  indebted  for  his  success  to  the  arms  of  his 
kindred,  than  to  the  justice  of  his  pretensions.  Indolence  had  in- 
duced a  passion  for  ebriety  and  excess ;  the  patrimony  of  the 
poor  was  sacrificed  to  the  acquisition  of  sensual  gratifications;  tho 
most  solemn  oaths  were  sworn  and  violated  with  equal  facility; 
and  the  son,  from  the  example  of  his  father,  readily  imbibed  a 
contempt  for  clerical  chastity."*  So  general  and  unfavourable  a 
character  may,  possibly,  excite  the  skepticism  of  the  reader ;  but 
the  picture  is  drawn  by  the  pencil  of  a  countryman  and  contem- 
porary ;  and,  though  the  colouring  may  occasionally  betray  the 
exaggeration  of  zeal,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  outline 
is  faithful  and  correct.  Gregory  lamented,  and  sought  to  remedy 
these  disorders ;  and,  treading  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor, 
Celestine,  who  two  centuries  before  had  appointed  the  monk 
Palladius  to  the  government  of  the  Scottish  church,*  invested 
Augustine  with  an  extensive  jurisdiction  over  all  the  bishops  of 
the  Britons.^  To  these  degenerate  ecclesiastics  the  superintend- 
ence of  a  foreign  prelate,  distinguished  by  the  severe  regularity 

"  Ep.  Gild,  pdit.  Gale,  p.  23,  24-  38, 

*AdScotosin  Christum  credentes  ordjnatur  a  Papa  Celestino  Palladius  et /jr/wius 
episcopus  mittitur.  Prosp.  in  Chron.  an.  431.  What  is  the  meaning  of  primus 
episeopus?  Was  Palladius  the  fir^t,  vvho  appeared  among  the  Scottish  Christians  with 
the  episcopal  character,  as  Fordun  supposes  after  Higden,  (Hist.  1.  iii.  c.  8,  p.  113,  edit. 
Flaminio,)  or  was  he  the  first  in  authority  among  the  Scottish  prejates,  as  seems  to  have 
been  the  opinion  of  the  continuator  of  Fordun,  and  of  the  ancient  bishops  of  St.  An- 
drews ;  who,  though  they  exercised  the  authority,  assumed  not  the  title  of  metropolitans, 
but  styled  themselves  primi  episcnpi  Scatoruin  ?  (See  Keith's  Catalogue  of  Scottish 
Bishops,  pref.  p.  iii.  Goodall  ad  Hist.  Scot,  introduc.  p,  65.)  In  either  sense  Celestine 
appears  to  have  conceived  himself  authorized  to  invest  his  missionary  with  authority 
over  a  foreign  church. 

^  Bed.  1.  i.  c.  27.  This  has  been  considered  aa  a  wanton  invasion  of  the  rights  of  the 
British  churches.  That  it  was  warranted  ty  precedent  is  cleai  from  the  last  note  ;  nor 
would  it  be  a  difficult  task  to  prove  that  the  Britons  were  always  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Roman  see.  While  they  formed  a  part  of  the  western  empire,  they  must  have 
been  on  the  same  footing  with  the  other  provinces;  and  from  the  language  of  Gildas 
we  may  infer,  that  after  their  separation,  they  still  continued  to  acknowledge  the 
superior  authority  of  th*  pontiff.  He  informs  us  that  the  British  ecclesiastics,  who  had' 
not  sufficient  interest  at  home  to  obtain  the  richest  benefices,  crossed  the  seas  and 
traversed  distant  provinces  with  costly  presents,  in  order  to  obtain  the  object  of  their  am- 
bition ;  and  then  returned  in  triumph  to  their  native  country.  Prcemissis  ante  solicite 
nuntiis,  transnavigare  maria  terrasqoe  spatiosas  transmeare  non  tarn  piget  quam  deleotat, 
ut  talis  species  comparetur,  Deinde  cum  magno  apparatu  repedantes  sese  patria) 
ingerunt,  violenter  manus  sacrosanctis  Christi  sacrificiis  extensuri.  (Bp.  Gild.  p.  24.) 
As  the  power  of  the  emperors  was  then  extinct,  this  passage  must  mean  that  the 
British  clergymen  carided  their  disputes  before  the  tribunal  of  some  foreign  prelate , 
who,  undoubtedly,  was  the  bishop  of  Rome.  For  who  else  possessed  either  the  right  or 
the  power  to  control  competitors,  who  either  declined  the  jurisdiction,  or  appealed  fronc 
the  decision  of  their  own  metropolitan  ?  To  this  argument  Stillingfleet  has  opposed  a^ 
«ngry  but  evasive  answer,  (Orig.  Brit.  p.  363.) 
6  D  2 


42  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

of  his  conduct,  offered  no  very  pleasing  prospect :  and  when 
they  reflected,  that  to  acknowledge  his  authority  was  to  subject 
their  church  to  the  control  of  the  Saxon  hierachy,  their  pride 
was  alarmed,  and  they  determined  to  refuse  all  connexion  with 
him.'  The  difficulty  of  the  attempt  did  not,  however,  damp  the 
ardour  of  Augustine.  He  acted  with  a  vigour  proportionate  to 
the  confidence  which  Gregory  had  reposed  in  his  zeal ;  and,  hy 
the  influence  of  Ethelbert,  prevailed  on  some  of  the  British  pre- 
lates to  meet  him  near  the  confines  of  their  country.  From  the 
morning  till  night  he  laboured  to  eff'ect  an  accommodation;  his 
exhortations,  entreaties,  and  menaces  were  ineffectual ;  but  a 
miracle  is  said  to  have  subdued  their  obstinacy,  and  a  promise 
was  extorted  that  they  would  renew  the  conference  on  a  future 
day.  The  promise  was  observed  ;  but  not  till  they  had  consult- 
ed a  neighbouring  hermit  famed  for  sanctity  and  wisdom.  His 
answer  betrays  their  secret  apprehensions,  and  shows  that  the 
independence  of  their  church  was  the  chief  object  of  their  solici- 
tude. He  advised  them  to  watch  jealously  the  conduct  of  the 
missionary :  if  he  rose  to  meet  them,  they  might  consider  him  as 
a  man  of  a  n»eek  and  unassuming  temper,  and  securely  listen  to 
his  demands :  but  if  he  kept  his  seat,  they  should  condemn  him  of 
pride,  and  return  the  insult  with  equal  pride.^  On  the  appointed 
day  seven  bishops,  accompanied  by  Dinoth,  abbot  of  Bangor,  re- 
paired to  the  conference.^  Augustine  had  arrived  before  them  : 
he  did  not  rise  at  their  approach  ;  and  the  advice  of  the  hermit 
was  religiously  obeyed.  To  facilitate  their  compliance  the  mis- 
sionary had  reduced  his  demands  to  three  :  that  they  should  ob- 
serve the  orthodox  computation  of  Easter ;  should  conform  to  the 
Roman  rite  in  the  administration  of  baptism ;  and  join  with 
him  in  preaching  the  gospel  to  the  Saxons.  Each  request  was 
refused,  and  his  metropolitical  authority  contemptuously  rejected. 
"  Know,  then,"  exclaimed  the  archbishop,  in  the  anguish  of  dis- 
appointed zeal,  "know, that  if  you  will  not  assist  me  in  pointing 
out  to  the  Saxons  the  ways  of  life,  they,  by  the  just  judgment  of 
God,  will  prove  to  you  the  ministers  of  death."  They  heard  the 
prophetic  menace,  and  departed.'° 

'  See  the  verses  of  a  Saxon  poet  transcribed  by  Whelock  (p.  114  :)  but  see  them  in 
the  original ;  for  the  Latin  version  has  been  enriched  with  the  prejudices  of  the  trans- 
.ator. 

«  Bed.  I.  ii.  c.  2,  p,  80. 

8  Whether  Dinoth  possessed  the  gift  of  tongues  may  with  reason  be  doubted :  that  he 
could  not  mistake  the  title  of  the  British  metropolitan  is  evident.  His  supposed  answer 
to  Augustine,  which  Spelman  and  Wilkins  have  honoured  with  a  place  in  their  editions 
of  the  Er.glish  councils,  is  said  to  betray  its  origin  by  the  modernism  of  its  language,  and 
the  anachronism  respecting  the  see  of  Caerleon.  The  forgery  was  detected  by  Turber- 
ville,  (Manual,  p.  460,)  and  defended  by  Stillingileet  and  Bingham,  (Stil.  orig.  Brit,  p, 
360.     Bing.  vol.  i.  p.  348.) 

'"  As  Bede,  when  he  enumerates  the  demands  of  Augustine,  omits  the  recognition 
of  his  authority,  some  Catholic  writers  have  maintained  that  it  was  not  mentioned,  and 
of  consequence  was  not  rejected.     Their  opinion  is,  however,  expressly  refuted  by  Bede 


SLAUGHTER    OP    THE    BRITISH    MONKS.  43 

Augustine  did  not  long  survive  this  unsuccessful  attempt,  and 
his  prediction  was  supposed  to  have  been  verified  within  eight 
years  after  his  death."  Edelfrid,  the  warlike  and  pagan  king  of 
Northumbria,  had  entered  the  British  territories,  and  discovered 
the  army  of  his  opponents  near  the  city  of  Chester.  Diffident  of 
their  own  courage,  they  had  recourse  to  spiritual  weapons  ;  and 
a  detachment  of  more  than  twelve  hundred  monks  from  the 
monastery  of  Bangor  occupied  a  neighbouring  eminence,  whence, 
like  the  Jewish  legislator,  they  were  expected  to  regulate  by 
their  prayers  the  fate  of  the  contending  armies.  As  soon  as  they 
were  descried,  "  if  they  pray,"  exclaimed  the  king,  "  they  also 
fight  against  us ;"  and  led  his  troops  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  Broc- 
mail,  who  had  been  intrusted  with  its  defence,  fled  at  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Saxons ;  the  monks  were  slaughtered  without 
mercy;  and  of  the  whole  number  no  more  than  fifty  were  able  to 
regain  their  monastery. ^^ 

liimself,  (neque  se  ilium  pro  Archiepiscopo  habituros.  p.  80.)  But  are  we  thence  to 
conclude,  with  other  writers,  that  the  Britons  also  disavowed  the  supremacy  of  the  pon- 
tili"!  The  inference  will  not  convince  the  incredulity  of  those  who  know  how  frequently 
prelates  in  communion  with  the  see  of  Rome,  have  objected  to  the  papal  mandates  in 
points  of  local  discipline.  As  a  recent  instance  may  be  mentioned,  the  conduct  of  the 
French  bishops  with  respect  to  the  concordat  between  Pius  VII.  and  Bonaparte. 

' '  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  death  of  Augustine  should  be  fixed  to  the  year  605, 
and  the  battle  of  Chester  to  613.  See  Langhorn,  p.  145.149.  Smith's  Bed.  p.  8 1,  not.  29. 

'2  Bed.  p.  81.  About  five  hundred  years  after  this  event,  the  fabulous  GeoflTry  of 
Monmouth,  anxious  to  exalt  the  character  of  his  forefathers  at  the  expense  of  their  con- 
querors, attributed  the  massacre  of  the  monks  to  the  intrigues  of  St.  Augustine,  and  King 
Ethelbert ;  and  his  account  was  adopted  by  the  incautious  credulity  of  two  obscure  his- 
torians, Grey  and  Trivet,  (Langhorn,  p.  15D.)  But  religious  are  more  powerful  than 
national  prejudices.  The  story  was  improved  by  the  reformed  writers,  and  the  arch- 
bishop was  represented  as  departing  in  sullen  discontent  from  the  conference,  and  ex- 
horting the  Saxon  princes  to  efface  with  the  blood  of  his  adversaries  the  insult  which 
had  been  offered  to  his  authority.  (See  Bale,  cent.  13,  c.  1.  Parker,  p.  48,  God.  p.  33, 
and  a  crowd  of  more  modern  writers,  whose  zeal  has  re-echoed  the  calumny.)  But  this 
heavy  accusation  is  supported  by  no  proof,  and  is  fully  refuted  by  the  testimony  of  Bede, 
who  refers  the  massacre  of  the  monks  to  its  true  cause,  their  appearance  in  the  field  of 
battle  ;  and  expressly  declares  that  it  occurred  long  after  the  death  of  Augustine,  (ipso 
Augustino  jam  multo  ante  tempore  ad  ccelestia  regna  sublato.  Bed.  p.  81.  To  elude 
the  force  of  this  passage.  Bishop  Godwin  has  boldly  asserted  that  it  was  added  to  the 
original  text  of  Bede  by  the  officious  solicitude  of  some  admirer  of  the  missionary.  He 
does  not,  indeed,  desire  us  to  believe  him  "without  aiming  at  any  proof,"  as  Mr.  Reeves 
inadvertently  asserts;  (Hist,  of  the  Christ.  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  354:)  but  rests  his  opinion 
principally  on  the  absence  of  the  passage  from  the  Saxon  version  by  King  Alfred.  (God. 
p.  33.)  He  should,  however,  have  observed  that  the  royal  translator  frequently  abridged 
the  original,  and  omitted  entire  lines,  when  they  were  not  necessary  to  complete  the 
sense.  Thus,  for  example,  in  the  sentence  preceding  the  controverted  passage,  he  has 
not  translated  the  account  of  Brocmail's  flight,  nor,  in  the  sentence  which  follows  it,  the 
date  of  the  ordination  of  .Fustus  and  Mellitus.  (See  Smith's  edition  of  Alfred's  version, 
p.  504.)  Whelock  is  another  writer,  who  has  attempted  to  prop  up  this  baseless 
calumny.  (Hist.  Eccl.  p.  1 14.)  It  were  easy  to  expose  the  inaccuracies  into  which  his 
zeal  has  hurried  him  :  but  every  candid  reader  will  admit,  that  if  there  be  any  reason  to 
doubt  the  true  meaning  of  Alfred's  version,  it  will  be  more  prudent  to  consult  the  original 
of  Bede,  than  the  commentaries  of  controvertists.  As  to  the  Latin  MSS.,they  unitbrmly 
attest  the  authenticity  of  the  suspected  passage.  It  even  occurs  in  that  of  More,  written 
within  two  years  from  the  death  of  Bede,  and  probably  transcribed  from  the  original  cojiy 
of  the  venerable  historian.     Smith's  Bede,  prcf.  and  p.  81,  not.  6. 


44  AI^TIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH, 

The  system  of  ecclesiastical  polity  which  Gregory  had  dictated 
to  the  missionaries,  was  never  effectually  carried  into  execution. 
Paulinus  had  indeed  been  consecrated  for  the  see  of  York:  but 
he  was  compelled  to  retire  before  he  had  completed  the  conver- 
sion of  the  nation ;  and  the  Northumbrian  prelates  for  more  than 
a  century  aspired  to  no  higher  rank  than  that  of  bishops. 
Augustine  himself  preferred  Canterbury  to  London ;  and  the 
metropolitical  dignity  was  secured  to  the  former  by  the  rescripts 
of  succeeding  pontiffs.  Its  jurisdiction  at  first  extended  no  farther 
than  the  churches  founded  by  the  Roman  missionaries.*^  But  at 
the  death  of  Deusdedit,  the  sixth  archbishop,  the  presbyter  Wig- 
hard  was  chosen  to  succeed  him,  and  sent  to  Rome  by  the  kings 
of  Kent  and  Northumbria,  to  receive  the  episcopal  consecration 
from  the  hands  of  the  pontiff,  and  to  consult  him  respecting  the 
controversies  which  divided  the  Saxon  bishops.  During  his 
residence  in  that  city  he  fell  a  victim  to  the  plague;  and  Vitalian, 
who  then  enjoyed  the  papal  dignity,  seized  the  favourable  moment 
to  place  in  the  see  of  Canterbury  a  prelate  of  vigour  and  capacity. 
The  object  of  his  choice  was  Theodore  of  Cilicia,  an  aged  monk, 
who,  to  the  severest  morals,  added  a  perfect  knowledge  of  ecclesi- 
astical discipline.  Him  he  invested  with  an  extensive  jurisdiction, 
similar  to  that  which  Gregory  had  conferred  on  St.  Augustine. 
At  his  arrival  the  new  metropolitan  assumed  the  title  of  arch- 
bishop of  Britain,  and  was  acknowledged  as  their  immediate 
superior  by  all  the  Saxon  prelates.  The  authority  which  he 
claimed  was  almost  unlimited ;  but  the  murmurs  of  opposition 
were  silenced  by  the  veneration  that  his  character  inspired,  and 
by  a  new  decree  of  Pope  Agatho  in  favour  of  the  see  of  Canter- 
bury. After  his  death,  different  bishops  attempted  to  assert  their 
independence ;  and  the  successors  of  St.  Augustine  had  more 
than  once  to  contend  with  the  ambition  of  their  suffragans.  The 
first  who  dared  to  refuse  obedience  was  Egbert,  bishop  of  York, 
and  brotlier  to  the  king  of  Northumbria.  Depending  on  the 
ancient  regulation  of  St.  Gregory,  and  supported  by  the  influence 
of  his  brother,  he  appealed  to  the  pontifl';  and  a  papal  decree 
severed  from  the  immediate  jurisdiction  of  the  Kentish  metropoli- 
tan, all  the  bishoprics  situated  to  the  north  of  the  Humber.''*  His 
success  roused  the  hopes  of  a  more  dangerous  antagonist.  The 
great  prerogatives  of  Canterbury  were  an  object  of  jealousy  to 
Offa,  the  haughty  and  powerful  king  of  Mercia.  He  thought  it 
a  disgrace  that  his  prelates  should  profess  obedience  to  the  bishop 
of  a  tributarj''  state ;  and  resolved  to  invest  the  ancient  see  of 
Lichfield  with  the  archiepiscopal  di^^nity.  Janbyrht  of  Canter- 
bury was  not  wanting  to  himself  in  this  controversy.  He 
entreated  and  threatened :  he  employed  the  influence  of  friends 
aud  of  presents :  he  adduced  the  decrees  of  former  popes,  angi 

"  Bcde,  1,  iv.  c.  2. 

•<  Chron.  Sax.  An.  735.     Malm,  de  Pont.  I.  iii.  f.  153. 


MULTIPLICATION    OF    BISHOPRICS.  45 

pleaded  the  prescription  of  two  centuries  in  favour  of  his  church. 
But  the  power  of  Offa  was  irresistible.  His  design  was  approved 
by  the  prelates  of  an  English  council,  and  their  approbation  was 
confirmed  by  a  rescript  of  the  Roman  pontiff.  The  bishops  of 
Mercia  and  East-Anglia  acknowledged  the  authority  of  the  new 
metropolitan ;  and  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  condemned  to 
lament  in  silence  the  diminution  of  his  revenue  and  authority, 
reluctantly  contented  himself  with  the  obedience  of  the  bishops 
of  Rochester,  London,  Selsey,  Winchester,  and  Sherburne.  But 
the  triumph  of  the  Mercian  was  not  of  long  continuance.  Within 
nine  years  Kenulf  ascended  the  throne,  and,  actuated  either  by 
motives  of  justice,or  by  the  desire  of  reconciling  to  his  government 
the  inhabitants  of  Kent,  expressed  his  willingness  to  restore  to 
the  church  of  Canterbury  that  pre-eminence  which  it  originally 
enjoyed.  The  most  formidable  obstacle  arose  from  a  quarter 
where  it  had  been  least  expected.  Leo,  who  was  then  invested 
with  the  papal  dignity,  refused  to  alter  a  regulation  which,  at  the 
general  petition  of  the  Saxon  nobility  and  clergy,  had  been  esta- 
blished by  his  predecessor.  To  overcome  the  opposition  of  the 
pontiff,  it  required  an  embassy  from  the  king,  and  a  journey  to 
Rome  by  the  archbishop,  Ethelward.  But  his  consent  was  no 
sooner  obtained,  than  it  was  joyfully  received  by  the  Saxon  pre- 
lates, and  the  metropolitan  of  Lichfield  descended  to  the  subordi- 
nate station  of  a  suffragan. ^^  The  event  of  this  contest  proved 
honourable  and  useful  to  the  see  of  Canterbury;  and  so  firmly 
established  its  precedency,  that  it  has  since  borne,  without  suffer- 
ing any  considerable  injury,  the  revolutions  of  more  than  ten 
centuries.*^ 

The  first  Saxon  dioceses  were  of  enormous  extent,  and  gene- 
rally commensurate  to  the  kingdoms  in  which  they  were  esta- 
blished. The  jurisdiction  of  the  see  of  Winchester  stretched  from 
the  frontiers  of  Kent  to  those  of  the  Cornwall  Britons :  a  single 
bishopric  comprised  the  populous  and  extensive  province  of 
Mercia ;  and  the  prelate  who  resided  sometimes  at  York,  some- 
times in  Lindisfarne,  watched  over  the  spiritual  interests  of  all 
the  tribes  of  Saxons  and  Picts,  who  dwelt  between  the  Humber 

'*  For  this  controversy  consult  Wharton,  (Ang.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  429,  430.  460,)  the 
Saxon  chronicle,  (an.  785,)  and  Wilkins,  (p.  152.  160,  164—7.) 

's  From  the  original  grants  it  is  evident  that  the  great  authority  conferred  on  St.  Au- 
gustine and  Theodore  was  meant  to  expire  at  their  death.  (Bed.  p.  70.  160.  Wilk. 
p.  41.)  Yet  their  successors  often  claimed,  and  sometimes  exercised  a  superiority  over 
all  the  neighbouring  churches.  From  numerous  records  it  appears  that  the  bishops  of 
Scotland,  and  even  of  Ireland,  frequently  repaired  to  Canterbury,  for  the  sacred  rite  of 
consecration.  (Wilk.  p.  373,  374.  Aug.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  80,  81:)  and  though  the  majority 
of  the  Welch  prelates  continued  to  profess  obedience  to  the  bishop  of  St.  David's,  yet 
those  of  Landaflf,  who  disputed  the  archiepiscopal  dignity  with  the  possessors  of  that  see, 
rather  than  submit  to  their  adversaries,  acknowledged  the  authority  of  the  English  me- 
tropolitan. Their  celebrated  bishop,  Oudoceus,  with  the  approbation  of  Mouric,  king 
of  Glamorgan,  had  been  ordained  by  St.  Augustine;  and  his  successors  were  careful  to 
ohser.ve  &  practice  which  had  been  sanctioned  by  his  example..  Langhorn,  p.  137. 
Usher  de  prim.  p.  85.     Ang.  Sac.  vol,  ii,  p.  673, 


46  ANTlQUltlES    OF    THE    AXGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

and  the  friths  of  Forth  and  Clyde.    No  powers  of  any  indivi^lUal 
were  adequate  to  the  government  of  dioceses  so  extensive  ;   and 
Theodore,  from  the  moment  of  his  arrival  in  England,  had  formed 
the  design  of  breaking  them  into  smaller  and  more  proportionate 
districts.    But  few  men  can  behold  with  pleasure  the  diminution 
of  their  authority  or  profit :  and  the  duty  of  transmitting  unim- 
paired to  future  ages  the  dignity  which  they  enjoyed,  would  fur- 
nish the  reluctant  prelates  with  a  specious  objection  against  the 
measures  of  the   primate*     Theodore,  however,  secure  of  the 
protection  of  the  holy  see^  pursued  his  design  with  prudence  and 
witli  firmness.     The  contumacy  of  Winfrid,  the  Mercian  bishop, 
he  chastised  by  deposing  him  from  his  dignity,  and  successively 
consecrated   five   other   prelates   for   the  administration  of  his 
extensive  diocese  :'^  and  when  Wilfrid  of  York  had  iiicurred  the 
resentment  of  his  sovereign,  the  king  of  Northumbria, he  improved 
the  opportunity,  and  divided  into  four  bishoprics  the  provinces 
of  that  kingdom.     The  conduct  of  Theodore  was  imitated  by  his 
immediate  successor,  and,  within  a  few  years  after  his  death,  the 
number  of  Saxon  bishd|)s  was  increased  from  seven  to  seventeen. ^^ 
This  augmentation  was  not,  however,  sufficient  to  satisfy  the 
'  spiritual  wants  of  the  |ieople ;  and  the  venerable  Bede  zealously 
laments  that,  in  the  great  and  populous  diocese  of  York  there 
were  many  districts  which  had  never  been  visited  by  their  bishop, 
and  thousands  of  Christians,  whose  souls  had  not  received  the 
Holy  Spirit  by  the  imposition  of  his  hands.*^     To  remove  so 
alarming  an  evil,  this  enlightened  hionk  earnestly  but  ineffectu- 
ally proposed  that  the  Original  plan  of  Gregory  the  Great  should 
be  completed ;  that  the  church  of  Northumbria  should  be  intrusted 
to  the  separate  administration  of  twelve  prelates;  and  that  the 
new  episcopal  sees  should  be  fixed  in  some  of  the  rich  but  nomi- 
nal monasteries,  which  covered  and  impoverished  that  kingdom. ^° 
The  election  of  bishops  has  frequently  been  the  subject  of  con- 
troversy between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities.     As  long 
as  the  professors  of  the  gospel  formed  a  proscribed  but  increasing 
pnrty  in  the  heart  of  the  Roman  empire,  each  private  church 
observed  without   interruption  the   method   established    by  its 
founder.     But  after  the  conversion  of  Constantine,  when  riches 
and  influence  were  generally  attached  to  the  episcopal  dignity, 

'"  CpcI.  1.  iv.  c.  6.     Ang.  Soc.  vol.  i.  p.  423,  not. 

'■''  They  were,  in  Kent,  Canterbury  and  Rochester;  in  Essex,  London;  in  East-An- 
glia,  Dunwish  and  Helmham  ;  in  Sussex,  Sgigey.;  in  Wessex,  Winchester  and  Sherbutiie ; 
in  Mercia,  Lichfield,  Leicester,  Worcester,  and  Sydnacester;  in  Northumbria,  York, 
Hexham,  Lindisfarne,  nnd  Whithern.  ^^  ■ 

'f*  Bed.  ep.  ad  Egb.  p.  307. 

~"  Hahito  majore  concilio  et  consensu  pontificali  simul  et  regali,  prospiciatur  locus 
a!i(]uis  monasteriorum  uhi  sedes  episcopaiis  fiat  ....  Quod  enim  turpe  est  dicere,  tot 
sub  monasteriorum  nomine  hi,  qui  monachicae  vits  prorsus  sunt  immunes,  in  suam 
ditionem  acceperunt,  ut  omnino  desit  locus  uhi  filii  nobilium  aut  emeritorum  militum 
possessionem  accipeve  ])ossint.  Bed.  ibid.  p.  309.  The  nature  of  these  nominal  or  lay 
Jnonasteries  will  be  explained  in  one  of  (he  following  chapters. 


ELECTION    OF    BISHOPS.  47 

the  freedom  of  canonical  election  alarmed  the  jealousy  of  the 
imperial  court ;  the  prince  often  assumed  the  right  of  nominating 
to  the  vacant  sees ;  and  the  clergy  were  compelled  to  submit  to 
a  less,  rather  than  provoke  by  resistance  a  more  dangerous  evil. 
However,  the  occasional  exercise  of  the  imperial  claim  was  chiefly 
confined  to  the  four  great  patriarchal  churches  of  Antioch,  Alex- 
andria, Constantinople,  and  Rome  :  and  of  the  eighteen  hundred 
dioceses  which  the  empire  comprised,  the  greater  part  enjoyed, 
till  the  irruption  of  the  barbarians,  the  undisturbed  possession  of 
their  religious  liberties.  But  the  Saxon  church  in  its  infancy 
was  divided  among  seven  independent  sovereigns,  ignorant  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  and  impatient  of  control.  Their  im- 
petuosity was  not  easily  induced  to  bend  to  the  authority  of  the 
canons  ;  and  their  caprice  frequently  displayed  itself  in  the  choice 
and  expulsion  of  their  bishops.  Of  this  a  remarkable  instance  i§ 
furnished  by  the  conduct  of  Coinwalch,  king  of  Wessex.  Agil- 
bert,  a  Gallic  prelate,  whom  his  industry  and  talents  had  re- 
commended to  the  notice  of  the  king,  was  appointed  by  him  to> 
succeed  Birinns,  the  apostle  of  that  nation.  But  the  influence 
of  the  stranger  was  secretly  undermined  by  the  intrigues  of  Wini, 
a  Saxon  ecclesiastic  of  engaging  address  and  more  polished  ac- 
cent ;  and  after  a  decent  delay,  the  foreign  bishop  received  from 
Coinwalch  an  order  to  surrender  to  the  favourite  one-half  of  his 
extensive  province.  Opposition  was  fruitless :  and  Agilbert, 
rather  than  subscribe  to  his  own  disgrace  by  retaining  a  mu- 
tilated diocese,  retired  from  the  kingdom  of  Wessex,  and  left  his 
more  fortunate  antagonist  in  possession  of  the  whole. ''^  But 
Wini  in  his  turn  experienced  the  caprice  of  his  patron.  On  some 
motive  of  disgust  he  also  was  compelled  to  abdicate  his  see,  and 
an  honourable  but  fruitless  embassy  was  sent  to  Agilbert  to 
solicit  him  to  return.  Similar  instances  which  occur  during  the 
first  eighty  years  of  the  Saxon  church,  show  the  inconstant 
humour  and  despotic  rule  of  these  petty  sovereigns :  and  the 
submission  of  the  prelates  proves,  that  they  were  either  too 
irresolute  to  despise  the  orders,  or  too  prudent  to  provoke  the 
vengeance  of  princes,  v,rhose  power  might  easily  have  crushed  the 
fabric,  which  they  had  reared  with  so  much  difficulty  and  danger. 
By  Theodore  the  discipline  of  the  Saxon  church  was  reduced 
to  a  more  perfect  form.  The  choice  of  bishops  was  served  to 
the  national  synods,  in  which  the  primate  presided,  and  regulated 
the  process  of  the  election.^^  Gradually  it  devolved  to  the  clergy 
of  each  church,  whose  choice  was  corroborated  by  the  presence 
and  acclamations  of  the  more  respectable  among  the  laity."^     But 

2'  Unde  offensus  graviter  Agilbertus,  quod  hoc  ipso  inconsulto  ageret  Rex,  rediit 
Galliarn.     Bede,  I.  iii.  c.  7. 

22  Compare  Wilkins,  (p,  46.)  Bede,  (1.  iv.  c.  28,  v.  c.  8.  18,)  and  the  letter  of  Wald- 
har,  bishop  of  London,  (Smith's  Bede,  p.  783.) 

23  Electio  prsEsulum  et  abbatum  tempore  Anglorum  penes  clericos  et  monachos  erat. 
Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  iii.  f.  157.     Plegmund  of  Canterbury  was  chosen  op  Eiobe  anb 


48  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

the  notions  of  the  feudal  jurisprudence  insensibly  undermined 
the  freedom  of  these  elections.  As  it  was  dangerous  to  intrust 
the  episcopal  power  to  the  hands  of  his  enemy,  the  king  forbade 
the  consecration  of  the  bishop  elect,  till  the  royal  consent  had 
been  obtained :  and  as  the  revenues  of  the  church  were  origi- 
nally the  donation  of  the  crown,  he  claimed  the  right  of  investing 
the  new  prelate  with  the  temporalities  of  his  bishopric.  As  soon 
as  any  church  became  vacant,  the  ring  and  crosier,  the  emblems 
of  episcopal  jurisdiction,  were  carried  to  the  king  by  a  deputation 
of  the  chapter,  and  returned  by  him  to  the  person  whom  they 
had  chosen,  with  a  letter  by  which  the  civil  officers  were  order- 
ed to  maintain  him  in  the  possession  of  the  lands  belonging  to 
his  church.^  The  clairns  of  the  crown  were  progressive.  By 
degrees  the  royal  will  was  notified  to  the  clergy  of  the  vacant 
bishopric  imder  the  modest  veil  of  a  recommendation  in  favour 
of  a  particular  candidate  :  at  last  the  rights  of  the  chapter  were 
openly  invaded  ;  and  before  the  fall  qf  the  Anglo-Saxon  dynasty 
we  meet  with  instances  of  bishops  appointed  by  the  sovereign, 
without  waiting  for  the  choice,  or  soliciting  the  consent  of  the 
clergy.^* 

The  ministers  of  the  public  worship  in  the  infancy  pf  the  Saxon 
church  were  divided  into  two  classes,  the  clergy  and  the  monks ; 
who,  as  they  were  at  first  united  by  their  common  desire  to  con- 
vert the  barbarians,  were  afterwards  rendered  antagonists  by  the 
jealousy  of  opposite  interests.  The  companions  of  St.  Augustine, 
when  he  departed  from  Rome,  were  Italian  monks :  but  during 
his  journey  he  was  joined  by  seyeral  of  the  Gallic  clergy,  to 
whose  labours  and  preaching,  as  thei/  alone  spoke  the  Saxon 
language,  he  was  greatly  indebted  for  the  success  of  his  mis- 
op  eallen  hip  hallechen,  (Chron.  Sax.  p.  90:)  ^dnoth  of  Dorchester,  tam  cleri 
quam  populi  votis,  (Hist.  Raines,  p.  343.  447,)  Adulph  of  York,  omnium  consensu  et 
voluntate  regis  et  episcoporum,  cleri  et  populorum.  (Coen.  Burgen.  hist.  p.  31.)  The 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  is  said  to  have  retained  the  right  of  nominating  to  the  see  of 
Rochester.     Selden,  ni)t.  ad  Eadmer.  p.  144. 

2^  Ingulf,  p.  32.  39.  63.  A  letter  written  by  Edward  the  Confessor  on  one  of  these 
occasions  is  preserved  in  the  history  of  Ely,  p.  512. 

^^  A  multis  itaque  annis  retroactis  nulla  electio  prselatorum  erat  mere  libcTa  et  cano- 
nica  :  sed  omnes  dignitates  tani  episcoporum  quam  abbatum  per  annulum  et  baculum 
Regis  curia  pro  sua  complacentia  conferebat.  Ing.  p.  63.  The  royal  nomination,  how- 
ever, was  not  always  successful.  Egclric,  appointed  by  Edward  to  the  archbishopric 
of  York,  was  refused  by  the  canons,  and  compelled  to  retire  to  the  church  of  Durham. 
(Cocn.  Burg.  hist.  p.  45.  Simeon  says  he  was  opposed  by  the  clergy  of  Durham,  p. 
167.)  That  the  right  assumed  by  the  crown  was  often  exercised  to  the  disadvantage 
of  religion,  became  the  subject  of  frequent  complaint  under  the  Saxon  princes,  (Chron. 
Sax.  p.  157.  162,  Ingulf,  p.  63.  Sim.  Dun.  p.  166;)  but  after  the  Norman  conquest 
the  abuse  grew  intolerable ;  and  the  first  ecclesiastical  dignities  were  prostituted  by 
William  Rufus  to  the  highest  bidder.  At  last  the  pontiffs  interfered,  and  reclaimed  the 
ancient  freedom  of  canonical  election.  This  gave  birth  to  the  celebrated  dispute  con- 
cerning investitures,  which  has  furnished  many  writers  with  a  favourite  theme,  the 
ambition  of  the  Roman  bishops.  In  treating  it,  they  whimsically  declaim  against  the 
ignorance  of  the  higher  clergy  at  that  period,  and  vet  condemn  the  only  measure  which 
could  remedy  that  evil. 


ANGLO-SAXON    CLERGY.  49 

sion.^^  The  economy  of  the  rising  church  soon  demanded  his 
attention  :  and,  desirous  to  imitate  the  discipUne  of  other  Christian 
countries,  he  placed  his  monks  in  a  convent  without  the  walls  of 
Canterbury  ;  and  intrusted  the  duty  of  his  cathedral  to  the  clergy 
who  had  accompanied  him  from  Gaul."  Scarcely^  however, 
was  the  archbishop  dead,  when  (if  we  may  give  credit  to  a  sus- 
picious charter)  the  partiality  of  Ethelbert  attempted  to  disturb 
the  order  established  by  his  teacher,  and  permission  was  obtained 
from  the  pontiff  to  introduce  a  colony  of  monks,  wiio  might  either 
supersede,  or  assist  the  former  canons.^^  But  if  this  plan  were 
in  contemplation,  there  is  reason  to  believe  it  was  not  executed. 
Long  after  the  death  of  Ethelbert,  we  discover  the  clergy  in  pos- 
session of  Christchurch ;  nor  were  they  compelled  to  yield  their 
benefices  to  the  superior  power  of  the  monks  before  the  com- 
mencement of  the  eleventh  century. ^^ 

The  motives  which  actuated  Augustine,  probably  induced 
many  of  the  other  prelates  to  establish  communities  of  clergy  for 
the  service  of  their  cathedrals.  St.  Aidan,  indeed,  seems  to  form 
an  exception.  Lindisfarne,  which  he  had  chosen  for  his  resi- 
dence, was  regulated  after  the  model  of  the  parent  monastery  in 
the  isle  of  Hii ;  and  both  the  bishop  and  his  clergy  practised,  as 
far  as  their  functions  would  permit,  the  same  religious  observ- 
ances as  the  abbot  and  his  monks.  But  the  apology  which  Bede 
offers  for  the  singularity  of  the  institution,  is  a  sufficient  proof, 
that  it  had  been  adopted  by  few  of  the  other  prelates  f°  and 
the  many  regulations,  which  occur  in  the  acts  of  the  Saxon  coun- 
cils, respecting  the  conduct  and  the  dress  of  the  canons,  shew  that 
order  of  men  to  have  been  widely  diffused  through  the  different 
dioceses  of  the  heptarchy .^^ 

'^''  Compare  the  38th  and  59th  epistles  of  8t.  Gregory,  (ep.  1.  v.)  with  Bede's  History, 
(1.  i.  c.  27,  inter.  1,  2.)  See  also  Alford,  ann.  598,  and  Stillingfleet's  answer  to  Cressy, 
p.  271. 

2'  See  Spelman,  (Cone.  vol.  i.  p.  116,)  the  bull  of  Eugenius  IV.  to  the  canons  of  the 
Lateran,  (Pennot.  de  canon.  1.  ii.  c.  14,)  and  Smith,  (Fiores  hist.  p.  363.) 

28  Quod  postulasti  concedimus,  ut  vestra  benignitas  in  Monasterio  Sancti  Salvatoris 
monachorum  regulariter  viventium  habitationem  statuat.  Ep.  Bon.  iv.  ad  Ethel,  apud 
Spel.  vol.  i.  p.  130. 

29  See  the  charter  of  Ethelred  to  the  monks  after  he  had  expelled  the  canons.  ( Wilk. 
Con.  p.  283.  284.)  Stillingfleet  shows  that,  notwithstanding  the  introduction  of  the 
monks,  the  clergy  still  possessed  several  prebends  in  that  church  as  late  as  the  reign  of 
Henry  the  Second.    (Ans.  to  Cressy,  p.  290.) 

30  Neque  aliquis  miretur  .  .  .  revera  enim  ita  est  ...  .  Ab  Aidano  omnes  loci 
ipsius  antistites  usque  hndie  sic  episcopale  exercent  officiuni,  ut  regente  monasterium 
Abbate,  quem  ipsi  cum  concilio  fratrum  elegerint,  omnes  presbyteri,  diaconi,  cantores, 
lectores,  caeterique  gradus  ecclesiastici,  monachicam  per  omnia  cum  ipso  episcopo  regu- 
1am  servant.     Bed.  vit.  Cuth.  c.  xvi. 

3'  Wilk.  torn.  i.  p.  101.  147.  286,  Tom.  iv.  app.  p.  7.')4.  See  also  the  letter  of  St. 
Boniface  addressed  to  the  Saxon  bishops,  priests,  deacons,  canons,  clerks,  abbots,  monks, 
<Scc.  (Ep.  Bonif.  6,  edit.  Ser.)  Eugenius  IV.  ascribes  the  introduction  of  canons  to 
the  order  of  St.  Gregory.  Beatissimus  Gregorius  Augustino  Anglorum  episcopo,  velut 
jilaritatioiiem  sacram  in  commisso  sibi  populo  praecepit  institui.  Bulla  Eug.  IV.  paud 
I'ennot.  cit.  Smith  Florcs,  p.  363. 

7  E 


50  ANTIQUITIKS    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Under  the  general  appellation  of  canons  our  ancestors  com- 
prised the  ecclesiastics,  who  professed  to  regulate  their  conduct 
by  the  decrees  of  the  councils,  and  the  statutes  of  the  ancient 
lathers.^2  In  almost  every  episcopal  see,  contiguous  to  the 
cathedral,  was  erected  a  spacious  building,  which  was  distin- 
guished by  the  name  of  the  episcopal  monastery,  and  was  de- 
signed for  the  residence  of  the  bishop  and  his  clergy.^^  The 
original  destination  af  the  latter  was  the  celebration  of  the  di- 
vine service,  and  the  edttcation  of  youth  :  and,  that  they  might 
with  less  impediment  attend  to  these  important  duties,  they  were 
obliged  to  observe  a  particular  distribution  of  their  time,  to  eat 
at  the  same  table,  to  sleep  in  the  same  dormitories,  and  to  live 
constantly  under  the  eye  of  the  bishop,  or,  in  his  absence,  of  the 
superior  whom  he  had  appo-inted.^  But  they  retained  the 
power  of  disposing  of  their  own  property ;  and  in  this  respect 
the  canonical  differed  essentially  fro'm  the  monastic  profession.^^ 
Their  numbers  were  constantly  supplied  from  the  children  who 
were  educated  under  their  care,  and  the  proselytes,  who,  dis- 
gusted with  the  pleasures  or  the  troubles  of  the  world,  requested 
to  be  admitted  into  their  society.  Among  them  were  to  be  found 
the  descendants  of  the  noblest  families,  and  Thanes,  Avho  had 
governed  provinces,  and  commanded  armies.^^  A  severe  pro- 
bation preceded  their  admittance  into  the  order:  nor  did  they 
receive  the  tonsure  from  the  hands  of  the  bishop,  till  their  con- 
duct had  been  nicely  investigated,  and  the  stability  of  their  voca- 
tion satisfactorily  proved." 

These  communities  were  the  principal  seminaries  for  the  edu- 
cation of  the  clergy.  Though  each  parish-priest  was  constantly 
attended  by  a  certain  number  of  inferior  clerks,  who  were  or- 

'2  Canones  dicimus  regulas,  quas  sancti  patres  constituerunt,  in  quibus  scriptum  est, 
quomodo  canonici,  id  est,  clerici  regulates  vivere  debent.  Excerp.  Egb.  Archiep.  p.  101. 
As  Northumbria  was  principally  converted  by  the  Scottish  missionaries,  the  clergy  were 
there  known  by  the  Scottish  name  of  Cuklees,  (Colidei  or  Keledei,  from  Keile  servus, 
and  Dia  Deus,  Goodall,  introd.  ad  Hist.  Scot.  p.  68.)  In  the  cathedral  church  of  York 
they  retained  this  appellation  as  late  as  the  eleventh  century.  (Monast.  Ang.  vol.  ii. 
p.  368.)  This  circumstance  alone  is  sufficient  to  refute  the  strange  notion  of  some 
modern  Scottish  writers,  that  the  Culdees  were  a  kind  of  presbyterian  ministers,  who 
rejected  the  authority  of  bishops,  and  differed  in  religious  principles  from  the  monks. 
Goodall  has  demonstrated  from  original  records,  that  they  were  the  clergy  of  the  cathe- 
dral churches  who  chose  the  bishop,  and  that  all  their  disputes  with  the  monks  regarded 
contested  property,  not  religious  opinions.  See  preface  to  Keith's  Catalogue  of  Bishops, 
p.  viii. 

^'  Alford,  the  learned  annalist,  has  incautiously  sanctioned  the  vulgar  error  that  a 
monastery  necessarily  implies  a  habitation  of  monks.  (Alf.  tom.  iii.  p.  182.)  The 
distinction  of  clerical  and  monastic  monasteries  is  repeatedly  inculcated  in  our  Saxon 
writers.  (Wilk.  p.  86.  100. 160.  Gale,  p.  481.)  It  was  equally  known  in  other  nations. 
See  the  epistle  of  St.  Ambrose  to  the  church  of  Vercelli,  (1.  iii.)  the  life  of  St.  Augus- 
tine by  Possidius,  (c.  xi.)  the  sermons  of  St.  Augustine,  (de  diversis,  49,50,)  the  coun- 
cil of  Mentz,  (c.  20,)  and  Historia  de  los  Seminarios  clericales,  (en  Salamanca,  1 778, 
p.  6—14.) 

34  Bed.  I.  i.  c.  27.     Wilk.  p.  147.  293.  35  Cone.  Aquisgran.  I.  can.  115. 

26  Hoved.  an.  794.  796.     Wilk.  p.  226,  xiii,  3'  Wilk.  p.  98. 


EDUCATION  OF  THE  CLERGV.  51 

(Jered  to  listoii  t<j  liis  iiistiMirti()ii.s,aiid  were  occasionally  raised  to 
the  priesthood  ;  yet  it  was  from  the  episcopal  monastery  that  the 
bishop  selected  the  most  learned  and  valuable  portion  of  his 
clergy.  With  the  assistance  of  the  best  masters,  the  young  ec- 
clesiastics were  initiated  in  the  ditferent  sciences  which  were 
studied  at  that  period  :  while  the  restraint  of  a  wise  and  vigilant 
discipline  withheld  them  from  the  seductions  of  vice,  and  inured 
them  to  the  labours  and  the  duties  of  their  profession.  Accord- 
ing to  their  years  and  merit  they  were  admitted  to  the  lower 
orders  of  the  hierarchy :  and  might,  with  the  approbation  of 
their  superior,  aspire  at  the  age  of  five-and-twenty  to  the  rank 
of  deacon,  at  thirty,  to  that  of  priest.^^  But  it  was  incumbent 
on  the  candidate  to  prove,  that  no  canonical  impediment  forbade 
his  promotion  ;  that  he  was  not  of  spurious  or  servile  birth ;  that 
he  had  not  been  guilty  ©f  any  public  and  infamous  crime ;  and, 
if  he  had  formerly  lived  in  the  state  of  wedlock,  that  neither  he 
nor  his  wife  had  been  married  more  than  once.^^  From  the 
moment  of  his  ordination  he  was  bound  to  obey  the  commands 
of  his  bishop ;  to  reside  within  the  diocese;  to  limit  the  exercise 
of  his  functions  according  to  the  directions  of  his  superior ;  and 
to  serve  with  fidelity  the  church  in  which  he  might  be  placed."*" 
But  though  he  was  thus  rendered  dependent  on  the  nod  of  his 
diocesan,  that  prelate  was  admonished  to  temper  the  exercise  of 
his  authority  with  mildness  and  discretion,  and  to  recollect,  that 
if,  in  the  discharge  of  the  episcopal  duties,  he  was  the  superior, 
on  other  occasions  he  was  the  colleague  of  his  pTiests."' 

In  the  infancy  of  the  Saxon  church,  the  scanty  supply  of  mis- 
sionaries was  unequal  to  the  multiplied  demands  of  the  people 
intrusted  to  their  care.  The  bishop  either  followed  the  court  and 
preached  according  to  his  leisure  and  opportunity ;  or  fixed  his 
residence  in  some  particular  spot,  whence,  attended  by  his  clergy, 
he  visited  the  remoter  parts  of  the  diocese.  Churches  were  not 
erected  except  in  monasteries,  and  the  more  populous  towns; 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  depended  for  instruction  on 
the  casual  arrival  of  priests,  whom  charity  or  the  orders  of  their 
superiors  induced  to  undertake  these  obscure  and  laborious  jour- 
neys. Bede  has  drawn  an  interesting  picture  of  the  avidity  with 
which  the  simple  natives  of  the  most  neglected  cantons  were  ac- 
customed to  hasten,  on  the  first  appearance  of  a  missionary,  to 
beg  his  benediction,  and  listen  to  his  instructions.-*^  and  the  cele- 
brated St.  Cuthbert  frequently  spent  whole  weeks  and  months  in 
performing  the  priestly  functions,  amid  the  most  mountainous 
and  uncultivated  parts  of  Northumbria."*^      The  inconvenience 

ssWilk.  p.  106.  107. 

'9  Id.  p.  85.     It  was  necessary,  as  will  be  proved  hereafter,  that  his  wife  should  be 
dead,  or  have  consented  to  a  perpetual  separation. 
^1  Id.  p.  43.  83.  102.  10.5.  127.  171. 
■"  Id.  p.  103  "  Bed.  I.  iii.  c.  26.  ^^  Bed.  vit.  Cuth.  c.  9. 16. 


52  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

of  this  desultory  method  of  instruction  was  soon  discovered  ;  and 
Honorius  of  Canterbury  is  said  to  have  first  formed  the  plan  of 
distributing  each  diocese  into  a  proportionate  number  of  parishes, 
and  of  allotting  each  to  the  care  of  a  resident  clergyman/'*  But 
the  authority  is  doubtful  ;  and  the  attempt,  if  it  were  made,  was 
probably  confined  to  the  territories  of  the  Kentish  Saxons.  To 
Archbishop  Theodore  belongs  the  merit  of  extending  it  to  the 
neighbouring  churches,  from  which  it  was  gradually  ditfused  over 
the  remaining  dioceses.  That  prelate  exhorted  the  thanes  to 
erect  and  endow,  with  the  permission  of  the  sovereign,  a  com- 
petent number  of  churches  within  the  precincts  of  their  estates  ; 
and,  to  stimulate  their  industry,  secured  to  them  and  their  heirs 
the  right  of  patronage.''*  Thus  the  ecclesiastical  distribution  of 
each  diocese  into  parishes,  was  conformable  to  the  civil  division 
of  the  province  into  manors :  but  as  many  of  these  were  of 
great  extent,  to  accommodate  the  more  distant  inhabitants,  orato- 
ries were  erected,  which,  though  at  first  subordinate  to  the 
mother  church,  were  frequently,  with  the  concurrence  of  the 
bishop,  emancipated  from  their  dependence,  and  honoured  with 
the  parochial  privileges.'*'^ 

Theodore,  however,  was  careful  not  to  deprive  the  bishop  of 
that  authority  which  was  necessary  for  the  government  of  the 
his  clergy.  Though  the  right  of  advowson  was  vested  in  the 
patron,  the  powers  of  institution  and  deprivation  were  reserved 
unimpaired  to  the  diocesan."*^  Besides  the  regulations  which  that 
prelate  might  think  proper  to  publish  in  his  annual  visitation, 
twice  in  the  year  the  parish  priests  were  compelled  to  attend  tlie 
episcopal  synod,  to  give  an  account  of  their  conduct,  and  to  re- 
ceive the  orders  of  their  superior.'**'  They  were  admonished  that 
to  preach  the  pure  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  and  to  eradicate  the 
lurking  remains  of  idolatry,  were  among  the  most  important  of 
their  obligations.'*^  Each  Sunday  they  were  to  explain  in  p]ng- 
lish  that  portion  of  the  Scripture  which  was  read  during  the 
mass,  and  to  devote  a  part  of  their  time  to  the  instruction  of  their 
parishioners  in  the  truths  and  duties  of  Christianity.*"  Through 
veneration  to  the  holy  husel,  the  victim  of  salvation  whom  they 

"•^  Godwin  de  prresul.  p.  40. 

"s  Smith's  Bede,  p.  189,  not.  Whelock's  Bed.  p.  399,  not.  Spelman's  Councils,  p. 
152.  The  bishops  appear  to  have  ceded  the  right  of  advowson  to  the  lay  proprietor  on 
these  conditions ;  that  he  should  build  a  church  and  habitation  for  the  clergyman, 
should  assign  a  certain  portion  of  glebe  land  towards  his  support,  and  should  grant  him 
the  tithes  of  his  estate.  If  the  thane  afterwards  built  another  church,  and  the  bishop 
permitted  it  to  have  a  burial-ground,  the  incumbent  might  claim  one-third  of  the  tithes; 
otherwise  he  was  to  be  supported  at  the  expense  of  the  patron.  This  I  conceive  to  be 
the  meaning  of  the  many  regulations  in  M'ilJsirjs,  p.  10^.  SlTi.  DOO.  302. 

'•'•Ibid.     . 

"•  Wilk.  p.  103.  xxiii.  lO.'j,  Ivii. 

■"sid.  p.  116,  i.  iii. 

••■'Id.  p.  96,  viii.— x-ii.  150.  xix. 

-'Md.  p.  102,  iii.  vi.  i:54,  xiii.  13.5,  xv. 


DISCIPLINE    OF    THE    CLERGY.  53 

believed  to  be  immolated  on  tlieir  altars/'  tlie  chnrcli,  the  vest- 
ments, and  the  sacred  vessels  were  ordered  to  be  kept  clean,  and 
to  be  treated  with  respect/^  The  sick  were  particularly  recom- 
mended to  their  care.  They  were  frequently  to  visit  them,  to 
hear  their  confessions,  to  carry  them  the  eucharist,  and  to  anoint 
them  with  the  last  unction.^^  In  the  tribunal  of  penance,  an  in- 
stitution which  formed  the  most  difficult  of  their  functions,  they 
were  advised  to  weigh  with  discretion  every  circumstance,  that 
they  might  apportion  the  punishment  to  the  crime  :  and,  in  order 
to  assist  their  judgment,  were  frequently  to  consult,  and  scrupu- 
lously to  observe  the  directions  of  the  penitentiary.^^  They  were 
exhorted  to  be  satisfied  with  the  revenue  of  their  churches;  and 
the  severest  censures  awaited  the  priest,  who  presumed  to  de- 
mand a  retribution  for  the  discharge  of  his  functions."  Every 
dissipating  amusement  and  indecorous  employment  was  forbid- 
den. They  could  neither  accept  of  civil  offices,  nor  engage  in  the 
speculations  of  commerce.  The  tumultuous  pleasures  of  the 
chase  and  of  public  diversions  they  were  exhorted  to  despise  as 
derogatory  from  their  character,  and  to  employ  their  leisure 
hours  in  the  study  of  theology,  and  the  exercise  of  manual  labour. 
Their  dress  was  to  be  plain  but  decent :  free  from  the  ornaments 
of  fashionable  vanity ;  and  conformable  to  the  severity  of  the 
canons.^*'  To  bear  arms  was  strictly  forbidden  ;  but  arms  were 
always  worn  by  the  Saxon  as  a  token  of  his  freedom,  and  the 
number  of  statutes  by  which  they  were  prohibited,  is  a  proof  of 
the  diffusion  and  obstinacy  of  this  national  prejudice." 

The  obvious  tendency  of  these  laws  was  to  enforce  the  duties, 
and  to  uphold  the  sanctity  of  the  priestly  character.  But  there 
was  another  regulation,  the  general  expediency  of  which  will 
not  be  so  universally  admitted.  From  the  gospel  and  the  epis- 
tles of  St.  Paul,  the  first  Christians  had  learned  to  form  an  exalted 
notion  of  the  merit  of  chastity  and  continency.^^  In  all,  they 
Were  revered :  from  ecclesiastics,  they  were  expected.  To  the 
latter  were  supposed  more  particularly  to  belong  that  voluntary 
renunciation  of  sensual  pleasure,  and  that  readiness  to  forsake 
parents,  wife,  and  children,  for  the  love  of  Christ,  which  the  Sa- 
viour of  mankind  required  in  the  more  perfect  of  his  disciples:*^ 
and  this  idea  was  strengthened  by  the  reasoning  of  tTie  apostle, 
who  had  observed,  that  while  the  married  man  was  necessarily 

■'■'  Sacriiicium  victim.T  salutaris.     Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  28. 
'■2  Wilk.  p.  107,  c.  219,  xxvi, 
•"  I(i.  p.  fiO,  vii.  102,  XX.  103,  xxi.  xxii.  127,  xv. 
•"''  Id.  115,  i.  125,  i.  236,  ix. 

■■^  Id.  p.  102,  xii.  104,  xl.  146,  iii.  Burials  were  excepted  from  this  law.  See  chap- 
ter iii. 

■■■'■  Id.  p.  99.  xxviii.  102,  xiv.  xvj.  xviii.  112,  clix.  124,  vii.  viii.  138,  139. 
■'^'  Id.  p.  102,  xvii.  112,  civ.  clxi. 
^s  Mat.  xix.  10.      1  Cor.  vii, 
■"^sLuk.  xiv.  2n. 

E  2 


54  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

solicitous  for  the  concerns  of  this  world,  the  unmarried  was  at 
liberty  to  turn  his  whole  attention  to  the  service  of  God.*-"  Hence 
it  was  inferred  that  the  embarrassments  of  wedlock  were  liostile 
to  the  profession  of  a  clergyman.  His  parishioners,  it  was  said, 
were  his  family;  and  to  watch  over  their  spiritual  welfare,  to  in- 
struct their  ignorance,  to  console  them  in  their  afflictions,  and  to 
relieve  them  in  their  indigence,  were  expected  to  be  his  constant 
and  favourite  occupations.*^'  But  though  the  first  teachers  of 
Christianity  were  accustomed  to  extol  the  advantages,  they  do 
not  appear  to  have  imposed  the  obligation  of  clerical  celibacy. 
Of  those  who  had  embraced  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  the  ma- 
jority were  married  previously  to  their  conversion.  Had  they 
been  excluded  from  the  priesthood,  the  clergy  would  have  lost 
many  of  its  brightest  ornaments :  had  they  been  compelled  to 
separate  from  their  wives,  they  might  justly  have  accused  the 
severity  and  impolicy  of  the  measure."^  ,  They  were,  however, 
taught  to  consider  a  lifeof  continency,  even  in  the  married  state, 
as  demanded  by  the  sacredness  of  their  functions:"^  and  no  sooner 
had  the  succession  of  Christian  princes  secured  the  peace  of 
the  church,  than  laws  were  made  to  enforce  that  discipline,  which 
fervour  had  formerly  introduced  and  upheld.^^  The  regulations 
of  the  canons  were  supported  by  the  authority  of  the  emperors: 
by  Theodosius,  the  priest  who  presumed  to  marry,  was  deprived 
of  the  clerical  privileges;  by  Justinian,  his  children  were  decla- 
red illegitimate.''*  Insensibly,  however,  the  Greek  and  Latin 
churches  adopted  a  diversity  of  discipline,  which  was  finally 
established  by  the  council  in  TruUo.  Both  of  them  indulged  the 
inferior  clerks  with  the  permission  to  marry:  though  that  mar- 
riage, until  it  was  dissolved  by  the  natural  death  of  the  wife,  or 
interrupted  by  her  voluntary  retreat  into  a  convent,  was  an 
effectual  bar  to  their  future  promotion.  But  by  the  Greeks  they 
were  only  forbidden  to  aspire  to  the  episcopal  dignity ;  by  the 
severity  of  the  Latins  they  were  excluded  from  the  inferior 
orders  of  sub-deacon,  deacon,  and  priest. 

The  reader  who  is  more  conversant  with  modern  than  with 
ancient  historians  may  not,  perhaps,  be  disposed  to  believe  that 
the  discipline  of  the  Latins  was  ever  introduced  into  the  Saxon 
church.  He  has,  probably,  been  taught,  that  "the  celibacy  of  the 
clergy  was  first  enjoined  by  the  popes  in  the  tenth  century,  and 
not  adopted  by  our  ancestors  till  five  hundred  years  after  their 

f«  1  Cor.  vii.  32,  .33. 

'i'  The  validity  of  this  inference  is  maintained  in  the  very  act  of  parliament  which 
licenses  the  marriages  of  the  clergy.     2  Ed.  vi.  c.  21. 

"  Hawarden,  Church  of  Christ,  vol.  ii.  p.  405.  410.     Ed.  1715. 

''■'  Orig.  Horn.  23  in  Lib.  Num.  Euseb.  Dcm.  Evan.  I.  i.  c. 

*■'  See  the  councils  of  Elvira,  (can.  33,)  of  Neocaesarea,  (can.  1,)  of  AnCyfa,  (can. 
10,)  of  Carthage,  (con.  2,  can  2,)  and  of  Toledo,  (con.  1,  can.  1.) 

''^  Ne  legllimos  quidem  et  proprios  esse  eos,  qui  ex  hujusmodi  inonlinata  constUpi'a- 
tionc,  nascuntur,  aut  nali  sunt.     Leg.  45,  cap.  de  epis.  et  cler. 


CELIUACV    OF    THE    CLERGY.  55 

conversion :  tliat  the  Saxon  bisliops  and  parochial  clergy,  like 
those  of  the  present  church  of  England,  added  to  the  care  of  their 
flocks  that  of  their  wives  and  children :  and  that  even  the  mo- 
nasteries of  monks  were  in  reality  colleges  of  secular  priests,  who 
retained  the  choice,  without  quitting  the  convent,  either  of  a  mar- 
ried or  a  single  life."""  But  after  a  patient,  and,  I  think,  impar- 
tial investigation,  I  hesitate  not  to  say  that  the  marriages  of  the 
ancient  Saxon  clergy  must  be  classed  with  those  imaginary 
beings,  which  are  the  ollspring  of  credulity  or  prejudice.  Had 
they  been  permitted,  they  would  certainly  have  claimed  the  no- 
tice of  contemporary  writers,  and  have  been  the  object  of  synod- 
ical  regulations:  but  to  search  for  a  single  trace  of  their  existence 
in  the  writings  of  contemporaries,  or  the  regulations  of  synods, 
will  prove  an  ungrateful  and  a  fruitless  labour."^  Every  monu- 
ment of  tlie  first  ages  of  the  Saxon  church  which  has  descended 
to  us,  bears  the  strongest  testimony  that  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy 
was  constantly  and  severely  enforced.  Of  the  discipline  esta- 
blished by  the  Roman  missionaries,  every  doubt  must  be  removed 
by  the  answer  of  St.  Gregory  to  St.Augustine,  according  to  which, 
only  the  clerks  who  had  not  been  raised  to  the  highest  orders,  and 
who  professed  themselves  unable  to  lead  a  life  of  continency, 
were  permitted  to  marry  f^  and  the  consentient  practice  of  the 
northern  Saxons  is  forcibly  expressed  by  Ceolfrid,  the  learned 
abbot  of  Weremouth,"^  by  Bede,  in  different  passages  of  his  writ- 
ings,^" and  by  Egbert,  the  celebrated  archbishop  of  York,  in  his 
excerpta.'^^  In  many  of  the  canons  which  are  acknowledged  to 
have  been  observed  by  their  successors,  it  is  either  evidently  sup- 

fis  See  Tindall's  Rapin,  (torn.  i.  p.  80,)  Burton's  Monasticon  Eboracense,  (p.  30,) 
Hume,  (Hist.  c.  ii.  p.  28,)  and  Henry,  (Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  215.) 

*'''  Among  the  writers,  who  contend  that  the  Saxon  clergy  were  permitted  to  marry, 
I  am  acquainted  with  no  one  besides  Inett,  who  has  ventured  to  appeal  to  any  contem- 
porary authority.  He  refers  his  reader  to  Theodore's  penitentiary,  which  was  published 
by  Petit  with  so  many  interpolations  that  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  the  original 
from  the  spurious  matter,  (Inett,  vol.  i.  p.  124.)  The  words  in  the  penitentiary  are 
these :  Non  licet  viris  foeminas  habere  monachas,  neque  fceminis  viros :  tamen  non 
destruamus  illud  quod  consuetudo  est  in  hac  terra.  (Poen.  p.  7.)  But  this  passage,  if 
genuine,  speaks  not  of  the  clergy  nor  of  marriage:  and  probably  alludes  to  the  secular 
or  double  monasteries,  which  will  be  afterwards  described,  and  in  which  it  sometimes 
happened  that  communities  of  monks  or  nuns  were  subjected  to  the  government  of  per- 
sons of  a  different  sex.  This  custom  the  canon  disapproves,  though  it  dares  not 
abolish  it. 

">*  Si  qui  sint  clerici  extra  sacros  ordines  constituti,  qui  se  continere  non  possunt, 
sortiri  uxores  debent.     Bed.  Hist.  1.  i.  c.  27. 

"''  Carnem  suam  cum  vitiis  et  concupiscentiis  crucifigere  oportet  eos  qui gradum 

clericatus  habentes  arctioribus  se  necesse  habent  pro  domino  continentiee  fraenis  astrin- 
gere.     Ep.  Ceolf.  ad  Naiton  reg.  apud  Bed.  1.  v.  c.  21. 

'0  Sine  ilia  castimonioe  portione,  qua  ab  appetitu  copute  conjugalis  cohibet,  nemo 
vel  saccerdotium  suscipere  vel  ad  altaris  potest  ministerium  consecrari ;  id  est,  si  norj 
aut  virgo  permanserit,  aut  contra  uxoria3  conjunctionis  fcedera  solverit.  Bed.  de  taber. 
1.  iii.  c.  9.     See  also  his  commentary  on  St.  Luke,  c.  1. 

' '  Clerici  extra  sacros  ordines  constituti,  id  est,  nee  presby teri  nee  diaconi  sortiri  ux- 
ores debent;  sacerdotes  autem  nequaquam  uxores  ducant.  Exc.  Egb.  apud  Wilk.  p. 
112,  can.  ck. 


58  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

posed^*  or  openly  commanded/^  The  sentence  of  degradation  is 
pronounced  against  the  priest  or  deacon  who  shall  presume  to 
marry  -J*  and  the  ecclesiastic  who  had  separated  from  his  wife 
to  receive  the  sacred  right  of  ordination,  and  had  returned  to  her 
again,  was  condemned  to  a  penitential  course  of  ten  or  seven 
years,"  An  improvement  was  made  on  the  severity  of  the 
fathers  assembled  in  the  great  council  of  Nice,  and  even  female 
relations  were  forbidden  to  dwell  in  the  same  house  with  a 
priest/"  During  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  from 
the  death  of  Augustine,  these  laws  respecting  clerical  celibacy, 
so  galling  to  the  natural  propensitiesof  man,  but  so  calculated  to 
impart  an  elevated  idea  of  the  sanctity  which  becomes  the  priest- 
hood, were  enforced  with  the  strictest  rigour:  but  during  part  of 
the  ninth,  and  most  of  the  tenth  century,  when  the  repeated  and 
sanguinary  devastations  of  the  Danes  threatened  the  destruction 
of  the  hierarchy  no  less  than  of  the  government,  the  ancient  ca- 
nons opposed  but  a  feeble  barrier  to  the  impulse  of  the  passions: 
and  of  the  clergy  who  escaped  the  swords  of  the  invaders,  seve- 
ral scrupled  not  to  violate  the  chastity  which  at  their  ordination 
they  had  vowed  to  observe.  Yet  even  then  the  marriage  of 
priests  was  never  approved,  perhaps  never  expressly  tolerated, 
by  the  Saxon  prelates;"  and  as  often  as  a  transient  gleam  of 

■2  Wilk.  p.  103,  xxxi. 

73  Dobep  pacepbaj'.  •-]  biaconap.  -^  o\>]xe  Tsohey  beopap  ^e 
on  Irobep  cemple  Iiobe  ^enijaii  pcylon.  -}  halijboin.  ~]  halij 
bee  hanblijan.  ba  j*cylon  j'ymble  hypa  claennyppe  healban. 
"God's  priests  and  deacons,  and  God's  otfier  servants,  that  should  serve  in  God's  temple, 
and  touch  the  sacrament  and  the  holy  books,  they  shall  always  observe  their  chastity." 
Pocnit.  Eg.  p.  133,  iv. 

"4  Ijip  ma^pye  ppeoj'C  o\>]>e  biacon  pipije.  ^olijon  hypa  habep. 
"If  priest  or  deacon  marry,  let  them  lose  their  orders."  Ibid.  i.  and  p.  134,  v.  But 
deposition  was  the  only  punishment :  the  marriage  was  not  annulled.  It  was  only  in 
the  twelfth  century  that  holy  orders  were  declared  to  incapacitate  a  person  for  marriage. 
Pothier,  Traite  du  Contrat  de  Marr.  p.  135. 

75  Dip  lipylc  jehabob  man.  bipceop  o]>]>e  maeppe  ppeopc  o]>]>e 
munuc  o]>fe  biacon  hip  jemfeccan  hccpbe  sep  he  ^ehabob  poppe. 
*^  %a  pop  Irobep  liipon  hij  poplec.  ^  co  habe  penj.  ^  hij 
^onne  epc  pyJ'J'an  coja-bepe  hpyppbon  buph  hscmeb  ^inj. 
paepce  a'lc  be  hip  enbebypbnyppe.  ppa  hiC  biipan  appiceii 
yp  be  manpllCe.  "If  any  man  in  orders,  bishop,  priest,  monk,  or  deacon,  had 
his  wife,  ere  he  were  ordained,  and  forsook  her  for  God's  sake,  and  received  ordination, 
and  they  afterwards  return  together  again  through  lust,  let  each  fast  according  to  his 
order,  as  is  written  above  with  respect  to  murder."     Ibid.  p.  136. 

76  iElconDobep  beope  ?)eon  claennyppe  Dobe  ^eopijan  pcyle. 
yp  popboben  p  he  naJJop  ne  hip  majan  ne  oj^epne  pipman  pop 
nanep  peopcep  ftin^on  nine  niib  hini  n«bbe.  bilsep  he  biipli 
beoplep  copniinje  %npp  on  jepmjije.     Ibid.  p.  134,  vi. 

•'  The  only  semblance  of  a  proof  that  these  marriages  were  tolerated,  occurs  in 
the  regulations  for  the  clergy  of  Northumbria,  published  about  the  year  950,  and 
designed,  as  I  conceive,  to  direct  the  officers  in  the  bishop's  court.       Liip  ppeopc 

i-pt'iiai)  popla'ce.  ^  oj'pe  mnic.  anajjema  pic.     "if  a  priest  forsake  liis 


CELIBACY  OP  THE  CLERGY.  57 

tranquillity  invited  them  to  turn  their  attention  to  the  restoration 
of  discipline,  the  prohibitions  of  former  synods  were  revived,  and 
the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  was  recommended  by  paternal  exhort- 
ations, and  enforced  by  the  severest  penalties.''^ 

To  calculate  the  probable  influence  of  this  institution  on  the 
population  of  nations  has  frequently  amused  the  ingenuity  and 
leisure  of  arithmetical  politicians  ;  of  whom  many  have  not  hesi- 
tated to  arraign  the  wisdom  of  those  by  whom  it  was  originally 
devised,  and  of  those  by  whom  it  is  still  observed.  Yet,  in  de- 
fiance of  their  speculations,  several  Catholic  countries  continue  to 
be  crowded  with  inhabitants ;  and  to  account  for  the  scanty  popu- 
lation of  others  we  need  only  advert  to  the  defects  of  their  con- 
stitution, the  insalubrity  of  the  climate,  the  establishment  of 
foreign  colonies,  and  barrenness  of  a  parched  and  eftete  soil.^^ 
Neither  is  it  certain  that  to  increase  the  number  of  inhabitants 
is,  in  all  circumstances,  to  increase  the  resources  of  the  state ; 
but  it  is  evident  that  the  man,  who  spends  his  life  in  promoting 
the  interests  of  morality,  and  correcting  the  vicious  propensities 
of  his  fellow-creatures,  adds  more  to  the  sum  of  public  virtue  and 
of  public  happiness  than  he  whose  principal  merit  is  the  number 
of  his  children.  If  it  be  granted  that  the  clerical  functions  are 
of  high  importance  to  the  welfare  of  the  state,  it  must  also  be 
acknowledged  that,  in  the  discharge  of  these  functions,  the  unmar- 
ried possesses  great  and  numerous  advantages  over  the  married 
clergyman.  Unencumbered  with  the  cares  of  a  family,  he 
may  dedicate  his  whole  attention  to  the  spiritual  improve- 
ment of  his  parishioners :  free  from  all  anxiety  respecting 
the  future  establishment  of  his  children,  he  may  expend  with 
out  scruple  the  superfluity  of  his  revenue,  in  relieving  the  dis- 
tresses of  the  sick,  the  aged,  and  the  unfortunate.  Had  Augus- 
tine and  his  associates  been  involved  in  the  embarrassments 
of  marriage,  they  would  never  have  torn  themselves  from  their 
homes  and  country,  and  have  devoted  the  best  portion  of  their 
lives  to  the  conversion  of  distant  and  unknown  barbarians.  Had 
their  successors  seen  themselves  surrounded  with  numerous 
families,  they  would  never  have  founded  those  charitable  esta- 
blishments, nor  have  erected  those  religious  edifices,  that  testify 
the  use  to  which  they  devoted  their  riches,  and  still  exist  to  re- 
concubine  and  take  another,  let  him  be  accursed."  (Wilk.  p.  219,  xxxv.)  This  by 
some  is  explained  to  imply  a  permission  to  keep  one  concubine,  provided  she  be  put 
on  the  same  footing  as  a  wife ;  but  others,  with  greater  probability,  conceive  the  curse 
to  be  directed  against  him,  who  having  put  away  one  concubine  at  the  requisition  of 
the  bishop,  had  afterwards  taken  another. 

"8  See  Wilkins,  p.  214,  i.  225,  viii.  229,  Ix.  233,  xxxi.  250,  v.  vi.  268,  xii.  286,  i. 
203.  301,  vi.  From  the  severity  of  the  thirty -first  canon,  published  in  the  reign  of 
Ednar,  Johnson  is  convinced  that  it  must  have  been  composed  by  St.  Dunstan.  The 
learned  translator  had  probably  forgotten  that  it  was  composed  two  centuries  before,  and 
published  by  Archbishop  Egbert.    Compare  Wilk.  p.  136,  with  p.  233,  xxxi. 

"9  See  on  the  last  cause  a  curious  dissertation  by  the  Abbe  Mann.  Transactions 
of  Acad,  of  Sciences  at  Manheim,  vol.  vi. 


58  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

preach  the  parsimony  of  succeeding  generations.^"  But  it  was 
not  from  the  impohcy  of  the  institution,  that  the  reformers 
attempted  to  justify  the  eagerness  with  which  they  emancipated 
themselves  from  its  yoke.^^  They  contended  that  the  law  of 
clerical  celibacy  was  unjust,  because  it  deprived  man  of  his 
natural  rights,  and  exacted  privations  incompatible  with  his 
natural  propensities.  To  this  objection  a  rational  answer  was 
returned :  that  to  accept  the  priestly  character  was  a  matter  of 
election,  not  of  necessity :  and  that  he,  who  freely  made  it  the 
object  of  his  choice,  chose  at  the  same  time  the  obligations  an- 
nexed to  it.  The  insinuation  that  a  life  of  continency  was  above 
the  power  of  man,  was  treated  with  the  contempt  which  it  de- 
served. To  those,  indeed,  whom  habit  had  rendered  the  obse- 
quious slaves  of  their  passions,  it  might  appear,  with  reason,  too 
arduous  an  attempt :  but  the  thinking  part  of  mankind  would 
hesitate  before  they  sanctioned  an  opinion  which  was  a  libel  on 
the  character  of  thousands,  who,  in  every  department  of  society, 
are  confined  by  their  circumstances  to  a  state  of  temporary  or 
perpetual  celibacy. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Eevenues  of  the  Oieigy — Donations  of  Land — Volnntary  oblations — Tithes — Church 
Dues — Right  of  Asylum — Peace  of  the  Church — Romescot. 

It  is  a  maxim  of  natural  equity,  consecrated  by  the  liniform 
practice  of  the  wisest  as  well  as  the  most  illiterate  nations,  that 
the  man  whose  life  is  devoted  to  the  service,  should  be  sup- 
ported at  the  expense  of  the  public.  As  the  ministers  of  religion 
are  engaged  in  the  exercise  of  functions  the  most  beneficial  to 
society,  they  may  with  justice  claim  a  provision,  which  shall  be 
sufficient  to  remove  the  terrors  of  poverty,  and  permit  a  close 

80  "  He  that  hath  wife  and  children,"  saith  Lord  Bacon,  "  hath  given  hostages  to 
fortune :  for  they  are  impediments  to  great  enterprises  either  of  virtue  or  mischief. 
Certainly  the  best  works,  and  of  the  greatest  merit  for  the  public,  have  proceeded  from 
the  unmarried  or  the  childless  man,  which  both  in  affection  and  means  have  married 
and  endowed  the  public.  .  .  .  Unmarried  men  are  best  friends,  best  masters,  best 
servants  ....  A  single  life  doth  well  with  churchmen :  for  charity  will  hardly  water 
the  ground,  where  it  must  first  fill  a  pool."  Bacon's  Essays,  p.  17,  London,  1696. 
A  Roman  philosopher  was  of  the  same  opinion.  Vita  conjugalis  altos  et  generosos 
spiritos  frangit,  et  a  magnis  cogitationibus  ad  humillimas  detrahit.     Seneca. 

8'  It  is  amusing  to  hear  the  reasons  assigned  by  Bale  for  his  union  with  the  faithful 
Dorothy.  Scclestissimi  antichristi  characterem  illico  abrasi,  et  ne  deinceps  in  aliquo 
essem  tarn  detcstabilis  bestife  creatura,  uxorem  accepi  Dorotheam  fidelem,  divinas  huic 
voci  auscultans ;  qui  be  non  contiuet,  nubat.     Baleus  de  seip.     Cent.  viii.  c.  ult. 


DONATIONS    OF    LAND.  59 

attention  to  the  discharge  of  their  duties:  but  the  manner  in 
which  this  provision  sliould  be  secured,  is  a  subject  of  poUtical 
discussion,  and  has  always  varied  according  to  the  exigence  of 
circumstances,  the  manners  of  the  people,  and  the  method  of 
public  instruction.  The  present  chapter  will  attempt  to  inves- 
tigate the  principal  sources,  from  which  the  support  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  clergy  was  originally  derived.  The  civil  and  religious 
revolutions  of  more  than  ten  centuries  have  occasioned  many 
important  alterations :  yet  the  more  lucrative  of  the  ancient 
institutions  are  still  permitted  to  exist.  Though  the  zeal  of  the 
first  reformers  execrated  the  doctrines,  it  was  not  hostile  to  the 
emoluments  of  popery  :  and  their  successors  are  still  willing  to 
owe  their  bread  to  the  liberality  of  their  Catholic  ancestors. 

I.  As  donations  of  land  were  the  usual  reward  with  which 
the  Saxon  princes  repaid  the  services  of  their  followers,  they 
naturally  adopted  the  same  method  of  providing  for  the  wants 
of  their  teachers  :  and  in  every  kingdom  of  the  heptarchy  some 
of  the  choicest  manors  belonging  to  the  crown  were  separated 
from  its  domain,  and  irrevocably  allotted  to  the  church.  Ethel- 
bert,  of  Kent,  as  he  was  the  first  of  royal  proselytes,  stands  the 
foremost  in  the  catalogue  of  royal  benefactors.  He  withdrew 
his  court  from  Canterbury  to  Reculver,  and  bestowed  on  the 
missionaries  the  former  city  and  its  dependencies :  with  propor- 
tionate munificence  he  founded  the  episcopal  see  of  Rochester  ; 
and  as  soon  as  Saberct,  king  of  Essex,  had  received  the  sacred 
rite  of  baptism,  assigned,  in  conjunction  with  that  prince,  an 
ample  territory  for  the  support  of  the  Bishop  Mellitus  and  his 
clergy.^  The  other  Saxon  monarchs  were  emulous  to  equal  the 
merit  of  Ethelbert ;  and  the  fame  of  their  liberality  has  been 
transmitted  to  posterity  by  the  gratitude  of  the  ecclesiastical 
historians.  Kinegils,  of  Wessex,  gave  the  city  of  Dorchester  to 
his  teacher,  Birinus ;  and  from  his  son  and  successor,  Coinwalch, 
the  church  of  Winchester  received  a  grant  of  all  the  lands  within 
the  distance  of  seven  miles  from  the  walls  of  that  capital.^  The 
isle  of  Selsey,  containing  eighty-seven  hides,  together  with  two 
hundred  and  fifty  slaves,  was  bestowed  by  Edilwalch,  of  Sussex, 
on  the  missionary,  St.  Wilfrid  f  and  the  wealth  of  the  ancient 
Northumbrian  prelates  sufficiently  attests  the  munificence  of 
Oswald  and  his  successors.  Nor  were  the  episcopal  churches  the 
sole  objects  of  their  liberality.  In  proportion  to  the  diffusion  of 
Christianity,  parishes  were  established,  and  monasteries  erected. 
In  every  parish  a  certain  portion  of  glebe  land  was  assigned 
towards  the  maintenance  of  the  incumbent ;  and  each  monastery 
possessed  estates  proportionate  to  the  number  of  its  inhabitants. 
As  landed  property  was  the  great  source  of  civil  distinction 

•  Bed.  1.  i.  c.  .33, 1.  ii.  c.  3.     Monast.  vol.  i.  p.  18.     An?.  Sar.  v-'  :   -  ""'' 

2  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  190.  288. 

3  Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  13. 


60  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

among  our  ancestors,  the  principal  of  the  clergy  were  thus  raised 
to  an  equality  with  the  temporal  thanes,  admitted  into  the  great 
council  of  the  nation,  and  vested  with  an  authority,  which  ren- 
dered them  respectable  even  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  still  adhered 
to  the  religion  of  their  forefathers. 

The  piety  of  the  converts  was  seldom  content  with  the  mere 
donation  of  their  property :  and  the  value  of  the  present  was 
generally  enhanced  by  the  immunities  which  they  annexed  to  it. 
The  tenure  of  lands  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  been  esta- 
blished on  nearly  the  same  principles  as  in  the  other  northern  na- 
tions :  and  each  estate  subjected  its  proprietor  to  the  performance 
of  several  duties  to  its  superior  lord.  But  most  of  the  clerical 
and  monastic  possessions  were  soon  discharged  from  every  servile 
and  unnecessary  obligation.*  By  a  transition  easy  to  the  human 
mind,  they  were  considered  as  the  property,  not  of  man,  but  of 
God ;  and  to  burden  them  witl*  the  services  which  vassals  were 
compelled  to  render  to  their  superiors,  Avas  deemed  a  profanation 
and  a  sacrilege.  A  just  distinction,  however,  was  drawn  between 
the  claims  of  individuals  and  those  of  the  public  :  and  while  the 
former  were  cheerfully  abandoned,  the  latter  were  strictly  exact- 
ed from  the  ecclesiastical  no  less  than  the  lay  proprietor.  To  re- 
pair the  roads  and  bridges,  to  contribute  towards  the  maintenance 
of  the  fortifications,  and  to  furnish  an  equitable  proportion  of 
troops  in  the  time  of  war,  were  services  so  essential  to  the  na- 
tional prosperity,  that  from  them  no  exemption  could  be  granted. 
Such  was  the  solemn  declaration  of  Ethelbald,  king  of  Mercia  :  * 
but  other  princes  were  not  always  guided  by  the  same  policy, 
and,  unless  some  charges  of  ancient  dates  have  been  fabricated 
in  more  modern  times,  we  must  believe  that  several  monasteries 
were  emancipated  from  every  species  of  secular  service,  and  per- 
mitted to  enjoy  the  protection,  without  contributing  to  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  state.^ 

In  addition  to  these  immunities,  others,  equally  honourable  in 
themselves,  and  more  beneficial  to  the  public,  were  enjoyed  by 
the  principal  of  the  clerical  and  monastic  bodies.  The  king,  who 
erected  a  church  or  monastery,  was  urged  by  devotion,  some- 
times perhaps  by  vanity,  to  display  his  munificence  :  and  the 
distinctions,  which  he  lavished  on  its  inhabitants,  seemed  to 
reflect  a  lustre  on  the  reputation  of  their  founder.  The  superior 
was  frequently  invested  by  the  partiality  of  his  benefactor,  with 
the  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction:  and  throughout  the  domain 
annexed  to  his  church,  he  exercised  the  right  of  raising  tolls  on 
the  transport  of  merchandise,  of  levying  fines  for  breaches  of  the 
peace,  of  deciding  civil  suits,  and  of  trying  offenders  within  his 

^  Wilk.  p.  57.  60. 

'  Wilk.  p.  100.     Spel.  p.  527.     Lei.  Collect  vol.  ii.  p.  54. 

«  See  the  charters  of  Ina,  (Wilk.  p.  80,)  of  Witlaff,  (ibid.  p.  177,)  of  Bertull,  (ibid, 
p.  183,)  and  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  (ibid.  p.  318.) 


CAUSES    OF    BENEFACTIONS.  61 

courtsJ  These  important  privileges  at  the  same  time  improved 
his  finances,  and  peopled  his  estates.  The  authority  of  the  cleri- 
cal was  exercised  with  more  moderation  than  that  of  the  secular 
thanes :  men  quickly  learned  to  prefer  the  equity  of  their  judg- 
ments to  the  hasty  decisions  of  warlike  and  ignorant  nobles  ;  and 
the  prospect  of  tranquillity  and  justice  encouraged  artificers  and 
merchants  to  settle  under  their  protection.  Thus,  while  the  lay 
proprietors  reigned  in  solitary  grandeur  over  their  wide  but 
unfruitful  domains,  the  lands  of  the  clergy  were  cultivated  and 
improved ;  their  villages  were  crbwded  with  inhabitants ;  and 
the  foundations  were  laid  of  several  among  the  principal  cities 
in  England. 

That  spirit  of  liberality  which  distinguished  the  first  converts, 
was  inherited  by  many  of  their  descendants.  In  every  age  of 
the  Saxon  dynasty  we  may  observe  numerous  additions  made  to 
the  original  donations :  and  the  records  of  different  churches 
have  carefully  preserved  the  names  and  motives  of  their  bene- 
factors. Of  many  the  great  object  was  to  support  the  ministers 
of  religion,  and  by  supporting  them  to  contribute  to  the  service 
of  the  Almighty.  Others  were  desirous  to  relieve  the  distresses 
of  their  indigent  brethren  ;  and  with  this  view  they  confided 
their  charities  to  the  distribution  of  the  clergy,  the  leghimate 
guardians  of  the  patrimony  of  the  poor.^  A  numerous  class  was 
composed  of  thanes,  who  had  acquired  opulence  by  a  course  of 
successful  crimes,  and  had  deferred  the  duty  of  restitution,  till 
the  victims  of  their  injustice  had  disappeared.  These  were 
frequently  induced,  towards  the  decline  of  life,  to  confer,  as  a 
tardy  atonement,  some  part  of  their  property  on  the  church:  and 
when  they  had  neglected  it,  their  neglect  was  generally  compen- 
sated by  the  pious  diligence  of  their  children  and  descendants.^ 
To  these  motives  may  be  added,  the  want  of  heirs,  the  hope  of 
obtaining  spiritual  aid  from  the  prayers  of  the  clergy,  gratitude 
for  the  protection  which  the  church  always  offered  to  the  unfor- 
tunate, and  a  wish  to  defeat  the  rapacity  of  a  powerful  adversary; 
all  of  which  contributed  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  to  augment 
the  possessions  of  the  ecclesiastics.  Had  the  revenue  arising 
from  these  different  sources  been  abandoned  to  the  judgment  or 
caprice  of  the  incumbents,  it  might  frequently  have  been  abused  ; 
and  the  abuse  would  probably  have  relaxed  the  zeal  of  their 
benefactors.  But  this  evil  had  been  foreseen,  and,  in  some 
measure,  prevented  by  the  wisdom  of  Gregory  the  Great.  Ac- 
cording to  a  constitution,  which  that  pontiff  sent  to  the  mission- 
aries, the  general  stock  was  divided  into  four  equal  portions.'" 

7  Gale,  p.  318.  320.  323.  490.  512.     Wilk.  p.  80.  177.  256. 

8  Wilk.  p.  19.  102,  V.  228,  Iv.  Ivi. 

9  This  is  the  meaning  of  the  terms  which  so  frequently  occur  in  the  ancient  charters, 
"  pro  remedio,  salute,  rcdemptione  aniinae  meoe  et  priorum,  antecessorum  mcorum." 

10  Bed.  I.  i.  c.  27. 


62  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CIIITRCH, 

Of  these,  one  was  allotted  to  the  bishop  for  the  support  of  his 
dignity  ;  another  was  reserved  for  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy ; 
a  third  furnished  the  repairs  of  the  church  and  the  ornaments  of 
religious  worship ;  and  the  last  was  devoted  to  the  duties  of 
charity  and  hospitality.  It  formed  a  sacred  fund,  to  which  every 
man  who  suifered  under  the  pressure  of  want  or  infirmity  was 
exhorted  to  apply,  without  the  fear  of  infamy  or  the  danger  of  a 
repulse. 

In  estimating  the  riches  of  the  Saxon  clergy,  a  hasty  observer 
may  adopt  the  most  exaggerated  calculation.  But  if  there  were 
many  circumstances  which  favoured,  there  were  also  many 
which  retarded  their  aggrandizement :  and  each  list  of  benefac- 
tions may  be  nearly  balanced  by  an  opposite  catalogue  of  losses 
and  depredations.  1.  The  liberality  of  their  friends  was  shackled 
by  the  restraints  of  the  law.  As  the  ecclesiastical  estates  were 
emancipated  from  the  services,  with  which  secular  tenures  were 
encumbered,  and  belonged  to  a  body  whose  existence  was  per- 
petual, every  donation  of  land  to  the  church  proved  a  loss  to  the 
crown,  a,nd  was  considered  as  invalid,  until  a  charter  of  confirma- 
tion had  been  obtained  from  the  piety,  or  purchased  from  the 
avarice  of  the  prince."  2.  The  easy  concession  of  former  kings 
frequently  appeared  unreasonable  to  their  successors,  whose 
necessities  were  more  pressing,  or  whose  veneration  for  the 
church  was  less  indulgent.  Sometimes  with,  often  without  the 
pretext  of  justice,  they  seized  the  most  valuable  manors  belong- 
ing to  the  clergy,  and,  sensible  of  their  power  in  this  world,  de- 
spised the  threats  of  future  vengeance  which  their  predecessors 
had  denounced  against  the  violators  of  their  charters.  The  first, 
who  thus  invaded  the  patrimony  of  the  church,  were  Ceolred  of 
Mercia,  and  Osred  of  Northumbria.  The  former  perished  sud- 
denly ;  the  latter  fell  by  the  hands  of  his  enemies :  and  though 
their  fate  was  ascribed  to  the  anger  of  Heaven,  it  did  not  always 
deter  succeeding  princes  from  copying  their  example.^^  3.  The 
rapacity  of  the  monarch  often  stimulated  that  of  the  nobles,  who 
viewed  with  a  jealous  eye  the  wealth  of  the  clergy,  and  consider- 
ed the  donations  of  their  ancestors  as  so  many  injuries  offered  to 
their  families.  Whenever  the  favour  of  the  sovereign,  or  the 
anarchy  in  which  the  Saxon  governments  were  frequently 
plunged,  afforded  a  prospect  of  impunity,  they  seldom  failed  to 
extort  by  threats,  or  seize  by  violence,  the  lands  which  were  the 
objects  of  tlieir  avarice."  4.  The  prelates  themselves  often  con- 
tributed to  the  spoliation  of  their  sees.  They  assumed  a  right 
of  granting  to  their  friends  and  retainers  a  portion  of  lands,  to  be 
holden  by  them  and  their  heirs  during  a  certain  number  of  years, 
and  after  that  period  to  revert  to  the  church:  but  their  successors 

"See  Gale,  p.  .322.326,327. 
12  See  Wilkins,  torn.  i.  p.  89.  93. 
'5  Ibid.  p.  U)0.  111. 


RESTRAINTS.  63 

always  found  it  difficult  to  recover  what  had  thus  been  d.^enated, 
and  were  generally  compelled  either  to  relinquish  their  claims,  or 
to  continue  the  original  grant  in  the  same  family.*'*  5.  War  was 
another  source  of  misfortune  to  the  church.  Its  property  was 
indeed  guarded  by  the  most  terrific  excommunications :  but  in 
the  tumult  of  arras,  spiritual  menaces  were  despised ;  and  if  some 
princes  respected  the  lands  of  the  clergy,  others  ravaged  them 
without  mercy,  and  reduced  the  defenceless  incumbents  to  a 
state  of  absolute  poverty.  So  exhausted  was  the  see  of  Roches- 
ter by  the  devastations  of  Edilred,  king  of  Mercia,  that  two  suc- 
cessive bishops  resigned  their  dignity,  and  sought  from  the  charity 
of  strangers  that  support  which  they  could  not  obtain  in  their  owii 
diocese.*^  From  tlie  whole  history  of  the  Saxon  kingdoms  it  is 
evident  that  the  temporal  prosperity  of  the  church  depended  on 
the  character  of  the  prince  who  swayed  the  sceptre.  If  he  de- 
clared himself  its  patron,  the  stream  of  wealth  flowed  constantly 
into  its  coffers  :  if  he  were  needy  and  rapacious,  it  presented  the 
most  easy  and  expeditious  means  to  satisfy  his  avarice.  During 
the  revohuions  of  each  century,  it  alternately  experienced  the 
fluctuations  of  fortune  :  and  the  clergy  of  the  same  monastery  at 
one  time  possessed  property  more  ample  than  the  richest  of  their 
neighbours  ;  at  another  were  deprived  of  the  conveniences,  per- 
haps even  of  the  necessaries  of  life. 

II.  Besides  the  produce  of  their  lands,  the  clergy  derived  a 
considerable  revenue  from  the  voluntary  oblations  of  the  people. 
Daring  the  three  first  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  the  church 
could  not  boast  of  the  extent  of  her  possessions  :  but  the  fervour 
of  her  more  wealthy  children  supplied  the  absence  of  riches,  and 
by  their  daily  hberality  she  was  enabled  to  support  her  ministers, 
maintain  the  decency  of  religious  worship,  and  relieve  the  neces- 
sities of  the  indigent.  However  adequate  this  resource  might 
prove  during  the  time  of  persecution,  the  clergy  naturally  wished 
for  a  provision  of  a  less  precarious  tenure,  which  should  remain 
when  the  fervour  of  their  disciples  had  subsided;  and  their  wishes 
were  speedily  reahzed  by  the  numerous  estates  which  they  re- 
ceived from  the  bounty  of  the  Christian  emperors.  This  import- 
ant alteration  might  diminish,  but  it  did  not  abolish  the  oblations 
of  the  people  ;  they  still  continued  to  offer  at  the  altar  the  bread 
and  wine  for  sacrifice;  and  the  treasury  of  each  church  was 
frequently  enriched  by  valuable  presents  of  every  description.*' 
The  liberality  of  the  Saxon  converts  did  not  yield  to  that  of  their 
brethren  in  other  countries.  The  custom  of  voluntary  oblations 
was  adopted  in  the  southern  provinces  at  the  recommendation 

><  Several  curious  charters  of  this  description  are  printed  in  Smith's  Bede,  (app.  xxi.) 
and  a  Catalogue  of  them  is  preserved  by  Wanely,  (Ant.  litt.  Septen.  p.  255.) 
1^  Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  2. 

iR  See  a  remaikable  instance  in  Ingulf,  (p.  1 1.) 
''  Bingham,  vol.  i.  p.  185. 


64  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHUKCl. 

of  the  Roman  missionaries;  in  the  northern  it  was  introduced  by 
the  Scottisli  monks.  Though  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
commanded  by  any  legislative  authority,  it  was  preserved  in  its 
ancient  vigour  as  late  as  the  close  of  the  tenth  century.  At  that 
period  the  pious  Christian  (so  we  learn  from  Archbishop  ^Ifric) 
was  accustomed  "to  repair  on  each  Sunday  with  his  offering  to 
the  church,  and  to  implore  by  his  prayers  and  alms  the  blessing 
of  Heaven  on  all  the  people  of  God."^^  It  must  be  evident,  that 
a  revenue  which  thus  deplended  on  the  means  and  the  disposition 
of  the  people,  was  of  a  very  fluctuating  nature  :  but,  while  the 
otTerings  of  the  poor  could  only  have  been  considerable  by  their 
number,  those  of  the  rich  were  frequently  of  the  highest  value. 
In  the  inventories  of  different  churches  we  constantly  meet  with 
gold  and  silver  vases,  the  richest  silks,  vestments,  gems,  and 
paintings ;  and  the  display  of  these  ornaments  on  the  more  solemn 
festivals,  gratified  the  piety,  and  awakened  the  emulation  of  the 
spectators. 

III.  But  the  principal  resource  of  the  parochial  clergy  was  the 
institution  of  tithes.  Under  the  Mosaic  dispensation  the  faithful 
Israelite  had  been  commanded  to  distribute  the  tenth  of  his 
annual  profits  among  the  ministers  of  the  altar;  his  example  was 
spontaneously  imitated  by  the  more  devout  of  the  Christian  laity; 
and  when  a  legal  provision  was  called  for  by  the  rapid  increase 
of  the  clergy,  the  establishment  of  tithes  was  adopted  as  the  least 
oppressive  mode  by  which  it  could  be  raised.  In  the  sixth  and 
seventh  centuries,  this  offering,  which,  in  its  origin,  had  been 
voluntary,  began  to  be  exacted  as  a  debt  in  almost  every  Chris- 
tian country;  and  the  practice  of  the  more  fervent  during  the 
preceding  ages  was  conceived  to  justify  the  claim.  If  we  may 
believe  a  royal  legislator,  the  payment  of  tithes  among  the  Sax- 
ons was  as  ancient  as  their  knowledge  of  the  gospel,  and  intro 
duced  by  St.  Augustine,  together  with  the  other  practices  common 
to  the  Christians  of  that  period.'^  But  men  are  not  often  prompted 
to  make  pecuniary  sacrifices  from  the  sole  motive  of  duty:  and 
as  the  number  of  the  clergy  was  small,  and  their  wants  were 
liberally  supplied  by  the  munificence  of  the  converted  princes,  it 
is  probable,  that  for  several  years  their  pretensions  were  generally 
waived,  or  feebly  enforced.~°     The  institution,  however,  of  paro 

'^  CDib   heopa  oppungum   cuman   co  ^aejie    moej'j'an   pymble 
nyppe  .  .  .  pop  eal  Dobep  pole  ^iiijien  a'jl'ep   je  mib  h.eopa 
Sebebum  je  mib  heopa  a;lmeppan.     Wilk.  torn.  i.  p.  273. 

'3  See  the  ninth  law  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  (Wilk.  p,  311.)  I  am  sensible  that 
this  alone  is  not  sufficient  to  make  the  establishment  of  tithes  coeval  with  the  profession 
of  Christianity  in  this  country:  but  it  is  strengthened  by  the  testimony  of  St.  Boniface 
of  Mentz,  and  Egbert  of  York,  who,  in  the  course  of  the  eighth  century,  speak  of  them 
as  of  an  old  regulation.  See  Wilkins,  p.  92.  102.  10/,  and  note  (A)  at  the  end  of  the 
volume. 

'0  Thus  Alcuin  dissuaded  a  missionary  in  Germany,  placed  in  similar  circumstances, 
fiom  enforcing  the  payment  of  tithes.     Ale.  ep.  apud  Mabil.  vet.  analec.  p.  400. 


PLOUGH-ALMS.  65 

chial  churches,  imperiously  required  an  augmentation  of  the 
number  of  pastors ;  and,  to  provide  for  their  support,  the  pay- 
ment of  tithes  was,  before  the  close  of  the  eighth  century,  severely 
commanded  by  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authority  in  the  council 
of  Calcuith.2'  The  regulations  which  were  then  adopted,  at  the 
recommendation  of  the  papal  legates,  received  many  improve 
ments  from  the  piety  or  the  policy  of  succeeding  legislators.  The 
obligation  was  declared  to  extend  to  every  species  of  annual 
produce,  even  to  the  profits  of  merchandise  and  of  military  ser- 
vice f^  and,  that  avarice  might  not  shelter  itself  under  the  pretext 
of  ignorance,  the  times  of  payment  were  carefully  ascertained, 
the  festival  of  Pentecost  for  the  tithe  of  cattle,  and  that  of  Michael- 
mas or  All-saints  for  the  tithe  of  corn.  Censures  and  penalties 
were  denounced  against  the  man  who  presumed  to  withhold  the 
property  of  the  church.  His  produce  of  the  year  was  divided 
into  ten  equal  parts,  of  which  one  was  given  to  the  minister,  four 
were  forfeited  to  the  proprietor  of  the  land,  and  four  to  the  bishop: 
and  the  execution  of  this  severe  law  was  intrusted  to  the  vigi- 
lance of  those  who  were  to  profit  by  it,  the  curate,  the  lord  of  the 
manor,  the  bishop's  reeve,  and  the  king's  reeve.^ 

IV.  Whether  it  was  that  this  resource  proved  inadequate,  or 
that  the  clergy  were  unwilling  to  surrender  the  advantages  which 
they  derived  from  the  piety  of  the  people,  several  other  charities 
were  converted  into  obligations,  and  enforced  by  the  canons  of 
the  church  and  the  laws  of  the  prince.  1.  Within  fifteen  days 
after  the  festival  of  Easter,  a  donation,  probably  of  one  silver 
penny  for  every  hide  of  arable  land,  was  exacted  under  the  ap- 
pellation of  plough-alms,  as  an  acknowledgment  that  the  distri- 
bution of  the  seasons  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Almighty,  and  to 
implore  his  blessing  on  the  future  harvest.^^  2.  At  the  feast  of 
St.  Martin,  a  certain  quantity  of  wheat,  sometimes  of  other  grain, 
was  offered  on  the  altar  as  a  substitute  for  the  oblations  of  bread 
and  wine  which  were  formerly  made  by  the  faithful,  as  often  as 
they  assisted  at  the  sacred  mysteries.  It  was  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  kirk-shot,  and  was  assessed  according  to  the  rate  of 
the  house  inhabited  by  each  individual  at  the  preceding  Christ- 
mas. By  the  laws  of  Ina,  whoever  refused  to  pay  it,  was  amerced 
forty  shillings  to  the  kin"g,  and  twelve  times  the  vahie  of  the  tax 
to  the  church :  and  during  the  next  three  centuries,  though  the 
latter  of  tliese  penalties  remained  stationary,  that  which  was  paid 
into  the  royal  treasury  progressively  increased,  till  it  amounted 
to  three  times  the  original  sum."  3.  Thrice  in  the  year,  at  Can- 
dlemas, the  vigil  of  Easter,  and  All-saints,  was  paid  the  leot-shot, 

21  Wilk.  p.  149. 

22  Id.  p.  107.  278. 

23  Id.  p.  245.  288.  .302. 

24  Id.  p.  203.  288.  295.  .302. 

2*  Id.  p.  59.  302.    It  was  sometimes  paid  in  fov/ls  at  Christmas.  Spe!.  GIos.  p.  135. 
9  F  2 


66  ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

or  a  certain  quantity  of  wax,  of  the  value  of  one  silver  penny  for 
each  hide  of  land.  The  object  of  this  institution  was  to  supply 
the  altar  with  lights  during  the  celebration  of  fne  divine  servicers 
4.  The  only  fee  which  the  parochial  clergy  were  permitted  to 
demand  for  the  exercise  of  their  functions,  was  the  soul-shot,  a 
retribution  in  money  for  the  prayers  said  in  behalf  of  the  dead. 
By  difierent  laws  it  was  ordered  to  be  paid  while  the  grave 
remained  open,  and  to  the  clergy  of  that  church  to  which  the 
deceased  had  formerly  belonged.'^''  The  aggregate  amount  of  all 
these  perquisites  composed  in  each  parish  a  fund,  which  was 
called  the  patrimony  of  the  minster,  and  which  was  devoted  to 
nearly  the  same  purposes  as  the  revenues  of  the  cathedral 
churches.  After  two-thirds  had  been  deducted  for  the  support 
of  the  clergy  and  the  repairs  of  the  building,  the  remainder  was 
assigned  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  of  strangers.  In  a  country 
which  offered  no  convenience  for  the  accommodation  of  travel- 
lers, frequent  recourse  was  had  to  the  hospitality  of  the  curate  : 
and  in  the  vicinity  of  his  residence  a  house  was  always  open  for 
their  reception,  in  which,  during  three  days,  they  were  provided 
Avith  board  and  lodging  at  the  expense  of  the  church.^^ 

The  Saxon  princes,  as  they  endowed  the  church  with  a  plenti- 
ful revenue,  were  also  careful  to  dignify  it  with  the  privileges 
which  it  enjoyed  in  all  other  Christian  countries.  Of  these  the 
principal  was  the  right  of  sanctuary ;  an  institution,  which,  how- 
ever prejudicial  it  may  prove  under  a  more  perfect  system  of 
legislation,  was  highly  useful  in  the  ages  of  anarchy  and  barbar- 
ism. Its  origin  is  lost  in  the  gloom  of  the  most  remote  antiquity. 
The  man  who  fled  from  the  resentment  of  a  more  powerful  ad- 
versary, was  taught  by  his  fears  to  seek  protection  at  the  altars 
of  the  gods ;  and  the  Jewish  legislator  selected  by  the  divine  ap- 
pointment six  cities  of  refuge,  in  which  the  involuntary  homicide 
might  screen  himself  from  the  vengeance  of  his  pursuers.     As 

26  Wil,  p.  203.  288.  302.  The  wax-shot,  which,  according  to  Inett,  (vol.  i.  p.  121,) 
is  still  paid  in  some  parts  of  England,  is  probably  a  relic  of  this  ancient  custom. 

27  Id.  288.  302. 

28  Id.  102,  103.  253.  We  are  frequently  told,  that  at  this  period  the  clergy  were  so 
intent  on  their  own  interest,  that  they  seemed  to  have  "  comprised  all  the  practical  parts 
of  Christianity  in  the  exact  and  faithful  payment  of  tithes,"  and  the  other  dues  of  the 
church.  Hume  Hist.  c.  2.  p.  67.  Mosheim  Hist.  Sac.  vii.  par.  2,  c.  iii.  To  misrepresent 
is  often  a  more  easy  task  than  to  collect  information.  The  Saxon  clergy  appear  lioth  to 
have  known  and  taught  the  pure  morality  of  the  gospel.  Their  preachers  sedulously 
inculcated  that  the  first  of  duties  was  the  love  of  God,  and  the  second  the  love  of  our 
neighbour.  Dobj'pellice  bebobu  uf  Iscpaf*.  -\  mynjaf.  faec  pe 
eallum  mobe  ^  eallum  nifpjene,  sppejT.  Dob  liipian  ";]  pup^ian.  "] 
py^ban  iipe  nexcaii  lupian  "J  healban  ppa  ppa  up  pylpe.  Reg- 
Can,  apud  Wanl.  p.  49.  It  were  too  long  to  transcribe  the  original  passages,  but  who- 
ever is  conversant  with  the  works  of  Bede,  Boniface,  and  Alcuin,  with  the  Saxon  homi- 
lies, and  the  Libor  Legum  ecclesiasticarum,  (Wilk.  p.  270,)  must  acknowledge  that  the 
ingenuity  of  the  most,  learned  professor  of  the  present  day  would  find  it  difficult  to  im- 
prove the  moral  doctrines  which  were  taught  to  our  forefathers.     See  note  B. 


■RIGHT    OF    SANCTUARY.  67 

soon  as  Constantine  the  Great  had  enrolled  himself  among  the 
professors  of  the  gospel,  the  right  of  asylum  was  transferred  by 
the  practice  of  the  people  from  the  pagan  to  the  Christian  tem- 
ples :  the  silence  of  the  emperors  gradually  sanctioned  the  inno- 
vation ;  and  by  the  Theodosian  code,  the  privilege  was  extended 
to  every  building  designed  for  the  habitation,  or  the  use  of  the 
clergy.^^  To  this  decision  of  the  imperial  law  the  Saxon  converts 
listened  with  respect,  and  their  obedience  was  rewarded  by  the 
numerous  advantages  which  it  procured.  Though  religion  had 
softened,  it  had  not  extirpated  the  ancient  ferocity  of  their  cha- 
racter. They  continued  to  cherish  that  barbarous  prejudice, 
which  places  the  sword  of  justice  in  the  hand  of  each  individual, 
and  exhorts  him  to  punish  his  enemy  without  waiting  for  the 
more  tardy  vengeance  of  the  law.^°  As  their  passions  frequently 
urged  them  to  deeds  of  violence,  this  system  of  retaliation  was 
productive  of  the  most  fatal  consequences.  The  friends  of  each 
party  associated  in  his  defence ;  family  was  leagued  against 
family ;  and  in  the  prosecution  of  these  bitter  and  hereditary 
feuds,  innocence  too  often  suffered  the  fate  which  was  due  to 
guilt.  On  such  occasions,  the  church  offered  her  protection  to 
the  weak  and  the  unfortunate.  Within  her  precincts  they  were 
secure  from  the  resentment  of  their  enemies,  till  their  friends  had 
assembled,  and  either  proved  their  innocence,  or  paid  the  legal 
compensation  for  their  offence.^'  It  should  however  be  observed, 
that  the  right  of  asylum,  though  it  retarded,  did  not  prevent  the 
punishment  of  the  guilty .^^  After  a  certain  time  the  privilege 
expired.  The  three  days  allotted  by  the  laws  of  Alfred  were 
successively  extended  to  a  week,  to  nine  days,  and  lastly  to  an 
indefinite  period,  which  might  be  shortened  or  protracted  at  the 
discretion  of  the  sovereign :  but  when  it  was  elapsed,  the  fugi- 
tive, unless  he  had  previously  satisfied  the  legal  demands  of  his 
adversaries,  was  delivered  to  the  officers  of  justice.^^  Neither 
were  the  churches  open  to  criminals  of  every  description.  The 
chance  of  protection  was  wisely  diminished  in  proportion  to  the 
enormity  of  the  offence.  The  thief  who  had  repeatedly  abused, 
at  last  forfeited  the  benefit  of  the  sanctuary :  and  the  man  who 
had  endangered  the  safety  of  the  state,  or  violated  the  sanctity 
of  religion,  might  legally  be  dragged  from  the  foot  of  the  altar  to 

29  The  motive  of  this  ^xtertsion  was  the  indecency  of  permitting  the  fugitive  to 
remain  for  several  days  and  nights  in  the  church.  Hanc  autem  spattii  latitudinem  ideo 
indulgemus,  ne  in  ipso  Dei  tempio  et  sacrosanctis  altaribus  confugientium  quenquam 
mane  vel  vespere  cubare  vel  pcrnoctare  liceat.     Cod.  Theod.  1.  ix.  tit.  45, 

30  This  prejudice  was  so  inveterate  among  some  of  the  northern  nations,  that,  by  the 
Salic  law,  every  member  of  a  family  who  refused  to  join  his  brethren  in  the  pursuit  of 
vengeance,  was  deprived  of  his  right  of  inheritance.  Henault,  Abreg,  Chron.  vol.  i. 
p.  118. 

31  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  15,  v.  35,  ii.  iii. 

32  Templorum  cautela,  says  Justinian,  non  nocentibus  sed  liEsis  datur  a  lesr'N 
Novel.  17,  c.  7. 

33  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  35,  ii.  36,  v.  110. 


68  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

receive  the  punishment  of  his  crime.^'*  There  were,  however,  a 
few  churches  which  claimed  a  proud  pre-eminence  above  the 
others.  To  them  their  benefactors  had  accorded  the  extraor- 
dinary privilege  of  securing  the  life  of  every  fugitive,  how  enor- 
mous soever  might  be  his  gUilt,  and  of  compelling  his  prosecutor 
to  accept  in  lietl  of  his  head  a  pecuniary  compensation.  Among 
these  may  be  numbered  the  'churches  of  York,  Beverley,  Ram- 
sey, and  Westminster  f^  but  Ubne  could  boast  of  equal  immuni- 
ties with  the  abbey  of  Croyland.  The  monastery,  the  island,  and 
the  waters  which  surrounded  it,  enjoyed  the  right  of  sanctuary ; 
and  a  line  of  demarcation,  drawn  at  the  distance  of  twenty  feet 
from  the  opposite  margin  of  the  lake,  arrested  the  pursuit  of  the 
officers,  ahd  insured  the  safety  of  the  fUgitive.  Immediately  he 
took  the  oath  of  fealty  tb  the  abbot,  and  the  man  of  St.  Guthlake 
might  laugh  in  security  at  the  impotent  rage  of  his  enemies.  But 
if,  without  a  written  permission,  he  presumed  to  wander  beyond 
the  magic  boundary,  the  charm  was  dissolved ;  justice  resumed 
her  rights ;  and  his  life  was  forfeited  to  the  severity  of  the  laws. 
When  the  Inoniastery  was  rebuilt,  after  its  destruction  by  the 
Danes,  Edred  offered  to  revive  the  ancient  privilege  in  favour  of 
his  chanceUor,  Turketul ;  but  it  was  declined  by  the  hoary 
statesman,  who  considered  the  ordinary  right  of  asylum  as  equally 
beneficial  to  the  public,  and  less  hable  to  abuse.^'^ 

The  peace  of  the  church  was  an  institution  of  a  similar  nature, 
and  adopted  by  the  clergy,  in  order  to  mitigate  the  ferocity  of 
their  countrymen.  To  devote  to  the  work  of  vengeance  the  days 
which  religion  had  consecrated  to  the  worship  of  the  Almighty, 
they  taught  to  be  a  profanation  of  the  blackest  die.  At  their 
solicitation,  peace  was  proclaimed  on  each  Sunday  and  holiday, 
and  during  the  penitential  times  of  lent  and  advent :  every  feud 
was  instantly  suspended  ;  and  the  bitterest  enemies  might  meet 
and  converse  without  danger  under  the  protection  of  the  church. 
The  same  indulgence  was  extended  to  the  man  who  quitted  his 
home  to  assist  at  the  public  worship,  to  obey  the  summons  of 
his  bishop,  or  to  attend  the  episcopal  synod  or  national  council. 
Covered  by  this  invisible  ffigis,  he  might  pursue  his  journey  in 
security  ;  or  if  his  enemy  dared  to  molest  him,  the  presumption 
of  the  aggressor  was  severely  chastised  by  the  resentment  of  the 
laws."  Sensible  of  the  benefits  which  they  derived  from  these 
institutions,  the  weak  and  defenceless  naturally  looked  for  pro- 
tection to  the  church  :  its  ministers  were  caressed  and  revered ; 
and  the  gratitude  of  their  clients  was  frequently  testified  by  nu- 
merous and  valuable  donations.^** 

34  Ibid.  p.  198,  vi. 

^*  Spelman's  Gloss,  voce  Fridslol.     Monast.  Ang.  vol.  i.  p.  60.  236. 

3"  Wilk.  Con.  p.  176.  181.     Ingulf,  p.  40.  3;  Lep.  Sax.  109,  110.  197 

^8  This  cirrumstanre  has  encouraged  some  writers  to  attribute  these  institutions  to 
the  avarice  of  the  clergy.  But  the  real  cause  of  their  adoption  was  their  utility. 
Not  only  the  churches,  but  also  palaces  of  the  kings,  and  the  houses  of  their  officers 


BENEFACTIONS    OF    ETHELWULF.  69 

But  England  was  not  the  only  theatre  on  which  the  Saxon 
kings  and  nobles  displayed  their  regard  for  the  ministers  of  re- 
ligion. In  their  frequent  pilgrimages  to  the  tombs  of  the  apos- 
tles, they  were  careful  to  visit  the  most  celebrated  churches  on 
the  continent,  and  to  leave  behind  them  numerous  evidences 
of  their  liberality.  Before  the  close  of  the  eighth  century,  the 
monastery  of  St.  Denis,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris,  was  pos- 
sessed of  extensive  estates  on  the  coast  of  Sussex  :^^  to  the  pre- 
sents of  the  Saxon  princes,  several  of  the  churches,  originally 
established  in  iVrmorica  by  the  fugitive  Britons,  were  indebted 
for  their  support :  *°  and  the  munificence  of  Alfred  has  been 
gratefully  recorded  by  the  archbishop  of  Rheims ;  that  of  Canute 
by  the  canons  and  monks  belonging  to  the  two  great  monasteries 
in  St.  Omer's.*^  But  Rome  was  the  principal  object  of  their 
liberality.  The  imperial  city  was  no  longer  the  mistress  of  the 
world.  More  than  once  she  had  been  sacked  by  the  barbarians  : 
the  provinces  from  which  she  formerly  drew  her  subsistence, 
had  submitted  to  their  arms ;  her  walls  were  insulted  by  the 
frequent  inroads  of  the  Saracens ;  and  the  popes,  with  the  nu- 
merous people  dependent  on  their  pjaternal  authority,  were  fre- 
quently reduced  to  the  lowest  distress.  By  the  Saxon  princes, 
the  affection,  which  St.  Gregory  had  testified  for  their  fathers, 
was  gratefully  remembered.  They  esteemed  it  a  disgrace  that 
the  head  of  their  religion  should  suffer  the  inconveniences  of 
want,  and  each  succeeding  king  was  careful,  by  valuable  dona- 
tions, to  demonstrate  his  veneration  for  the  successor  of  St.  Peter, 
and  to  contribute  a  portion  of  his  wealth  to  support  the  govern- 
ment of  the  universal  church.  The  munificence  of  Ethelwulf  is 
particularly  described  by  Anastasius,  an  eyewitness.  During 
the  year  of  his  residence  in  Rome,  he  spread  around  him  with 
profusion  the  treasures  which  he  had  brought  from  England. 
To  the  pontiff,  Benedict  III.,  he  gave  a  crown  of  pure  gold, 
weighing  four  pounds,  two  cups  and  two  images  of  the  same 
precious  metal,  a  sword  tied  with  pure  gold,  four  Saxon  dishes 
of  silver-gilt,  a  rochet  of  silk  with  a  clasp  of  gold,  several  albs  of 
white  silk  with  gold  lace  and  clasps,  and  two  large  curtains  of 
silk,  embroidered  with  gold.  In  the  basilic  of  St.  Peter  he  dis- 
tributed presents  of  gold  to  the  clergy  and  nobility  of  Rome  ;  and 
gratified  the  people  with  a  handsome  donative  hi  pieces  of  sil- 
ver.''^ But  these  were  occasional  charities ;  the  Romescot  was 
perpetual.  During  a  long  period  anterior  to  the  Norman  con- 
possessed  the  privilege  of  sanctuary.  The  king's  peace,  like  that  of  the  church,  was 
granted  to  all  who  were  engaged  in  his  service,  or  travelling  on  the  four  great  roads,  or 
employed  on  the  navigable  rivers.     Leg.  Sax.  p.  199. 

•"9  Dublet,  Ant.  St.  Dion,  apud  Alf.  torn.  ii.  p.  650.  656. 

'"'  Maim,  de  pont.  1.  v.  p.  363. 

'"  Wise's  Asser.  p.  126.     Encom.  Emmce,  p.  173. 

^2  Anast.  Biblioth.  de  vitis  Pontif.  v.  i.  p.  403.  For  the  names  and  destination  of 
these  and  similar  presents,  see  Domenico  Georgi,  de  liturgia  Romani  Pontificis,  vol.  i. 


70  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

quest,  a  silver  penny  was  annually  paid  by  every  family  pos- 
sessed of  land  or  cattle  to  the  yearly  value  of  thirty  pence,  and 
the  general  amount  was  carefully  transmitted  to  the  Roman  pon- 
tiff. The  origin  of  this  tax  is  involved  in  considerable  obscurity. 
If  we  may  credit  the  narration  of  later  historians,  it  was  first 
established  by  Ina,  king  ef  Wessex,  about  the  commencement  of 
the  eighth  century  ;  was  afterwards  extended  by  'Offa  of  Mercia, 
to  all  the  sliires  of  that  populous  nation  ;  and  at  last,  by  the 
command  of  Ethelwulf,  was  levied  in  all  the  provinces  of  the 
Saxons.  But  this  fair  and  well-connected  system  will  vanish  at 
the  approach  of  criticism.  If  Ina  was  the  original  author  of  the 
Romescot,  it  will  be  difficult  to  account  for  the  obstinate  silence 
both  of  Bede,  who  particularly  relates  his  devotion  towards  the 
Roman  see,  and  of  every  other  historian  tliat  wTote  during  the 
five  following  centuries.  The  claims  of  Glia  and  Ethelwulf  are 
more  plausible.  Otfa,  who  was  accustomed  to  ascribe  the  suc- 
cess of  his  arms  to  the  intercession  of  St.  Peter,  had  promised 
from  himself  and  his  successors  a  yearly  pension  of  three  hundred 
and  sixty  mancuses  to  the  church  of  the  apostle  ;  and  this  pro- 
mise was  confirmed  by  a  solemn  oath  in  presence  of  the  papal 
legates.*^  That  he  faithfully  performed  his  engagement,  we 
know  from  the  best  authority :  that  it  was  gradually  neglected 
by  the  princes  who  succeeded  him,  is  highly  probable.  Under 
Kenulf,  to  whom  he  left  the  sceptre  of  Mercia,  the  original  sum 
appears  to  have  dwindled  to  one-third  of  its  former  amount  ;■»* 
and  after  his  death  no  vestige  of  its  payment  can  be  discovered 
before  the  pilgrimage  of  Ethelwulf  That  prince,  during  his 
residence  in  Rome,  revived,  with  a  few  variations,  the  charitable 
donation  of  Otia:  and  a  perpetual  annuity  of  three  hundred 
mancuses  was  granted  to  the  pontiff,  to  be  appropriated  in  equal 
portions  to  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  that  of  St.  Paul,  and  the  papal 
treasury."  During  the  conquests  of  the  Danes  it  was  probably 
forgotten ;  but  Alfred  had  no  sooner  subdued  these  formidable 
enemies,  than  he  was  careful  to  execute  the  will  of  his  father  : 
the  royal  alms  (such  is  the  expression  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle) 
were  each  year  conveyed  to  Rome  ;  and  soon  after,  in  the  reign 
of  Edwardj  we  meet  with  the  first  mention  of  the  Romescot  as 
an  existing  regulation.'"*  From  these  premises  it  were  not,  per- 
haps, rash  to  infer,  that  the  Peter-pence  should  be  ascribed  to 

The  crown  and  images  were  probably  suspended  over  the  tomb  of  St.  Peter,  (id.  p.  243 :) 
the  dishes  (Gabath.-e)  were  used  to  receive  the  offerings  at  mass,  (id.  p.  91  :)  the  cur- 
tains of  silk  embroidered  with  gold,  (vela  de  fundato,  id.  p.  372,)  were  employed  in  the 
church  on  great  festivals. 

""^  See  the  letter  of  Leo  III.  in  Anglia  sacra,  (vol.  i.  p.  461.)  The  money  was  to  be 
expended  in  relieving  the  poor,  and  furnishing  lights  for  the  church.  The  want  of  oil 
for  this  purpose  was  often  lamented  by  the  popes.  Cum  neque  oleum  sit  nobis  pro 
luminaribus  ecclcsitc  juxta  debitum  Dei  honorcm.  Ep.  Steph.  VI.  Basil.  Imper.  apud 
Walker,  p.  7.    A  mancus  contained  thirty  pence,  or  six  Saxon  shillings.    (See  note  C.) 

"^  Wilk.  Con.  p.  164,  165.  45  Asser.  p.  4. 

*«  Leg.  Sax.  p.  52. 


ORIGIN    OF    THE    MONASTIC    INSTITUTE.  71 

»,wo  policy  of  Ethelwulf  or  his  immediate  successors,  who,  by  this 
expedient,  sought  to  raise  the  money  which  they  had  engaged 
to  remit  to  the  holy  see.  By  later  legislators  it  is  frequently 
mentioned,  and  severely  enforced.  The  time  of  payment  is  li- 
mited to  the  five  weeks  which  intervene  between  the  feast  of  St. 
Peter  and  the  first  of  August ;  and  the  avarice  of  the  man  who 
may  attempt  to  elude  the  law,  is  ordered  to  be  punished  by  a 
fine  of  thirty  pence  to  the  bishop,  and  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
shillings  to  the  king.*^  From  a  curious  schedule  extracted  from 
the  register  of  the  Lateran,  by  the  order  of  Gregory  V[I.,  it  ap- 
pears that  the  collection  of  the  tax  was  intrusted  to  the  care  of 
the  bishops  of  each  diocese,  and  that  the  entire  sum  amounted 
at  that  period  to  something  more  than  two  hundred  pounds  of 
Saxon  n^oney.*^ 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Origin  of  the  Monastic  Institute — Anglo-Saxon  Monks — Of  St.  Gregory — Of  St. 
Colutnba— Of  St.  Benedict — Vows  of  Obedience — Chastity — Poverty — Possessions 
of  the  Monks — Attention  to  th.e  IVJechanic  Arts— To  Agriculture— Their  HospitaUty — 
Their  Charities. 

In  the  conflict  of  rival  parties,  men  are  seldom  just  to  the 
merit  of  their  adversaries.  When  the  reformers  of  the  sixteenth 
century  rose  in  opposition  to  the  church  of  Rome,  they  selected 
the  monastic  order  for  the  favourite  object  of  their  attack,  and 
directed  the  keenest  shafts  of  satire  against  the  real  or  imaginary 
vices  of  its  professors.  For  near  three  hundred  years  the  lessons 
of  these  apostles  have  been  re-echoed  by  the  zeal  of  their  disci- 
ples :  with  the  name  of  monk,  education  usually  associates  the 
ideas  of  fraud,  ignorance,  and  superstition :  and  the  distorted 
portrait  which  was  originally  drawn  by  the  pencil  of  animosity 
and  fanaticism,  is  still  admired  as  a  correct  and  faithful  likeness. 
If,  in  the  following  pages,  monachism  appear  dressed  in  more 
favourable  colours,  let  not  the  writer  be  hastily  condemned. 
Truth  is  the  first  duty  of  the  historian ;  and  the  virtues  of  men 
deserve  to  be  recorded  no  less  than  their  vices.  The  object  of 
the  present  chapter  is,  to  investigate  the  origin  of  the  monastic 
profession  ;  to  distinguish  the  different  tribes  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
monks ;  and  to  delineate  the  leading  principles  of  their  religious 
discipline.     The   subject  is  curious ;   and  the  important  part, 

4"  Ibid.  p.  114.  ^8  Apud  Selden,  Analect.  p.  73. 


72  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

which  the  order  formerly  bore  on  the  theatre  of  the  world,  will 
confer  an  interest  on  the  inquiry.* 

During  the  three  first  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  the  more 
fervent  among  the  followers  of  the  gospel  were  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  Ascetes.  They  renounced  all  distracting  employ- 
ments ;  divided  their  time  between  the  public  worship  and  their 
private  devotions ;  and  endeavoured  by  the  assiduous  practice 
of  every  virtue,  to  attain  that  sublime  perfection,  which  is  de- 
lineated in  the  sacred  writings.  As  long  as  the  imperial  throne 
was  occupied  by  pagan  princes,  the  fear  of  persecution  concurred 
with  the  sense  of  duty  to  invigorate  their  efforts :  but  when  the 
sceptre  had  been  transferred  to  the  hands  of  Constantine  and  his 
successors,  the  austerity  of  the  Christian  character  was  insensi- 
bly relaxed ;  the  influence  of  prosperity  and  dissipation  prevailed 
over  the  severer  maxims  of  the  gospel ;  and  many,  under  the 
assumed  mask  of  Christianity,  continued  to  cherish  the  notions 
and  vices  of  paganism.  The  alarming  change  was  observed 
and  lamented  by  the  most  fervent  of  the  faithful,  who  determined 
to  retire  from  a  scene  so  hateful  to  their  zeal,  and  so  dangerous  to 
their  virtue :  and  the  vast  and  barren  deserts  of  Thebais  were 
soon  covered  with  cro\yds  of  anachorets,  who,  under  the  guidance 
of  the  Saints  Anthony  and  Pachomius,  earned  their  scanty  meals 
with  the  sweat  of  their  brows,  and,  by  a  constant  repetition  of 
prayers,  and  fasts,  and  vigils,  edified  and  astonished  their  less 
fervent  brethren.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  monastic  institute. 
Its  first  professors  were  laymen,  who  condemned  the  lax  morali- 
ty of  their  contemporaries,  and  aspired  to  practjse  in  the  solitude 
of  the  desert,  the  severe  and  arduous  virtues  of  their  forefathers. 
They  lived  in  small  communities,  of  which  a  proportionate 
number  obeyed  the  paternal  authority  of  a  common  superior. 
To  obtain  adn^ission,  no  other  qualifications  were  required  in  the 
postulant,  than  a  spirit  of  penitence,  and  a  desire  of  perfection. 
As  long  as  these  continued  to  animate  his  conduct,  he  was  care- 
fully exercised  in  the  different  duties  of  the  monastic  profession : 
if  he  repented  of  his  choice,  the  gates  were  open,  and  he  was  at 
liberty  to  depart.  But  the  number  of  the  apostates  was  small : 
the  virtue  of  the  greater  part  secured  their  perseverance ;  and 
it  was  not  till  after  the  decline  of  their  original  fervour,  that 
irrevocable  vows  were  added  by  the  policy  of  succeeding  legis- 
lators.2 

'  The  latest  writer  on  this  subject  is  Mr.  Fosbrooke,  who  compiled  his  two  volumes 
on  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  monks  and  nuns  of  England,  "  to  check  that  spirit 
of  monachism  and  popery  which  has  lately  been  revived."  Perhaps  with  many  the 
benevolence  of  the  intention  may  atone  or  the  asperity  of  the  execution:  but  it  can 
scarcely  apologize  for  the  republication  of  calumnies,  which  have  been  often  refuted  by 
the  more  candid  of  the  Protestant  historians.  See  Brown  Willis  on  Mitred  Abbeys, 
with  the  preface  by  Hearne,  in  Leland's  Collectanea,  vol.  vi.  p.  51. 

-  Binsham,  vol.  i.  p.  243.  Flcury,  Hist.  1.  vi.  c.  20.  Droit  Eccles.  c.  xxi.  By  his 
brethren  and  countrymen,  the  clergy  of  France,  Fleury  has,  for  almost  a  century,  been 


HIFPUSION    OP    THE    MONASTIC    INSTITUTE.  73 

From  Egypt  the  monastic  institute  rapidly  diffused  itself  over 
the  neighbouring  provinces,  and  the  west  was  eager  to  imitate 
the  e:^ample  of  the  east.  At  the  commencement  of  the  fifth 
century,  colonies  of  monks  were  planted  in  every  corner  of  the 
empire  ;  and  the  conversion  of  the  northern  barbarians  pro- 
digiously increased  their  numbers.  The  proselytes  admired  the 
austere  virtues  of  the  institute ;  and  considered  its  professors  as 
a  class  of  superior  beings,  the  friends  and  favourites  of  the  Deity. 
No  sooner  was  a  monastery  erected,  than  it  was  filled  with 
crowds,  who  either  wished  to  preserve,  within  the  shelter  of  its 
walls,  their  innocence  from  seduction ;  or  sought  to  efface,  by 
tears  of  repentance,  the  excesses  of  a  profligate  life.  The  opu- 
lent and  powerful  fancied  that,  by  promoting  the  interests,  they 
participated  in  the  merits  of  the  order :  and  the  most  vicious 
flattered  themselves,  that  they  might  make  some  atonement  for 
their  past  offences,  by  contributing  to  support  a  race  of  men, 
whose  lives  were  devoted  solely  to  the  service  of  their  Creator. 
In  proportion  as  the  order  increased,  it  was  divided  and  subdi- 
vided without  end.  Every  abbot,  who  had  founded  a  monastery, 
assumed  the  liberty  of  selecting  or  forming  for  his  monks,  such 
regulations  as  his  judgment  preferred ;  the  simplicity  of  the 
Egyptian  model  was  improved  or  disfigured  by  the  additions  of 
posterior  and  independent  legislators;  and  though  the  more 
prominent  features  of  eacli  family  bore  a  striking  resemblance,  a 
thousand  different  tints  nicely  discriminated  them  from  each 
other.  That  this  freedom  of  choice,  which  was  exercised  by  the 
cenobites  of  the  continent,  had  been  refused  by  the  Saxon  monks, 
and  that  they  universally  belonged  to  the  Benedictine  institute, 
has  been  warmly  maintained  by  learned  and  respectable  anti- 
quaries.^ But  their  opinion  is  not  supported  by  sufficient  au- 
thority: and  the  Benedictine  institute  has  justly  acquired  too 
high  a  reputation,  to  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  pirating  the 
eminent  characters  of  other  orders.  I  shall,  therefore,  confine 
myself  to  our  ancient  writers.     With  the  light  which  they  afford, 

numbered  among  the  most  eminent  of  the  Catholic  writers :  by  an  English  critic,  in  a 
late  publication,  he  has  been  pronounced  little  better  than  a  disguised  infidel.  Which 
are  we  most  to  admire,  tlidr  blindness  or  his  sagacity  T  Compare  vol.  i.  of  the  History 
of  the  Christian  Church,  p.  xiv.  xvi,  with  vol.  iii.  p.  317. 

2  Reyner,  in  his  Apostolatus  Benedictinorum  in  Anglia,  is,  like  other  genealogists,  often 
fanciful,  and  sometimes  extravagant.  In  the  Saxon  church  he  can  discover  nothing 
but  Benedictine  monks.  The  Italian  missionaries  were  Benedictine  monks ;  the 
Gallic  missionaries  were  Benedictine  monks  ;  the  Scottish  missionaries  were,  or  imme- 
diately became  Benedictine  monks.  Each  writer  of  eminence,  and  each  prelate  of  dis- 
tinguished sanctity,  the  religious  of  every  convent,  and  the  clergy  of  every  cathedral, 
were  all  Benedictine  monks.  (Apost.Bened.p.  1 — 203.)  The  merit  of  patient  reading 
and  extensive  erudition,  Reyner  might  justly  claim  :  but  a  natural  partiality  urged  him 
to  displav  the  ancient  honours  of  his  order,  and  his  judgment  was  the  slave  of  his  par- 
tiality. He  was  succeeded  by  Mabillon,  an  antiquary  of  equal  learning,  and  superior 
discernment,  who  selected  the  principal  arguments  of  Reyner,  and  endeavoured  to 
strengthen  them  by  the  addition  of  several  passages  from  ancient  and  unpublished 
manuscripts.     See  Mabil.  prsef.  Ssbc.  1,  Bened.  Vet.  Analec.  p.  499. 

10  G 


74  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

we  may  still  pierce  tlirough  the  gloom  of  eteven  intervening 
centuries ;  and  discover  among  our  ancestors  three  grand  divi- 
sions of  the  monastic  profession,  in  the  disciples  of,  1,  St.  Gregory, 
2,  St.  Columba,  and,  3,  St.  Benedict. 

1.  Among  the  patrons  of  monachism,  a  distinguished  place  is 
due  to  Gregory  the  Great,  whose  piety  prompted  him  to  exchange 
the  dignity  of  Roman  prefect  for  the  cowl  of  a  private  monk, 
and  wliose  merit  drew  him  from  the  obscurity  of  his  cell  to  seat 
him  on  the  throne  of  St.  Peter.  In  Sicily  his  ample  patrimony 
supported  six  separate  families  of  monks:  and  the  remainder  of 
his  fortune  was  devoted  to  the  endowment  of  the  great  monas- 
tery of  St.  Andrew's  in  Rome.  After  such  important  services, 
he  might  with  propriety  assume  the  office  of  legislating  for  those 
who  owed  their  bread  to  his  liberality:  and  from  the  scattered 
hints  of  ancient  writers  we  may  safely  collect,  that  the  regula- 
tions which  he  imposed  on  his  monks,  were  widely  dift'erent 
from  the  statutes  of  most  otlier  religioiis  orders."*  The  time 
which  they  dedicated  to  manual  labour,  he  commanded  to  be 
employed  in  study;  and  while  they  claimed  the  merit  of  con- 
ducting their  lay  disciples  through  the  narrow  path  of  monastic 
perfection,  he  aspired  to  the  higher  praise  of  forming  men,  who 
by  their  abilities  might  defend  the  doctrines,  and  by  their  zeal 
extend  the  conquests  of  the  church.^  Of  these  the  most  eminent 
were  honoured  with  his  friendship,  and  enjoyed  a  distinguished 
place  near  his  person.  They  attended  him  in  his  embassy  to  the 
capital  of  the  east :  they  were  admitted  into  his  council  at  his 
elevation  to  the  pontificate ;  and  they  supplied  him  with  mis- 
sionaries, when  he  meditated  the  conversion  of  the  Saxons. 
Augustine  was  proud  to  copy  the  example  of  his  father  and 
instructor.  To  the  clergy  who  officiated  in  his  cathedral,  he  asso- 
ciated several  of  his  former  brethren,  as  his  advisers  and  com- 
panions :  and  for  the  remainder  he  erected  a  spacious  monastery, 
which,  as  far  as  circumstances  would  permit,  was  an  exact  copy 
of  its  prototype  in  Rome.  Of  the  spiritual  progeny  of  this  es- 
tablishment we  have  no  accurate  history.  That  the  neighbouring 
convents  received  their  first  inhabitants  from  Canterbury,  and 
carefully  observed  the  regulations  of  the  parent  monastery,  is 
highly  probable  :  whether,  at  any  later  period,  previously  to  the 
reform  of  St.  Dunstan,  they  abandoned  their  ancient  rule,  and 

^See  Broughton,  Memorial,  p.  231.  Buthavenot  the  Benedictine  writers  strenuous- 
ly claimed  this  pontiff  as  a  member  of  their  institute  ■?  I  shall  only  answer  that  I  have 
patiently  perused  the  dissertations  of  Reyner,  (A post.  p.  1G7,)  and  Mabillon,  (Anal. 
vet.  p.  499,)  and  am  still  compelled  to  think  with  Baronius,  (An.  581,  viii.)  Broughton, 
(Mem.  p.  244,)  Smith,  (Florcs  Hist.  p.  81,)  Henschenius  and  Papebroche,  (Act  San. 
tom.  2  Mart.  p.  123,)  Thomassin,  (De  vet.  et  nov.  Discip.  1.  iii.  c.  24,)  Basnage,  (Annal. 
anno  ."JSl.)  and  Gibbon,  (vol.  iv.  p.  457,)  that  their  claim  is  unfounded.  See  also 
Sandini,  Vit.  Pontif.  vol.  i.  p.  203. 

'  The  institute  of  St.  Gregory  seems  to  have  been  an  attempt  to  unite,  as  much  as 
possible,  the  clerical  with  the  monastic  profession.  Bergier,  Diction.  Theol.  art.  Com- 
muiiaule. 


HONKS    Ot"    ST.    C'OLtJMBA.  75 

adopted  the  Benedictine  institute,  is  a  subject  of  more  doubtful, 
but  unimportant  controversy.'^ 

2.  Eight-and-forty  years  after  the  arrival  of  Augustine  on 
the  coast  of  Kent,  Oswald,  king  of  Northumbria,  requested  a 
supply  of  missionaries  from  the  Scottish  monks.  Columba,  of 
the  royal  race  of  the  Neils  in  Ireland,  by  his  preaching  and 
miracles  had  converted  the  barbarous  inhabitants  of  Caledonia; 
and  the  gratitude  of  his  proselytes  recompensed  his  labours  with 
the  donation  of  the  isle  of  Icolmkille,  one  of  the  smallest  of  the 
Hebrides.''  His  memory  was  long  cherished  with  every  testi- 
mony of  veneration  by  the  northern  nations.  The  customs 
which  his  approbation  had  sanctified  in  their  eyes,  were,  with 
pious  obstinacy,  perpetuated  by  his  disciples  :  his  monastery  was 
selected  for  the  sepulchres  of  the  kings  of  Ireland,  Scotland,  and 
Norway  f  and  the  provincial  bishops,  though  in  their  episcopal 
functions  they  preserved  the  superiority  of  their  order,  in  other 
points  submitted  to  the  mandates  of  the  abbot,  as  the  legitimate 
successor  of  Columba :  a  singular  institution,  of  which  no  other 
example  is  recorded  in  the  ecclesiastical  annals.* 

From  this  monastery  came  Aidan,  the  successful  apostle  of 
Northumbria.  During  the  course  of  his  labours,  the  missionary 
kept  his  eyes  fixed  on  his  patron,  Columba;  and  after  his  exam- 
ple, requested  permission  to  retire  from  the  court,  and  fix  his 
residence  in  some  lonely  island,  where  his  devotions  might  not 
be  interrupted  by  the  follies  and  vices  of  men.  His  petition  was 
granted.  Lindisfarne,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  Northum- 
brian coast,  was  peopled  with  a  colony  of  Scottish  monks;  and 
in  their  company  the  bishop  spent  the  hours  which  were  not 
devoted  to  the  exercise  of  the  episcopal  functions.  His  immediate 
successors  were  the  zealous  imitators  of  his  conduct;  and  from 
the  monastery  of  Aidan,  the  institute  was  rapidly  diffused  through 
the  kingdoms  of  Bernicia  and  Deira,  Mercia  and  East-Anglia. 

«  The  rule  of  St.  Gregory  was  observed  at  Canterbury  till  the  year  630,  according  to 
the  testimony  of  Pope  Honorius,  (vestram  dilectionem  sectantem  magistri  et  capitis  sui 
St.  Gregorii  rf OT/Zftw.  Bed.  II.  18.)  The  privilege  of  choosing  their  own  abbots,  a 
claim  which  distinguished  the  Benedictines,  is  said  to  have  been  granted  to  the  monks 
by  Adeodatus,  in  673.  (Wilk.  p.  43,)  But  this  charter  may  be  reasonably  suspected, 
as  the  archbishop  continued  after  that  period  to  nominate  the  superiors  of  all  the 
monasteries  in  the  kingdom  of  Kent.  (Ibid.  p.  57.)  At  the  distance  of  four  hundred 
years,  King  Ethelred  introduced  Benedictine  monks  into  the  cathedral,  and  in  the 
Saxon  copy  of  the  charter,  which  he  gave  on  that  occasion,  is  made  to  say  that  they 
were  of  the  same  description  as  the  companions  of  St.  Augustine,  (op  ftaene 
bypne  be  yey  Aii^ufcinup  hibep  co  bpohce.  Wilk.  p.  282.  Mores 
Comment,  de  ^If  p.  88.)  It  is  however  observable,  that  in  the  Latin,  which,  from  the 
signatures,  appears  to  have  been  the  authentic  copy,  this  passage  is  not  to  be  found, 
(Wilk.  p.  284.    Mores,  p.  84.) 

7  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  3.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  21.     An.  560. 

8  See  Buchanan,  (Rerum  Scotic.  1.  i.  p.  28.)  A  chart  of  the  island  is  given  in  the 
title  page  of  Pinkerton's  Vit.  antiq.  Sanctorum  in  Scotia. 

9  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  4.  That  Columba  acknowledged  himself  inferior  to  bishops,  is  evi- 
dent from  his  hfe  by  Adomnan,  (I.  i.  c.  45,  ed.  Pinkerton,  p.  93.) 


76  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

The  rule  which  was  followed  by  these  disciples  of  Columba, 
has  not  been  transmitted  to  us  by  any  Latin  writer :  and  the 
Irish  copies  which  have  been  preserved,  are  written  in  a  language, 
that  has  hitherto  eluded  the  skill  of  the  most  patient  antiquary.'" 
But  Bede,  in  dirlerent  parts  of  his  works,  has  borne  the  most 
honourable  testimony  to  their  virtue.  With  a  glowing  pencil  he 
displays  their  patience,  their  chastity,  their  frequent  meditation 
on  the  sacred  writings,  and  their  indefatigable  eiforts  to  attain 
the  summit  of  Christian  perfection.  They  chose  for  their  habi- 
tation the  most  dreary  situations  :  no  motives  but  those  of  charity 
could  draw  them  from  their  cells  ;  and,  if  they  appeared  in  public, 
their  object  was  to  reconcile  enemies,  to  instruct  the  ignorant,  to 
discourage  vice,  and  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  unfortunate.  The 
little  property  which  they  enjoyed  was  common  to  all.  Poverty 
they  esteemed  as  the  surest  guardian  of  virtue :  and  the  bene- 
factions of  the  opulent  they  respectfully  declined,  or  instantly 
employed  in  relieving  the  necessities  of  the  indigent.  One  only 
stain  did  he  discover  in  their  character,  an  immoderate  esteem 
for  their  forefathers,  which  prompted  them  to  prefer  their  own 
customs  to  the  consent  of  all  other  Christian  churches :  but  this 
he  piously  trusted  would  disappear  in  the  bright  effulgence  of 
their  virtues.'^ 

3.  While  the  disciples  of  Gregory  in  the  south,  and  those  of 
Columba  in  the  north,  were  labouring  to  diffuse  their  respective 
institutes,  the  attention  of  the  continental  Christians  was  called 
to  another  order  of  monks,  who  gradually  supplanted  all  their 
competitors,  and  still  exist  in  Catholic  countries,  distinguished  by 
their  learning,  their  riches,  and  their  numbers.  For  their  origin 
they  were  indebted  to  the  zeal  of  Benedict,  a  native  of  Norcia, 
who,  in  the  commencement  of  the  sixth  century,  to  avoid  the  con- 
tagious example  of  the  Roman  youth,  buried  himself,  at  the  age 
of  fourteen,  in  a  deep  and  lonely  cavern,  amid  the  mountains  of 
Subiaco.  Six-and-thirty  months  the  young  hermit  passed  in  this 
voluntary  prison,  unknown  to  any  except  his  spiritual  director, 
a  monk  of  an  adjacent  monastery :  but  a  miracle  betrayed  him 
to  the  notice  of  the  public  ;  his  example  diffused  a  similar  ardour 
around  him :  and  his  desert  was  quickly  inhabited  by  twelve 
confraternities  of  monks,  who  acknowledged  and  revered  him  as 
their  parent  and  legislator.  But  the  fame  of  Benedict  awakened 
the  jealousy  of  his  neighbours.  Their  calumnies  compelled  him 
to  quit  his  solitude,  and  he  retired  to  the  summit  of  mount  Cassino, 
in  the  ancient  territory  of  the  Volsci.  There  he  spent  the  re- 
mainder of  his  years  in  the  practice  of  every  monastic  virtue,  and 
the  possession  of  those  honours  which  that  age  was  accustomed 
to  confer  on  superior  sanctity.  To  his  care  the  patricians  of 
Rome  intrusted  the  education  of  their  children ;  his  cell  was 

'»  Usher,  Brit.  eccl.  antiq.  p.  919. 
"  Bed.  Hist.  1.  iii.  c.  17.  26, 


DISCIPLINE    OF    THE    BENEDICTINE    MONKS.  77 

visited  by  the  most  distinguished  personages,  who  soHcited  his 
benediction ;  and  Totila,  the  haughty  conqueror  of  Italy,  con- 
descended to  ask  the  advice,  and  trembled  at  the  stern  reproof 
of  the  holy  abbot. 

During  the  two  centuries  which  had  elapsed  since  the  retreat  of 
St,  Anthony  into  the  desert,  the  monks  had  gradually  degenerated 
from  the  austere  virtue  of  their  founders :  and  Benedict  com- 
posed his  rule,  not  so  much  to  restore  the  vigour,  as  to  prevent 
the  total  extinction  of  the  ancient  discipline.  "  The  precepts  of 
monastic  perfection,"  says  the  humble  and  fervent  legislator, 
"  are  contained  in  the  inspired  writings  :  the  examples  abound 
in  the  works  of  the  holy  fathers.  But  mine  is  a  more  lowly 
attempt  to  teach  the  rudiments  of  a  Christian  life,  that,  when  we 
are  acquainted  with  them,  we  may  aspire  to  the  practice  of  the 
sublimer  virtues.""  But  the  admirers  of  monachism  were  not 
slow  to  appreciate  the  merit  of  his  labours.  From  Gregory  the 
Great  his  rule  obtained  the  praise  of  superior  wisdom ;"  and  the 
opinion  of  the  pontiff  was  afterwards  adopted  or  confirmed  by 
the  general  consent  of  the  Latin  church. 

In  distributing  the  various  duties  of  the  day,  Benedict  was 
careful  that  every  moment  should  be  dihgently  employed.  Six 
hours  were  allotted  to  sleep.  Soon  after  midnight  the  monks 
arose  to  chaunt  the  nocturnal  service ;  during  the  day  they  were 
summoned  seven  times  to  the  church,  to  perform  the  other  parts 
of  the  canonical  office  :  seven  hours  were  employed  in  manual 
labour ;  two  in  study ;  and  the  small  remainder  was  devoted  to 
the  necessary  refection  of  the  body."  Their  diet  was  simple  but 
sufficient :  twelve,  perhaps  eighteen  ounces  of  bread,  a  hemina 
of  wine,'*  and  two  dishes  of  vegetables,  composed  their  daily 
allowance.  The  flesh  of  quadrupeds  was  strictly  prohibited: 
but  the  rigour  of  the  law  was  relaxed  in  favour  of  the  children, 
the  aged,  and  the  infirm.  To  the  colour,  the  form,  and  the  quality 
of  their  dress,  he  was  wisely  indifferent;  and  only  recommended 
that  it  should  be  adapted  to  the  climate,  and  similar  to  that  of 
the  labouring  poor.  Each  monk  slept  in  a  separate  bed ;  but  all 
lay  in  their  habits,  that  they  might  be  ready  to  repair,  at  the  first 
summons,  to  the  church.  Every  thing  was  possessed  in  com- 
mon: not  only  articles  of  convenience,  but  even  of  necessity,  were 
received  and  resigned  at  the  discretion  of  the  abbot.  No  brother 
was  allowed  to  cross  the  threshold  of  the  monastery  without  the 
permission  of  his  superior :  at  his  departure  he  requested  the 
prayers  of  the  community :  at  his  return  he  lay  prostrate  in  the 

12  Reg.  St.  Ben.  c.  73. 

>3  St.  Greg.  Dial.  1.  ii.  c.  36. 

"  Reg.  St.  Ben.  c.  8.  16.48. 

"  The  exact  measure  of  the  hemina  is  unknown.  It  has  been  the  subject  of  many 
teamed  dissertations  by  the  Benedictine  writers.  See  Nat.  Alex.  torn.  v.  p.  462. 
Mabil.  Ssec.  Bened.  iv.  torn.  i.  p.  cxvi. 

g2 


78  ANTIQUITIES    OF    TRK    AKULO-SAXON   CHURCH. 

church,  to  atone  for  tlie  dissipation  of  his  thoughts  during  his 
absence.  Wliatcver  he  might  have  seen  or  heard  without  the 
walls  of  the  convent,  he  was  commanded  to  bury  in  eternal 
silence.** 

The  favour  of  admission  was  purchased  with  a  severe  pro- 
bation. On  his  knees,  at  the  gate,  the  postulant  requested  to  be 
received  among  the  servants  of  God  :  but  his  desires  were  treated 
with  contempt,  and  his  pride  was  humbled  by  reproaches.  After 
four  days  his  perseverance  subdued  the  apparent  reluctance  of 
the  monks :  he  was  successively  transferred  to  the  apartments 
of  the  strangers  and  of  the  novices ',  and  an  aged  brother  was 
commissioned  to  observe  his  conduct,  and  instruct  him  in  the 
duties  of  his  profession.  Before  the  expiration  of  the  year,  the 
rule  was  read  thrice  in  his  presence;  and  each  reading  was 
accompanied  with  the  admonition,  that  he  was  still  at  liberty  to 
depart.  At  last,  on  the  anniversary  of  his  admission,  he  entered 
the  church,  and  avowed,  before  God  and  the  community,  his 
determination  to  spend  his  days  in  the  monastic  profession,  to 
reform  his  conduct,  and  to  obey  his  superiors.  The  solemn 
engagement  he  subscribed  with  his  name,  and  deposited  on  the 
altar." 

The  legislator  who  wishes  to  enforce  the  observance,  must 
punish  the  transgression  of  his  laws.  But  in  apportioning  the 
degree  of  punishment,  Benedict  advised  the  superior  to  weigh 
not  only  the  nature  of  the  offence,  but  the  contumacy  of  the  of- 
fender. There  were  minds,  he  observed,  which  might  be  guided 
by  a  gentle  reprimand,  while  others  refused  to  bend  to  the 
severest  chastisement.  In  his  penal  code  he  gradually  proceeded 
from  more  lenient  to  coercive  measures.  The  inefficacy  of  pri- 
vate admonition  was  succeeded  by  the  disgrace  of  public  reproof: 
if  the  delinquent  proved  insensible  to  shame,  he  was  separated 
from  the  society  of  his  brethren ;"  and  the  continuance  of  his 
obstinacy  was  rewarded  with  the  infliction  of  corporal  punish- 
ment. As  a  last  resource,  the  confraternity  assembled  in  the 
church  by  order  of  the  superior,  and  recommended,  with  fervent 
prayer,  their  rebellious  brother  to  the  mercy  and  grace  of  the 
Almighty.  He  was  then  expelled  ;  but  the  gates  of  the  convent 
were  not  shut  to  repentance.  Thrice  the  returning  sinner  might 
expect  to  be  received  with  kindness  in  the  arms  of  an  indulgent 
father :  but  the  fourth  relapse  filled  up  his  measure  of  iniquity, 
and  he  was  ejected  forever.'^ 

From  mount  Cassino  and  the  desert  of  Subiaco,  the  Benedic- 
tine order  gradually  diffused  itself  to  the  utmost  boundaries  of 

•8  RcR.  39,  40.  22.  33.  67.  '?  Ibid.  c.  58. 

's  This  was  termed  excommunication  ;  but  the  culprit,  during  his  confinement,  was 
often  visited  and  consoled  by  the  senipetffi,  id  est,  seniores  sapientes,  (Ben.  Reg.  c.  27.) 
Docs  not  this  passage  unfold  the  mystery  which  antiquaries  have  discovered  in  the 
ScmpectiP  of  Croyland  ? 

'9  St,  Ben.  Reg.  c.  23—29. 


MONKS    INTRODUCED    BY    ST.    WILFRID.  79 

iiie  L,atiii  church.  The  merit  of  introducing  it  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  Saxons,  was  claimed  by  St.  Wilfrid.^^  That  prelate,  in 
his  pilgrimage  to  the  tombs  of  the  apostles,  had  conversed  with 
the  disciples  of  St,  Benedict ;  and  though  he  had  been  educated 
in  the  Scottish  discipline  at  Lindisfarne,  he  bore  a  willing  tes- 
timony to  the  superior  excellence  of  their  institute.  Having  after- 
wards obtained  a  copy  of  the  Benedictine  rule,  he  established  it 
in  the  monasteries  which  were  immediately  dependent  on  him, 
and  propagated  it  with  all  his  influence  through  the  kingdoms 
of  Northumbria  and  Mercia.  Of  the  success  of  his  labours  we 
may  form  an  estimate  from  the  thousands  of  monks,  who,  at  the 
time  of  his  disgrace,  lamented  the  loss  of  their  guide  and  bene- 
factor.^' Yet  the  zeal  of  Wilfrid  was  tempered  with  prudence. 
If  he  preferred  the  foreign  institute,  he  was  not  bUnd  to  the 
merit  of  the  discipline  previously  adopted  by  his  countrymen : 
many  customs  which  experience  had  shown  to  be  useful,  and 
antiquity  had  rendered  venerable,  he  carefully  retained;  and 
by  amalgamating  them  with  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  greatly 
improved  the  state  of  monastic  discipline.^^ 

Contemporary  with  Wilfrid,  and  the  companion  of  his  youth, 
was  Bennet  Biscop,  the  celebrated  abbot  of  Weremouth.  At 
the  age  of  five-and-twenty  he  quitted  the  court  of  his  friend 
and  patron,  Oswiu,  king  of  Northumbria,  and  directed  his  steps 
to  the  capital  of  the  Christian  world.  His  intention  was  to  em- 
brace the  monastic  profession  :  but  he  wished  previously  to  visit 
the  places  in  which  it  was  practised  in  the  highest  perfection. 
With  pious  curiosity  he  perused  the  rules,  and  observed  the 
manners  of  seventeen  among  the  most  celebrated  foreign  mo- 
nasteries ;  thrice  he  venerated  the  sacred  remains  of  the  apos- 
tles at  Rome ;  and  two  years  he  spent  among  the  cloistered 
inhabitants  of  the  small  isle  of  Lerins,  who  gave  him  the  reli- 
gious habit,  and  admitted  him  to  his  vows.  At  the  command 
of  Pope  Vitalian,  he  accompanied  Archbishop  Theodore  to  Eng- 
land, as  his  guide  and  interpreter ;  and  was  intrusted  by  him 
with  the  government  of  the  monks  of  Canterbury.  But  this 
office  he  soon  resigned :  his  devotion  led  him  again  to  the 
Vatican  ;  and  the  labour  of  his  pilgrimage  was  amply  repaid 
with  what  he  considered  a  valuable  collection  of  books,  paint- 
ings, and  relics.  At  his  return,  he  was  received  with  joy  and 
veneration  by  Egfrid,  king  of  Northumbria,  and  obtained  from 

20  Nonne  ego  curavi,  quomodo  vitam  monachorum  secundum  regulam  S.  Benedicti 
patris,  quam  nullus  ibi  prior  invexit,  constituerem  ]     Wilfrid  apud  Edd.  c.  45. 

2J  Malta  millia.     Edd.  c.  21. 

22  Revertens  cum  regula  IBenedicti  instituta  ecclesiarum  Dei  melioravit.  Edd.  c.  14. 
In  the  regulations  drawn  up  by  St.  Dunstan,  (Apost.  Bened.  app.  par.  3,  p.  80,)  and 
the  letter  of  St.  Ethelwold  to  the  monks  of  Egnesham,  (Walney's  MSS,  p.  110,)  may 
be  seen  several  of  the  customs  peculiar  to  the  ancient  Saxon  monks.  St.  Wilfrid,  instead 
of  leaving  to  his  disciples  the  choice  of  their  future  abbot,  as  was  ordered  by  the  Bene- 
dictine rule,  chose  him  himself,  and  ordered  them  to  obey  him.  Edd.  Vit.  Wilf.  c.  60, 
61.     See  also  Butler's  S6.  Lives,  March  12. 


vSO  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

the  munificence  of  that  prince,  a  spacious  domain  near  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Were,  on  which  he  built  his  first  monastery,  dedi- 
cated in  honour  of  St.  Peter.  The  reputation  of  Bennet  quickly 
multiplied  the  number  of  his  disciples ;  another  donation  from 
the  king  enabled  him  to  erect  a  second  convent  at  Jarrow,  on 
the  southern  bank  of  the  Tyne ;  and  so  prolific  were  these  two 
establishments,  that,  within  a  few  years  after  the  death  of  the 
founder,  they  contained  no  less  than  six  hundred  monks.^^  Of 
the  discipline  to  which  he  subjected  his  disciples,  the  rule  of  St. 
Benedict  probably  formed  the  ground-work :  the  improvements 
which  he  added  were  the  fruit  of  his  own  observation  during  his 
travels,  and  of  his  constant  attention  tq  the  welfare  of  his  mo- 
iiasteries.2'*  From  his  labours,  the  most  valuable  benefits  were 
derived  to  his  countrymen.  By  the  workmen  whom  he  pro- 
cured from  Gai|l,  they  were  taught  the  arts  of  making  glass,  and 
of  building  with  stone  :  the  foreign  paintings  with  which  he  de- 
corated his  churches,  excited  attempts  at  imitation :  and  the 
many  volumes,  which  he  deposited  in  the  library  of  his  monas- 
tery, invited  the  industry,  and  nourished  the  improyement  of  his 
monks.  Bennet  contributed  more  to  the  civilization  of  his  coun- 
trymen, than  any  person  since  the  preaching  of  the  Jloman  mis- 
sionaries :  and  his  memory  has  been  with  gratitijde  transmitted 
to  posterity  by  the  venerable  Bede,  in  the  mo§f  pleasing  of  his 
works_,  the  Lives  of  the  Abbots  of  Weremputh. 

While  the  Benedictine  order  was  thus  partially  established  in 
the  kingdom  of  Northumbria,  its  interests  were  espoused  with 
equal  or  greater  zeal  in  the  more  southern  provinces,  by  Aid- 
helm,  bishop  of  Sherburn,  and  Egwin,  bishop  of  Worcester.  The 
former  introduced  it  into  his  three  monasteries  of  Malmsbury, 
Frome,  and  Bradanford  f^  the  latter  erected  a  magnificent  abbey 
at  Evesham,  in  which,  by  the  order  of  Pope  Constantine,  he 
placed  Benedictine  monks,  whose  institute  was  scarcely  known 
in  that  province.^^  Their  example  was  imitated  by  many  of 
their  brethren,  who,  according  to  their  fancy  or  their  judgment, 
adopted  in  a  greater  or  less  proportion  the  foreign  discipline. 

23  Ped.  Vit.  abbat.  Wirem.  p.  293. 

2'  That  he  adopted  the  regulation  of  St.  Benedict  with  respect  to  the  election  of  the 

,abbot,  is  certain  from  Bede,  (ibid.  p.  298,)  and  the  next  century,  Alcuin  recommended 

to  the  monks,  the  frequent  study  of  the  rule  St.  Benedict,  (Ale.  ep.  49.)     Hence  Ma- 

iiillon  contends,  that  the  monks  of  Weremouth  were  Benedictines.   (Anal.  vet.  p.  506.) 

But  the  adoption  of  one  regulation  is  not  a  sufficient  proof:  and  the  homily  of  Bede, 

on  the  founder  of  this  monastery,  will  justify  a  suspicion,  that  the  Benedict,  whose  rule 

,was  recommended,  was  not  the  Italian,  but  the  Saxon  abbot.     Bennet  himself  seems  to 

ascribe  the  discipline  which  he  established,  to  his  own  observations.     Ex  decern  quippe 

ct  septcm  monasteriis,  qune  inter  longos  mca)  crebrm  peregrinationis  discursus  optima 

compcri,  htcc  universa  didici,  ct  vobis  salubriter  observanda  contradidi,  (Bed.  ibid.  p.  277.) 

"  Anno  67.'),    Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  v.  p.  344.  353.  356.     Aldhelm  says  of  St  Benedict, 

P'rimo  pui  statuit  nostra;  certamina  vitse 

Qualiter  optalam  teneant  coenobia  formam. 

De  Laud.  virg.  in  Bihlioth.  Pat.  vol.  viii. 
2«  Qua  minus  in  illis  partibus habetur.    Bulla  Cons,  apud  Wilk.  p.  71,  an.  709. 


ANGLO-SAXON    NUNS    IN    FRANCE.  81 

The  different  gradations  of  the  monastic  hierarchy,  as  it  exists 
at  present,  its  provincials,  generals,  and  congregations,  were  then 
unknown  :  and  each  abbot  legislated  for  his  own  subjects,  uncon- 
trolled by  the  opinion,  or  the  commands  of  superiors.  But  the 
rule  of  St,  Benedict,  besides  other  claims  to  their  esteem,  con- 
tained one  regulation,  which  united  the  suffrages  of  the  whole 
monastic  body.  Formerly  the  right  of  nominating  to  the  vacant 
abbeys  had  been  vested  in  the  bishops  of  each  diocese  :^^  but  the 
legislator  of  Subiasco  saw,  or  thought  he  saw,  in  this  practice, 
the  source  of  the  most  grievous  abuses ;  and  made  it  essential  to 
his  rule,  that  the  superior  of  each  monastery  should  be  chosen 
by  the  suffrages  of  its  inhabitants.^'  This  regulation,  so  flatter- 
ing to  their  independence,  was  eagerly  accepted  by  the  monks 
of  every  institute,  and  was  opposed  with  equal  warmth  by  se- 
veral of  the  bishops,  who  considered  it  as  an  infringement  of 
their  ancient  rights.  But  the  episcopal  order  contained  within 
its  bosom  the  avowed  protectors  of  the  monastic  state ;  and  the 
contested  privilege  was  soon  confirmed  by  the  decrees  of  popes, 
and  the  charters  of  princes.^^ 

But  monasteries  were  not  inhabited  exclusively  by  men :  the 
retirement  of  the  cloister  appears  to  have  possessed  peculiar  at- 
tractions in  the  eyes  of  the  Saxon  ladies.  The  weaker  frame,  and 
more  volatile  disposition  of  the  sex,  seemed,  indeed,  less  adapted 
to  the  rigour  of  perpetual  confinement,  and  the  ever  recurring 
circle  of  vigils,  fasts,  and  prayers :  but  the  difficulty  of  the  enter- 
prise increased  the  ardour  of  their  zeal:  they  refused  to  await 
the  erection  of  convents  in  their  native  country:  crowds  of 
females  resorted  to  the  foreign  establishments  of  Faremoutier, 
Chelles,  and  Andeli ;  and  the  former  of  these  houses  was  suc- 
cessively governed  by  abbesses  of  the  royal  race  of  Hengist.^" 
But  before  the  close  of  the  seventh  century,  the  southern  Saxons 
could  boast  of  several  fervent  communities  of  nuns  under  the 
guidance  of  Eanswide,  Mildrede,  and  Ethelburge,  princesses  no 
less  illustrious  for  their  piety,  than  for  their  birth.  In  Northum- 
bria,  at  the  same  period,  the  abbess  Heiu,  the  first  lady  among 
the  northern  tribes,  who  put  on  the  monastic  veil,  governed, 
under  the  patronage  of  the  bishop  Aidan,  a  small  and  obscure 
convent  at  Hereteu,  or  the  isle  of  the  hart.^^  She  was  succeeded 
by  Hilda,  whose  family,  virtue,  and  abilities  reflected  a  brighter 

2'  Thus  St.  Aldhelm  was  appointed  by  the  bishop  of  Winchester,  pro  jure  tunc  epis- 
coporum.    Malm,  de  Reg.  I.  i.  c.  2,  f.  6,    Gale,  344.    Apost.  Ben.  p.  20.  Wilk.  p.  57. 86. 

28  Ben.  Ree;.  c.  64.  This,  and  the  other  monastic  exemptions,  were  successively 
granted  by  the  pontiffs,  to  secure  the  monks  from  the  oppressive  conduct  of  certain 
bishops.  Yet  there  were  many,  who  considered  the  remedy  as  more  pernicious  than 
the  disease.  See  St.  Bernard,  (De  Consid.  I.  iii,  c.  4,)  and  Richard,  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, (Ep.  Pet.  Blesen.  ep.  68  :)  also  Fleury,  (Discours  viii.  c.  13.) 

29  Wilk.  Con.  p.  44.  49.  71.  74.    Gale,  311.  345.  353. 
39  Anno  640.     Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  8. 

''  Hartlepool,  id.  1.  iv.  c.  23. 
11 


82  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

luster  on  the  institute.  Hilda  was  allied  to  the  East-Anglian  and 
Northumbrian  princes ;  her  advice  was  respectfully  asked  and 
followed  by  kings  and  prelates ;  and  to  her  care  Oswiu  com- 
mended his  infant  daughter  ^Ifleda,  with  a  dower  of  one  hun- 
dred hides  of  land.^^  Enriched  by  the  donations  of  her  friends,  she 
built  at  Whitby  a  double  monastery,  in  one  part  of  which  a  sis- 
terhood of  nuns,  in  the  other  a  confraternity  of  monks,  obeyed 
her  maternal  authority.  Among  her  disciples  she  established 
that  community  of  goods,  which  distinguished  the  first  Christians 
at  Jerusalem ;  and  whatever  they  possessed,  was  considered  as 
the  common  property  of  all.  Their  virtue  has  been  attested  by 
the  venerable  Bede  :  and  no  less  than  five  of  the  monks  of  Whit- 
by were  raised  to  the  episcopal  dignity,  during  the  life  of  their 
foundress.^^  From  Northumbria  the  institute  was  rapidly  dif- 
fused over  the  kingdom  of  Mercia. 

The  reader  will  perhaps  have  been  surprised,  that  a  society  of 
men  should  be  subject  to  the  spiritual  government  of  a  woman. 
Yet  this  scheme  of  monastic  polity,  singular  as  it  may  now  ap- 
pear, was  once  adopted  in  most  Christian  countries.  Its  origin 
may  be  ascribed  to  the  severity  with  which  the  founders  of  reli- 
gious orders  have  always  prohibited  every  species  of  unnecessary 
intercourse  between  their  female  disciples  and  persons  of  the 
other  sex.  To  prevent  it  entirely  was  impracticable.  The  func- 
tions of  the  sacred  ministry  had  always  been  the  exclusive  privi- 
lege of  the  men :  and  they  alone  were  able  to  support  the 
fatigues  of  husbandry,  and  conduct  the  extensive  estates,  which 
many  convents  had  received  from  the  piety  of  their  benefactors. 
But  it  was  conceived  that  the  difficulty  might  be  diminished,  if 
it  could  not  be  removed :  and  with  this  view,  some  monastic 
legislators  devised  the  plan  of  establishing  double  monasteries. 
In  the  vicinity  of  the  edifice,  destined  to  receive  the  virgins  who 
had  dedicated  their  chastity  to  God,  was  erected  a  building  for 
the  residence  of  a  society  of  monks  or  canons,  whose  duty  it  was 
to  officiate  at  the  altar,  and  superintend  the  external  economy 
of  the  community.  The  mortified  and  religious  life,  to  which 
they  had  bound  themselves  by  the  most  solemn  engagements, 
was  supposed  to  render  them  superior  to  temptation  :  and  to  re- 
move even  the  suspicion  of  evil,  but  they  were  strictly  forbidden 
to  enter  the  enclosure  of  the  women,  except  on  particular  occa- 
sions, with  the  permission  of  the  superior,  and  in  the  presence  of 
witnesses.  But  the  abbess  retained  the  supreme  control  over 
the  monks,  as  well  as  the  nuns :  their  prior  depended  on  her 
choice,  and  was  bound  to  regulate  his  conduct  by  her  instruc- 

52  Oswiu  had  vowed  to  consecrate  his  daughter  to  the  service  of  God,  if  he  were  suc- 
cessful in  his  war  against  Penda.  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  24.  The  TerrsB  centum  et  viginti 
familiarum,  arc  translated  by  Alfred,  hunb  CpelpCi;^  hlba.  (JElf.  vers.  p.  556.) 
The  hide  contained  120  acres.     Hist.  Elicn.  p.  472.  481. 

"  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  24.     1.  iv.  c.  23. 


DOUBLE    MONASTERIES.  83 

tions.^'*  To  St.  Columban  this  institute  was  indebted  for  its  pro- 
pagation ill  France ;  and  from  the  houses  of  his  order,  wliich 
v/ere  long  the  favourite  resort  of  the  Saxon  ladies,  it  was  proba- 
bly introduced  into  England.  Durmg  the  two  first  centuries 
after  the  conversion  of  our  ancestors,  the  principal  nunneries 
were  established  on  this  plan:  nor  are  we  certain  that  there  ex- 
isted any  others  of  a  different  description.^^  They  were  held  in 
the  highest  estimation :  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Saxon 
female  saints,  and  many  of  the  most  eminent  prelates,  were  edu- 
cated in  them  :  and  so  edifying  was  the  deportment  of  the  greatest 
part  of  these  communities,  that  the  breath  of  slander  never  pre- 
sumed to  tarnish  their  character.  The  monastery  of  Coldingham 
alone  forms  an  exception.  The  virtue  of  some  among  its  inha- 
bitants was  more  ambiguous  :  and  an  accidental  fire,  which  was 
ascribed  to  the  vengeance  of  Heaven,  confirmed  the  suspicions 
of  their  contemporaries,  and  has  transmitted  to  posterity  the 
knowledge  of  their  dishonour.^*  The  account  was  received  with 
the  deepest  sorrow  by  St.  Cuthbert,  the  pious  bishop  of  Lindis- 
farne  :  and  in  the  anguish  of  his  zeal,  he  commanded  his  disci- 
ples to  exclude  every  female  from  the  threshold  of  his  cathedral. 
His  will  was  religiously  obeyed ;  and  for  several  centuries  no 
woman  entered  with  impunity  any  of  the  churches,  in  which  the 
body  of  the  saint  had  reposed."  But  notwithstanding  the  mis- 
fortune at  Coldingham,  and  the  disapprobation  of  Cuthbert,  the 
institute  continued  to  flourish,  till  the  ravages  of  the  pagan  Danes 
levelled  with  the  ground  the  double  monasteries,  together  with 
every  other  sacred  edifice  which  existed  within  the  range  of 
their  devastations.^® 

^*  As  I  am  not  acquainted  with  any  writer  who  has  professedly  treated  this  subject, 
I  have  been  compelled  to  glean  a  few  hints  from  the  works  of  the  ancient  historians. 
An  establishment  of  nearly  a  similar  nature  existed  at  Remiremont,  in  Lorrain,  till  it 
wa?  swept  away  by  the  torrent  of  the  French  revolution.     See  note  (D.) 

^*  That  the  monasteries  of  Faremoutier,  Chelles,  and  Andeli,  were  double,  appears 
from  Bede,  (1.  iii.  c.  8,)  and  is  proved  by  Broughton,  (Mem.  p.  343.)  Among  the 
Saxons,  the  principal  at  least  were  of  the  same  institute:  Whitby,  (Bed.  I.  iv.  c.  23, 
Vit.  Cuth.  c.  24,)  Berking,  (Id,  c.  7,)  Coldingham,  (Id.  c.  25,)  Ely,  (Id.  c.  19,)  Wen- 
lock,  (Bonif.  ep.  21,  p.  29,)  Repandun,  (Gale,  p.  243.  Wigor,  p.  568,)  and  Winburn, 
(Mab.  SEBC.  3,  Vit.  St.  Liob.  p.  246.)  See  also  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  xi.,  and  Leland's  Collec- 
tanea, (vol.  iii.  p.  117.)  At  Beverley,  a  monastery  of  monks,  a  college  of  canons,  and 
a  convent  of  nuns,  obeyed  the  same  abbot.  Mong.  Ang.  vol.  i.  p.  170.  Lei.  Coll.  vol. 
iii.  p.  100. 

3s  Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  25. 

3;  Sim.  Dunel.  Hist.  Ecc.  Dun.  p.  102.  For  the  accommodation  of  the  women,  a 
new  church  was  built,  and  called  the  green  kirk.  Ibid.  A  similar  regulation  was 
observed  in  several  of  the  monasteries  of  St.  Columban,  in  France.  See  Butler's  SS. 
Lives,  Sept.  5.    Mab.  prsef.  1,  saec.  3,  cxxxvii. 

'^  Another  order  of  religious  women,  whose  existence,  it  seems,  had  long  been  for- 
gotten, was  descried  by  one  of  our  most  learned  antiquaries.  Spelman  had  observed 
that  the  Saxons  always  made  a  distinction  between  Nonna  and  Monialis  in  Latin,  and 
Nunna  and  Mynekin  in  their  own  language :  whence  he  inferred,  that  the  latter  must 
have  been  the  wives  of  married  clergymen,  by  whose  enemies  they  had  been  branded 
with  the  name  of  mynekin,  from  minne,  a  Gothic  word  of  no  very  decent  signification. 
(Spel.  Con.  p.  529.     WiJk.  Con.  p.  294.)     It  were  difficult  to  err  more  egregiously. 


84  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Such  were  the  different  rehgious  orders  which,  as  far  as  I  can 
discover,  were  introduced  among  the  Anglo-Saxons.  In  the  dis- 
tribution of  time,  the  arrangement  of  fasts  and  prayers,  and  the 
subordinate  parts  of  interior  discipUne,  they  were  distinguished 
from  each  other :  but  all  equally  adopted  the  three  engagements, 
which  are  still  considered  as  essential  to  the  monastic  institute : 
1,  An  unlimited  submission  to  the  lawful  commands  of  their 
superiors;  2,  A  life  of  perpetual  celibacy;  and,  3,  A  voluntary 
renunciation  of  private  property. 

1.  In  the  language  of  monastic  discipline,  the  most  important 
of  the  virtues,  which  are  not  absolutely  imposed  on  every  Chris- 
tian, is  obedience.*^  The  natural  perversity  of  the  human  will  is 
considered  as  the  source  of  every  moral  disorder;  and  to  prevent 
it  from  seeking  forbidden  gratifications,  it  should  resign  the  right 
of  deciding  for  itself,  and  be  taught  to  submit  on  all  occasions  to 
the  determination  of  another.  He  who  aspires  to  the  praise  of 
a  true  religious,  oughti,  according  to  the  patriarch  of  the  western 
monks,  to  place  at  the  disposal  of  his  superior  all  the  faculties 
of  his  mind,  and  all  the  p()wers  of  his  body.''°  In  the  rule  which 
St.  Dunstan  promulgated  for  the  observance  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
monasteries,  may  be  seen  the  extent  to  which  this  maxim  was 
carried.  It  regulates  not  only  the  more  important  points,  but 
descends  to  the  minutest  particulars ;  requires  the  permission  of 
the  superior  for  the  most  ordinary  actions  of  life ;  and  severely 
condemns  the  brother  who,  on  any  occasion,  shall  presume  to 
determine  for  himself,  without  having  asked  and  obtained  the 
advice,  or  rather  the  command  of  his  abbot.*'  The  obedience 
which  is  required  must  be  prompt  and  cheerful ;  it  comprises 
the  decisions  of  the  judgment  no  less  than  the  resolves  of  the 
will :"  but  it  admits  of  one  exception.    When  the  commands  of 

From  the  excerpta  of  Egbert  of  York  we  learn,  that  the  mynekins  were  women,  "  who 
had  consecrated  themselves  to  God,  who  had  vowed  their  virginity  to  God,  and  who 
were  the  spouses  of  Christ."  be  Lobe  yylpum  beo]'  jchaljobe.  ";]  hyj\a 
jehac  Ifobe  jehacan  habbaj'.  Wilk.  p.  134,  xi.  %e  Lobe  j'ylpuin 
bepebbob  bi]>  co  bpybe.  Ibid.  p.  136,  be  Dobep  bpyb  bi)»  je- 
hacen.  Ibid.  p.  131,  xviii.  The  truth  is,  that  the  mynekins  were  so  called  from  the 
Saxon  "  munuc,"  because  they  observed  the  rule  of  the  monks,  while  the  nuns  observed 
the  rule  of  the  canons.  This  distinction  is  clearly  marked  in  the  Codex  Constitutionum 
in  the  Bodleian  Library,  in  which  the  mynekins  are  classed  with  the  monks,  and 
ordered  to  practise  the  same  duties ;  and  the  nuns  are  classed  with  the  priests,  and  com- 
manded like  them  to  observe  chastity,  and  live  according  to  their  rule.  RlhC  if  -p 
jnyneoena  mynpceplice  macian.  epne  ppa  pe  cpaebon  aejiop  be 
munecan. — Rihc  ly  p  ppeoj'Cap  ^  epen  pel  nunnan  jiejoUice  lib- 
ban -^  claeanyppe    healban.     Cod,  Jun.  121. 

'9  Tota  monacliorum  vita  in  simplicitate  consistit  obedientiae,     Alcuin.  ep,  59, 
^f  Quibus  nee  corpora  sua  nee  voluntates  licet  habere  in  propria  potestate.     Reg,  S, 
Bened.  c.  33.  r    r      r  & 

•"  NuUus  quippiam  quamvis  parum  sua  et  quasi  propria  adinventione  agero  preio- 
mat.     Apost.  Bened.  app.  par,  3,  p.  92. 

^«  Reg.  .St.  Columb.  c.  I.     Reg.  St.  Bened.  c.  5.     Ibid,  c,  5.  7. 


MONASTIC    VOWS    OF    CHASTITY.  85 

ihe  superior  are  contrary  to  the  law  of  God,  the  monk  is  exhorted 
Jo  throw  off  the  shackles  of  obedience,  and  boldly  to  hazard  the 
^rowns  and  vengeance  of  his  abbot,  rather  than  incur  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  Almighty.*^ 

2.  To  obedience  was  added  the  strictest  attention  to  chastity. 
The  high  commendations  with  which  this  virtue  is  mentioned  in 
the  inspired  writings,  had  given  it  a  distinguished  place  in  the 
esteem  of  the  first  Christians.  As  early  as  the  commencement 
of  the  second  century,  we  discover  numbers  of  both  sexes,  who 
had  devoted  themselves  to  a  life  of  perpetual  celibacy  ;'*^  and 
their  example  was  eagerly  followed  by  the  founders  of  the  mo- 
nastic institute,  whose  successorsi,  to  the  present  day,  bind  them- 
selves in  the  most  solemn  manner  to  observe  it  with  scrupulous 
exactitude.  To  the  Saxons,  in  whom,  during  the  tide  of  conquest, 
the  opportunity  of  gratification  had  strengthened  the  impulse  of 
the  passions,  a  life  of  chastity  appeared  the  ttiost  arduous  effort 
of  human  virtue  :  they  revered  its  professors  as  beings  of  a  na- 
ture in  this  respect  superior  to  their  own  ;  and  learned  to  esteem 
a  religion  which  could  elevate  man  so  much  above  the  influence 
of  his  incUnations.  As  they  became  acquainted  With  the  maxims 
of  the  gospel,  their  veneration  for  this  virtue  inCteased :  and  who- 
ever compares  the  dissolute  manners  of  the  pagan  Saxons,  with 
the  severe  celibacy  of  the  monastic  orders,  will  be  astonished  at 
the  immense  number  of  male  and  female  recluses  who,  within 
a  century  after  the  arrival  of  St.  Augustine,  had  voluntarily 
embraced  a  life  of  perpetual  continency.  Nor  was  the  pious 
enthusiasm  confined  within  the  Walls  of  convents :  there  Avere 
many  who,  in  the  midst  of  courts,  and  in  the  bonds  of  marriage, 
emulated  the  strictest  chastity  of  the  cloister.  Of  these,  Edil- 
thryda  may  be  cited  as  a  remarkable  exaniple.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Anna,  the  king  of  the  East-AngleS,  and,  at  an  early 
period  of  life,  had  bound  herself  by  a  vow  of  virginity.  But  her 
secret  wish  was  opposed  by  the  policy  of  her  friends,  and  she 
was  compelled  to  marry  Tondberct,  Ealddrman  of  the  Girvii. 
Her  entreaties,  however,  moved  the  breast  of  her  husband  ;  and 
compassion,  perhaps  religion,  prompted  him  to  respect  her  chas- 
tity. At  his  death  she  retired  to  a  solitary  mansion  in  the  unfre- 
quented isle  of  Ely :  but  her  relations  invaded  the  tranquillity 
of  her  retreat,  and  oftered  her  in  marriage  to  Egfrid,  the  son  of 
the  king  of  Northumbria,  a  prince  who  had  scarcely  reached  his 
fourteenth  year.     Notwithstanding  her  tears,  she  was  delivered 

"^  Admonendi  sunt  subditi,  ne  plus  quani  expedit,  sint  subjecti.  St  Greg,  apud 
Grat.  2,  q.  7,  can.  57. 

'*'^  St.  Just.  Apol.  1,  c.  10.  Athenag.  Leg.  c.  3.  Yet  the  sagacity  of  Mosheim  has 
discovered,  that  this  practice  owed  its  origin  not  to  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  but  to  the 
influence  of  the  climate  of  Egypt.  (Mos.  Srec.  ii.  p.  2,  c.  3,  xl.  Sjec.  iii.  p.  2,  c.  3.) 
If  this  be  true,  we  must  admire  the  heroism  of  its  present  inhabitants,  who  in  their 
harems  have  subdued  the  influence  of  the  climate,  and  introduced  the  difficult  practice 
of  polygamy,  in  lieu  of  the  easy  virtue  of  chastity. 

H 


86  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

to  the  care  of  his  messengers,  and  conducted  a  rehictant  victim 
to  the  Northumbrian  court.  Her  constancy,  however,  triumphed 
over  his  passion :  and  after  preserving  her  virginity  during  the 
space  of  twelv^e  years,  amid  the  pleasures  of  the  palace,  and  the 
solicitations  of  her  husband,  she  obtained  his  permission  to  take 
the  veil  in  the  monastery  of  Coldingham.''*  Absence  revived  the 
aftection  of  Egfrid  :  he  repented  of  his  consent ;  and  was  prepar- 
ing to  take  her  by  force  from  her  convent,  when  she  escaped  to 
her  former  residence  in  Ely.  After  a  certain  period,  her  reputa- 
tion attracted  round  her  a  sisterhood  of  nuns,  among  whom  she 
spent  the  remainder  of  her  days  in  the  practice  of  every  monastic 
duty,  and  distinguished  by  her  superior  fervour  and  superior 
humiUty.'**^ 

To  secure  the  chastity  of  their  disciples,  the  legislators  of  the 
monks  had  adopted  the  most  eii'ectual  precautions  which  human 
ingenuity  could  devise.  The  necessity  of  mortifying  every 
irregular  incUnation  was  inculcated  both  by  precept  and  ex- 
ample. The  sobriety  of  their  meals,  and  the  meanness  of 
their  dress,  perpetually  recalled  to  their  minds,  that  they  had 
renounced  the  world  and  its  concupiscence^  and  had  dedicated 
their  souls  and  bodies  to  the  service  of  the  Deity.  They  were 
commanded  to  sleep  in  the  same  room :  and  a  lamp,  which  was 
kept  burning  during  the  darkness  of  the  night,  exposed  the  con- 
duct of  each  individual  to  the  eye  of  the  superior.  The  gates  of 
the  convent  were  shut  against  the  intrusion  of  strangers :  visits 
of  pleasure  and  even  of  business  were  forbidden  :  and  the  monk, 
whom  the  necessities  of  the  community  forced  from  his  cell,  was 
constantly  attended,  during  his  absence,  by  two  companions.^' 
To  the  precautions  of  prudence  were  added  the  motives  of  reh- 
gion.  The  praises  of  chastity  were  sung  by  the  poets,  and 
extolled  by  the  preachers :  its  votaries  were  taught  to  consider 
themselves  as  the  immaculate  "  spouses  of  the  Lamb  ;"  and  to 
them  was  promised  the  transcendent  reward,  which  the  book  of 
the  Apocalypse  describes  as  reserved  for  those  "  who  have  not 
been  defiled  with  women."  But  where  thousands  unite  in  the  same 
pursuit,  it  is  impossible  that  all  should  be  animated  with  the  same 
spirit,  or  persevere  with  equal  resolution.  Of  these  recluses  there 
undoubtedly  must  have  been  some,  whom  passion  or  seduction 
prompted  to  violate  their  solemn  engagement :  but  the  unsullied 

'"  Notwithstanding  the  prohibition  of  Hutchinson,  (Hist,  and  Ant.  of  Durham,  p. 
17,)  I  have  ventured  on  the  authority  of  Bede,  (Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  19.  2.5,)  to  place  Edil- 
thryda  at  Coldingham. 

""'  Ibid.  Hist.  EHensis,  p.  597.  Hume  observes  (Hist.  c.  1,  p.  31)  that  Egfrid  died 
without  children,  because  his  wife  refused  to  violate  her  vow  of  chastity.  He  should, 
however,  have  added,  that  the  king,  at  the  time  of  their  separation,  was  only  twenty-six 
years  of  age,  that  he  married  a  second  wife,  and  that  he  lived  with  her  fourteen  years. 
Egfrid  came  to  the  throne  in  (570,  separated  from  Edilthryda  in  671,  and  was  killed  in 
battle  in  68^.  Compare  Bede,  (1.  iv.  c.  19.  26,)  with  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  an.  670. 
673.  679. 

*'  Wilk.  Cone.  p.  97.  100.     A  post.  Bened.app.  par.  3,  p.  78,  79. 


RENUNCIATION    OF    PROPERTY.  87 

reputation  of  an  immense  majority  contributed  to  cast  a  veil  over 
the  shame  of  tlieir  weaker  brethren,  and  bore  an  honourable 
testimony  to  the  constancy  of  their  own  virtue,  and  the  vigilance 
of  their  superiors. 

3.  A  voluntary  renunciation  of  property  was  the  third  condi- 
tion, required  from  the  proselyte  to  the  monastic  state.  The 
Saviour  of  mankind  had  denounced  the  severest  woes  against  the 
worldly  rich ;  and  to  his  approbation  of  a  life  of  poverty  was 
originally  owing  the  establishment  of  monachism.  Anthony,  a 
young  Egyptian,  who  had  lately  succeeded  to  an  extensive 
estate,  was  prompted  by  curiosity  or  devotion,  to  enter  a  church 
during  the  celebration  of  the  divine  worship.  "  Go,  sell  that  thou 
hast,  and  give  to  the  poor,  and  thou  shalt  have  treasure  in  hea- 
ven," were  the  first  words  which  met  his  ear.  He  considered 
them  as  the  voice  of  Heaven  directed  to  himself;  sold  all  his  pro- 
perty ;  distributed  the  price  to  the  poor ;  and  retired  into  the 
desert  of  Thebais.  His  reputation  soon  attracted  a  considerable 
number  of  disciples ;  and  the  profession  of  poverty  was  sanctified 
in  their  eyes  by  the  conduct  of  their  teacher.  With  the  monastic 
institute  this  spirit  was  diffused  through  the  western  empire  :  and 
the  same  contempt  of  riches  which  distinguished  the  anachorets 
of  Egypt,  was  displayed  by  the  first  monks  of  Britain.  Wealth 
they  considered  as  the  bane  of  a  religious  life  :  the  donations  of 
their  friends,  and  the  patrimony  of  their  members,  were  equally 
refused :  and  the  labours  of  husbandry  formed  their  daily  occu- 
pation, and  provided  for  their  support.^^  The  same  discipline 
was  anxiously  inculcated  by  each  succeeding  legislator.  St. 
Benedict  informed  his  followers,  that  "they  would  then  be  truly 
monks,  when,  like  their  fathers,  they  lived  by  the  work  of  their 
hands :"  and  St.  Columban  exhorted  his  disciples  to  fix  their 
eyes  on  the  treasure  reserved  for  them  in  heaven,  and  to  believe 
it  a  crime  not  only  to  have,  but  even  to  desire,  more  than  was 
absolutely  necessary  upon  earth."''^ 

"8  Ang.  Sac.  torn.  ii.  p.  645,  646. 

''9  Tunc  vere  Monachi  sunt,  si  labore  manuum  vivunt  sicut  patres  nostri.  St.  Ben. 
Reg.  c.  48.  Non  solum  superflua  eos  habere  damnabile  est,  sed  etiam  velle.  Dum  in 
coelis  multum  sint  habituri,  parvo  extremae  necessitatis  censu  in  terris  debent  esse  con- 
tenti.  St.  Colum.  Reg.  c.  4.  He  also  composed  verses  in  praise  of  poverty,  some  of 
which  I  shall  transcribe,  as  a  specimen  of  his  poetic  abilities. 

O  nimium  felix  parens,  cui  sufficit  usus, 
Corporis  ut  curam  moderamine  temperet  sequo. 
Non  misera  capitur  csecaque  cupidine  rerum ; 
Non  majora  cupit  quam  qus  natura  reposcit; 
Non  lucri  cupidus  nummis  marsupia  replet ; 
Nee  moUes  cumulat  tinearum  ad  pabula  vestes. 
Pascere  non  pingui  procurat  fruge  caballos ; 
Nee  trepido  doluit  tales  sub  pectore  curas ; 
Ne  subitis  pereat  collecta  pecunia  flammis, 
Aut  fracta  nutnmos  rapiat  fur  improbus  area. 
Vivitur  argento  sine,  jam  bine  viviiur  auro. 


88  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

The  ancient  discipline  was  long  observed  in  the  east :  but  the 
western  monks  gradually  departed  from  its  severity,  and  the 
departure  was  justified  by  the  prospect  of  greater  advantage. 
The  numerous  irruptions  of  the  barbarians  had,  in  several  pro- 
vinces, swept  away  the  principal  part  of  the  clergy,  and  the  duty 
of  public  instruction  devolved  on  the  monks,  whose  good  fortune 
had  preserved  them  from  the  general  devastation.*"  As,  to  per- 
form their  new  functions  with  decency  and  advantage,  a  certain 
fund  of  knowledge  was  necessary,  the  pursuit  of  learning  began 
to  be  numbered  among  the  duties  of  the  cloister;  and  the  drud- 
gery of  manual  labour  was  exchanged  for  the  more  honourable 
and  more  useful  occupation  of  study.  Monasteries  were  now 
endowed  with  extensive  estates,  adequate  to  the  support  of  their 
inhabitants :  and  their  revenues  were  constantly  augmented  by 
the  liberality  of  their  admirers.  Yet  the  profession  of  poverty 
was  not  resigned.  By  the  aid  of  an  ingenious  though  not  un- 
founded distinction,  it  was  discovered  that  it  might  still  subsist  in 
the  bosom  of  riches;  and  that  each  individual  might  be  destitute 
of  property,  though  the  wealth  of  the  community  was  equal  to 
that  of  its  most  opulent  neighbours.  Monastic  poverty  was  de- 
lined  to  consist  in  the  abdication  of  'private  property:  whatever 
the  convent  possessed  was  common  to  all  its  members :  no  indi- 
vidual could  advance  a  claim  in  preference  to  his  brethren :  and 
every  article,  both  of  convenience  and  necessity,  was  received 
from  the  hands,  and  surrendered  at  the  command  of  the  abbot.*^ 
These  notions  the  Saxon  monks  received  from  their  instructors. 
To  refuse  the  donations  of  their  friends  would  have  been  to  injure 
the  prosperity  of  the  brotherhood:  and  each  year  conducted  new 
streams  of  wealth  to  the  more  celebrated  monasteries.  Many, 
indeed,  were  left  to  languish  in  want  and  obscurity,  but  there 
were  also  many  whose  superior  riches  excited  the  envy  of  the 

Nudi  nascuntur,  nudos  quos  terra  receptat. 

Divitibus  nigri  reserantur  liinina  ditis  : 

Pauperibusque  piis  coelestia  regna  patescunt. 

Ep.  Hunuldo.  disc'ip.  apud  Massingham,  p.  411. 
*"  The  first  who  admitted  the  monks  to  holy  orders,  was  St.  Athanasius,  patriarch 
of  Alexandria.  (Sandini  Vit.  Pont.  p.  118,  not.  7.)  Siricius  shortly  after  decreed  that 
such  monks  should  be  aggregated  to  the  clergy,  as  were  fitted  by  their  morals  and  edu- 
cation for  the  clerical  functions.  (Quos  tamen  morum  gravitas,  et  vitse  ac  fidei  institutio 
sancta  commendat.  Siricii  Epist.  ad  Himer.  Terrac.  c.  13.)  The  devastations  of  the 
barbarians  caused  them  to  be  more  frequently  employed  in  the  public  ministry :  and 
when  the  propriety  of  this  innovation  was  questioned  in  the  commencement  of  the 
seventh  century,  Boniface  IV.  called  a  council  at  Rome,  and  defended  the  interests  of 
the  monks.     See  the  acts  in  Smith's  appendix  to  Bede,  p.  717. 

*'  It  appears,  however,  from  many  instances  in  the  Saxon  records,  that  though  the 
private  monks  were  destitute  of  property,  the  abbot,  if  he  were  the  founder,  considered 
the  monastery  and  its  dependencies  as  his  own,  and  disposed  of  them  by  his  testament 
If  the  heir  was  a  monk,  he  became  the  abbot ;  if  a  layman,  he  received  the  revenue,  and 
was  bound  to  maintain  the  monks.  See  Eddius,  (Vit,  Wilf.  c.  60,  61,)  Wilkins,  (Cone. 
p.  84.  144.  172.  175,)  Leland,  (Collect,  vol.  i.  p.  298,)  and  the  charters  in  the  appendix 
to  Smith's  edition  of  Bede,  (p.  764.) 


ORIGIN    OF    SECULAR    MONASTERIES.  89 

covetous,  and  the  rapacity  of  the  powerful.  The  extensive  do- 
mains which  Oswiu  gave  to  the  Abbess  Hilda,  have  been  already 
noticed.  Egfrid,  one  of  his  successors,  displayed  an  equal  mu- 
nificence in  favour  of  the  Abbot  Bennet  Biscop.*^  When  the 
property  of  the  rich  abbey  of  Glastenbury  was  ascertained,  by 
order  of  the  king  of  Mercia,  it  was  found  to  comprise  no  less 
than  eiglit  hundred  hides  :^^  and  in  the  enumeration  of  the  differ- 
ent estates  belonging  to  the  monks  of  Ely,  are  mentioned  more 
than  eighty  places,  situated  in  the  neighbouring  counties  of  Cam- 
bridge, Suftblk,  Norfolk,  Essex,  Hereford,  and  Huntingdon.*'' 

The  estates  of  the  monks,  like  those  of  the  clergy,  were  libe- 
rated from  all  secular  services  :  and  the  hope  of  participating  in 
so  valuable  a  privilege,  gave  occasion  to  a  singular  species  of 
fraud,  which  cast  a  temporary  but  unmerited  stain  on  the  reputa- 
tion of  the  order.  We  learn  from  Bede,  that  in  the  reign  of 
Aldfrid,  king  of  Northumbria,  certain  noblemen  had  expressed 
an  ardent  desire  to  consecrate  their  property  to  the  service  of 
religion.  By  the  influence  of  friends  and  presents,  the  consent 
of  the  sovereign  was  obtained ;  and  the  ecclesiastical  privileges 
were  confirmed  to  them  by  ample  charters,  subscribed  with  the 
signatures  of  the  king,  the  bishops,  and  the  principal  thanes.*^ 
But  their  secret  motives  were  betrayed  by  the  sequel  of  their 
conduct :  and  the  advantages,  not  the  virtues  of  the  profession, 
proved  to  be  the  object  of  their  pursuit.  They  quitted  not  the 
habits  nor  the  pleasures  of  a  secular  life :  but  were  content  to 
assume  the  title  of  abbots,  and  to  collect  on  some  part  of  their 
domain  a  society  of  profligate  and  apostate  monks.  The  wife 
also  was  proud  to  copy  the  example  of  her  husband ;  and  her 
vanity  was  flattered  with  the  power  of  legislating  for  a  sisterhood 
of  females  as  ignorant  and  dissipated  as  herself.  The  success 
of  the  first  adventurers  stimulated  the  industry  of  others.  Each 
succeeding  favourite  was  careful  to  procure  a  similar  charter  for 
his  family:  and  so  universal  was  the  abuse,  that  the  venerable 
Bede  ventured  to  express  a  doubt  whether,  in  a  few  years,  there 
would  remain  a  soldier  to  draw  the  sword  against  an  invading 
enemy.*^  That  respectable  priest,  in  the  close  of  his  ecclesiastical 
history,  dedicated  to  King  Ceolwulf,  hints  in  respectful  terms  his 
opinion  of  these  nominal  monks ;  but  in  his  letter  to  Archbishop 
Egbert,  he  assumes  a  bolder  tone,  and,  in  the  language  of  zeal 
and  detestation,  insists  on  the  necessity  of  putting  a  speedy  period 
to  so  infamous  a  practice."     But  the  secular  abbots  were  nume- 

■2  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  24.     Hist.  Abbat.  Wirem.  p.  294,  295. 

"  Malm.  Antiq.  Glast.  p.  314,  315. 

'<  Hist.  Elien.p.  510.  For  the  motives  of  these  donations  see  the  preceding  chapter,  p.  80. 

"  Anno  704. 

'S  Decet  prospicere  ne,  rarescente  copia  militia;  secularis,  absint  qui  fines  nostros  a 

barbarica  incursione  tueantur omnino  deest  locus,  ubi  filii  nobilium  aut  emerito- 

rum  militum  possessionem  accipere  possint.     Bed.  Ep.  ad  Egb.  p.  309. 

4?  Bed.  Hist.  1.  v.  c.  24.     Ep.  ad  Egb.  Ant.  p.  309.  312. 
12  h2 


90  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

lous  and  powerful,  and  existed  in  the  other  kingdoms  no  less 
than  in  that  ol"  Nortliumbria.  It  was  in  vain  that  Bede  denounced 
them  to  his  metropoUtan,  and  that  the  synod  of  Cloveshoe  attri- 
buted their  origin  to  avarice  and  tyranny  :*Mhey  survived  the 
censures  of  the  monk,  and  the  condemnation  of  the  synod  ;  their 
monasteries  were  inherited  by  their  descendants ;  and  for  theii 
extirpation  the  Saxon  church  was  indebted  to  the  devaslations 
of  tiie  pagan  Danes  in  the  succeeding  century.^^ 

It  is  against  the  wealth  and  immunities  of  the  monks  that 
their  enemies  have  directed  the  fiercest  of  their  attacks.  Wit 
and  mahgnity  have  combined  to  expose  the  riches  which  sprung 
from  the  profession  of  poverty,  and  the  distinctions  which  re- 
warded the  vow  of  obedience.  From  the  disciphne  of  the  cloister 
its  votaries  are  supposed  to  have  acquired  the  science  of  fraud 
and  superstition ;  the  art  of  assuming  the  garb  of  sanctity,  to 
amuse  the  credulity  of  the  people,  and  of  prostituting  to  private 
advantage  the  most  sacred  institutions.  In  investigating  the 
manners  of  a  class  of  men  who  lived  in  a  remote  period,  it  is 
always  difficult  to  restrain  the  excursions  of  the  fancy:  but  if 
passion  be  permitted  to  guide  the  inquiry,  possible  are  frequently 
substituted  for  real  occurrences ;  and  what  might  have  been  the 
guilt  of  a  few  individuals,  is  confidently  ascribed  to  the  whole 
body.  If,  in  the  theology  of  the  monks,  "  to  patronize  the  order 
was  esteemed  the  first  of  virtues,"  if  they  taught  that  "the  foun- 
dation of  a  monastery  was  the  secure  road  to  heaven,  and  that  a 
bountiful  donation  would,  without  repentance,  efi'ace  the  guilt 
of  the  most  deadly  sins,"""  they  were  undoubtedly  the  corrupters 
of  morality,  and  the  enemies  of  mankind.  But  of  these  doctrines 
no  vestige  remains  in  their  writings,  and  we  have  yet  to  learn 
from  what  source  their  modern  adversaries  derive  the  important 
information.  If  they  had  consulted  the  venerable  Bede,  he 
would  have  taught  them  that  "  no  offering,  though  made  to  a 
monastery,  could  be  pleasing  to  the  Almighty,  if  it  proceeded 
from  an  impure  conscience;""*  from  the  council  of  Calcuith,  they 

■•^  Wilkins,  p.  9.). 

'^  Most  of  the  modern  writers,  who  attempt  lo  describe  the  Saxon  monks,  are  careful 
to  consult  the  invective  of  Bede  against  the  secular  monasteries.  But,  unfortunately, 
they  are  unalile  to  distinguish  the  real  from  the  pretended  monks;  and  scrupulously 
ascribe  to  the  former  every  vice  with  which  he  reproaches  the  latter.  (See  Inelt,  Orig. 
Sax.  vol.  i.  p.  r^7.  Biog.  Britan.  art.  Bede.  Henr)',  Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  299.)  Inett  has 
even  discovered,  from  Bede's  letter  to  Archbishop  Egbert,  that,  on  account  of  the  gene- 
ral depravity  of  the  monks,  those  who  were  desirous  to  have  their  children  educated 
virtuously,  were  obliged  to  send  them  abroad.  (Inett,  ibid.)  After  a  diligent  perusal  of 
the  same  letter,  I  may  venture  to  assert  that  it  does  not  contain  the  most  remote  allusion 
to  such  a  circumstance.  In  reality,  the  true  monasteries  were,  at  this  period,  filled  with 
men  of  the  strictest  virtue;  and  Bede's  complaints  were  directed  only  against  the  noble- 
men, who  made  themselves  abbots,  in  order  to  obtain  the  monastic  privileges,  and  against 
their  followers,  who,  without  practising  the  duties,  assumed  the  name  and  the  dress  of 
the  monks. 

'"  Hume,  Uis(.  p.  4-.:.  Yi.    Sturgty,  Kcflect.  on  Poiiery,  p.  31.    Hen.  vol.  iv.  p.  iTO'J. 
*'  Bed.  Ep.  adEgb.  p.  312. 


FALSE    NOTIONS    OF    THE    MONASTIC    INSTITUTE.  91 

might  have  learnt  that  "repentance  was  then  only  of  avail, when 
it  impelled  the  sinner  to  lament  his  past  offences,  and  restrained 
him  from  committing  them  again  ;'"^^  and  in  the  acts  of  the  synod 
of  Cloveshoe,they  might  have  seen  how  repugnant  such  interested 
morality  was  to  the  genuine  doctrine  of  the  Saxon  church. 
"  The  man,"  say  the  prelates,  "  who  indulges  his  passion,  in  the 
confidence  that  his  charities  will  procure  his  salvation,  instead 
of  making  an  acceptable  offering  to  God,  throws  himself  into  the 
arms  of  Satan. "^"  Alms,  indeed,  were  enumerated  by  the  monks 
among  the  most  efticacious  means  of  disarming  the  justice  of  the 
Almighty:  and  in  this  opinion  they  were  supported  by  the  clear- 
est testimonies  of  the  inspired  writings.^"*  But  they  did  not  point 
out  their  own  body  as  the  sole,  or  the  principal  object  of  charity. 
To  the  penitent,  who  was  anxious  to  make  his  peace  with  heaven, 
they  proposed  works  of  public  utility.  They  exhorted  him  to  repair 
the  roads  and  erect  bridges;  to  purchase  the  freedom  of  slaves;  to 
exercise  the  duties  of  hospitality ;  and  to  clothe  and  support  the 
distressed  peasants,  whom  the  broils  of  their  petty  tyrants  often 
reduced  to  the  lowest  state  of  wretchedness."^  If,  among  these 
different  objects,  frequent  donations  were  made  to  the  religious 
houses,  the  impartial  reader  will  consider  them  as  proofs  rather 
of  their  merit  than  their  avarice.  For  men,  however  vicious 
they  may  be,  are  seldom  blind  to  the  vices  of  their  teachers. 
The  malignity  of  the  human  heart  is  gratified  with  discovering 
the  defects  of  those  who  claim  the  reputation  of  superior  virtue. 
Had  the  monks  been,  as  they  are  so  frequently  described,  an 
indolent,  avaricious,  and  luxurious  race,  they  would  never  have 
commanded  the  confidence,  nor  have  been  enriched  by  the  bene- 
factions of  their  countrymen. 

It  is  at  the  commencement  of  religious  societies,  that  their 
fervour  is  generally  the  most  active.  The  Anglo-Saxon  monks 
of  the  seventh  century,  were  men,  who  had  abandoned  the 
world  through  the  purest  motives ;  and  whose  great  solicitude 
was  to  practise  the  duties  of  their  profession.  They  had  em- 
braced a  life,  in  appearance  at  least,  irksome  and  uninviting. 
Their  devotions  were  long ;  their  fasts  frequent ;  their  diet  coarse 
and  scanty.  For  more  than  a  century  wine  and  beer  were,  in 
the  monastery  of  Lindisfarne,  excluded  from  the  beverage  of  the 
monks ;  and  the  first  mitigation  of  this  severity  was  introduced 
in  favour  of  Ceolwulf,  a  royal  novice.^^  The  discipline,  which 
St,  Boniface  prescribed  to  his  disciples  at  Fulda,  he  had  learned 
in  England ;  and  from  it  we  may  infer,  that  the  Saxon  Benedic- 

S2  Admissa  deflere,  et  fleta  in  postmodum  non  admittere.     Wilk.  Con.  p.  181. 

^^  Sua  Deo  dare  videntur,  (sed)  seipsos  diabolo  per  flagitia  dare  non  dubitantur.  Id. 
p.  98,  xxvi.  Cloveshoe  was  probably  Abingdon,  (Stevens's  Translation  of  Bed.  p.  292, 
not.)  It  was  originally  called  Seusham,  or  Seukesham,  (Lei.  Itiner.  vol.  ii.  p.  42,  ix 
p.  33.) 

*^  Dan.  iv.  24.     Matt.  xxiv.  35.     Luc.  xi.  14. 

"  Willi,  p.  140.  236.  65  Hcved.  anno  742. 


92  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

tines,  wliose  institute  was  less  austere  than  that  of  the  Scottish 
coenobites,  were  men  of  the  strictest  abstinence.  They  refrained 
from  the  use  of  llesli,  wine,  and  beer,  refused  the  assistance  of 
slaves,  and  with  their  own  iiands  cultivated  the  deserts  which 
surrounded  them."  The  voluntary  professors  of  a  life  so  severe 
and  mortified,  ought  certainly  to  be  acquitted  of  the  more  sordid 
vices ;  and  if  they  consented  to  accept  the  donations  of  their 
friends,  we  may  safely  ascribe  that  acceptance  to  lawful  and 
honourable  motives.  The  truth  of  this  observation  will  be  ex- 
emplified in  the  conduct  of  the  first  abbots  of  Weremouth. 
They  were  descended  from  the  noblest  families  in  Northumbria; 
and  their  monastery  was  endowed  with  the  most  ample  revenues. 
Yet  they  despised  the  vain  distinctions  of  rank  and  wealth  ;  as- 
sociated with  their  monks  in  the  duties  of  the  cloister,  and  the 
labours  of  husbandry ;  and  in  their  diet,  their  dress,  and  their 
accommodations,  descended  to  a  level  with  the  lowest  of  their  dis- 
ciples. Their  riches  were  not  devoted  to  the  encouragement  of 
idleness,  or  the  gratification  of  sensuality  :  but  by  their  liberality, 
foreign  artists  were  invited  to  instruct  the  ignorance  of  their 
countrymen  ;  paintings  and  statues  were  purchased  for  the  deco- 
ration of  their  churches  ;  and  their  library  was  enriched  with  the 
choicest  volumes  of  profane  and  sacred  literature.  The  last  care 
of  Bennet,  their  founder,  was  directed  to  these  objects.  He 
had  a  brother,  whose  avarice  would  have  grasped  at  the  govern- 
ment, and  whose  prodigality  would  have  quickly  exhausted  the 
treasury  of  the  abbey.  Him  he  conjured  the  monks  to  banish 
from  their  thoughts  ;  to  permit  neither  authority  nor  afi'ection  to 
influence  their  sufl'rages;  and  to  elect  for  his  successor  the 
worthiest,  though  he  might  be  the  youngest  and  most  ignoble 
brother  in  the  monastery.*^^ 

The  conduct  of  the  abbots  of  Weremouth,  was  the  conduct  of 
almost  all  the  superiors  of  religious  societies  at  this  period.  To 
erect  edifices  worthy  of  the  God  whom  they  adored,  to  imitate 
the  solemnity  of  the  Roman  worship,  and  to  arrest  by  external 
splendour  the  attention  of  their  untutored  brethren,  were  the  prin- 
cipal objects  of  their  ambition:  and  in  the  prosecution  of  these 
objects,  they  necessarily  accelerated  the  progress  of  civil  as  well 
as  religious  improvement.  1.  The  architecture  of  the  Saxons,  at 
the  time  of  their  conversion,  was  rude  and  barbarous.  They 
lived  amid  ruins,  which  attest  the  taste  of  a  more  civilized  people : 
but  their  ignorance  beheld  them  with  indiff"erence,  and  their  in- 
dolence was  satisfied  with  the  wretched  hovels  of  their  ancestors. 
The  first  impulse  was  communicated  by  the  missionaries,  who 


Viros  strictns  abstinenti.T ;  absque  carne  et  vino,  absque  sicera  et  servis,  proprio 
Ep.  Bonif.  p.  211.     In  these  points  they  seem  to 
of  St.  Benedict.     See  note  (E). 
passim.  Homiha  in  natal.  Divi.  Benedicti.  op.  torn. 


manuum  suarum  labore  contcntos.     Ep.  Bonif.  p.  211.     In  these  points  they  seem  to 
have  improved  on  tlw  original  rule  of  St.  Benedict.     See  note  (E). 
f'*  Bede,  Vita;  Abbatuin  Wirom.  passim.  Homilia  in  natal.  Divi.  ] 
\ii.  col.  4»54. 


MAGNIFICENCE    OF    THE    CHURCHES.  93 

constructed  cliurches  for  the  accommodation  of  their  converts. 
Those  built  by  the  Scots  were  of  oaken  planks,  those  by  the 
Romans  of  unwrought  stone.  Botii  were  covered  with  reeds 
or  straw.  But  when  the  Saxons,  in  their  visits  to  the  tombs  of 
the  apostles,  had  seen  the  public  buildings  of  other  countries,  they 
blushed  at  the  inferiority  of  their  own  ;  and  resolved  to  imitate 
Avhat  they  had  learned  to  admire.  The  considerations  of  labour 
and  expense  were  despised;  and  every  art,  which  that  age  con- 
nected with  the  practice  of  architecture,  was  introduced  or 
improved.  Walls  of  polished  masonry  succeeded  to  the  rough 
erections  of  their  ancestors;  the  roofs  of  their  churches  were 
protected  with  sheets  of  lead;  lofty  towers  added  to  the  size  and 
appearance  of  the  building:  and,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  un- 
travelled  nniltitnde,  windows  of  glass  admitted  the  light,  at  the 
same  time  that  they  excluded  the  wind  and  rain.^"  The  names 
of  those,  to  whom  the  more  southern  nations  were  indebted  for 
these  improvements,  are  unknown :"°  but  in  the  north,  the  labours 
of  St.  Bennet  and  St.  Wilfrid  have  been  gratefully  recorded  by 
contemporary  historians.  The  neighbouring  churches  of  Were- 
mouth  and  Jarrow  established  the  reputation  of  the  former,  and 
were  long  the  admiration  of  liis  countrymen.'''  The  efibrts  of 
the  latter  were  more  numerous,  and  more  widely  diffused.  His 
first  attempt  was  to  repair  and  beautify  the  cathedral  church  of 
York,  which  had  been  originally  built  by  Edwin  of  Northumbria; 
and  now,  after  the  short  interval  of  forty  years,  was  rapidly  has- 
tening to  decay.  By  his  instructions  the  walls  were  strengthen- 
ed, the  timber  of  the  roof  was  renewed,  and  a  covering  of  lead 
opposed  to  the  violence  of  the  weather.  From  the  windows  he 
removed  the  lattices  of  wood,  and  curtains  of  linen,  the  rude 
contrivances  of  an  unskilful  age ;  and  substituted  in  their  place 
the  more  elegant  and  useful  invention  of  glass.  The  interior  of 
the  church  he  cleansed  from  its  impurities,  and  washed  the  walls 
with  lime,  till  they  became,  according  to  the  expression  of  his 
biographer,  whiter  than  the  snow.''^  His  success  at  York  was  a 
fresh  stimulus  to  his  industry,  and  at  Rippon  he  raised  a  new 
church,  which  was  built  from  the  foundations  according  to  his 
design.  We  are  told  that  the  masonry  was  nicely  polished,  that 
rows  of  columns  supported  the  roof,  and  that  porticoes  adorned 
each  of  the  principal  entrances,"  The  monastery  at  Hexham  was 
the  last  and  most  admired  of  his  works.  The  height  and  length 
of  the  walls,  the  beautiful  polish  of  the  stones,  the  number  of 
the  columns  and  porticoes,  and  the  spiral  windings,  which  led  to 

«9  Edd.  Vit.  Wilf.  c.  14, 

70  St.  Aldhelm  was  probably  active  in  this  pursuit,    Malmesbury  tells  us,  that  one  of 
the  churches  built  by  him  was  superior  to  any  other  in  England.     Gale,  p.  349. 
' » Bede,  p.  295. 

'2  Super  nivem  dealbavit,    Edd.  Vit.  Wilf.  c.  16.    See  also  Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  iili 
"Edd.  c.  17. 


94  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

the  top  of  each  tower,  have  exercised  the  descriptive  powers  of 
Eddius,  who,  after  two  journeys  to  the  apostohc  see,  boldly  pro- 
nounced that  there  existed  not,  on  this  side  of  the  Alps,  a  church 
to  be  compared  with  that  of  Hexham.^''  It  is,  indeed,  probable 
that  these  buildings,  which  once  excited  raptures  in  the  breasts 
of  their  beholders,  would,  at  the  present  day,  displease  by  the 
absence  of  tlie  symmetry  and  taste.  But  we  should  recollect, 
tiiat  they  were  the  first  essays  of  a  people  emerging  from  bar- 
barism, the  rudiments  of  an  art  which  has  been  perfected  by  the 
labours  of  succeeding  generations.  The  men  by  whose  genius, 
and  under  whose  patronage  they  were  constructed,  were  the  bene- 
factors of  mankind,  and  might  justly  claim  the  gratitude  not  only 
of  their  contemporaries,  but  also  of  their  posterity.^* 

2.  The  interior  of  these  edifices  exhibited  an  equal  spirit  of 
improvement,  and  a  superior  display  of  magnificence.  Of  the 
spoils  which  their  barbarous  ancestors  had  wrested  from  a  more 
polished  people,  a  considerable  portion  was  now  dedicated  to  the 
service  of  the  Deity  ;  and  the  plate  and  jewels,  which  their  piety 
poured  into  the  treasuries  of  the  principal  churches,  are  repre- 
sented of  such  immense  value,  that  it  is  with  reluctance  we  assent 
to  the  testimony  of  contemporary  and  faithful  historians.  From 
them  we  learn  that,  on  the  more  solemn  festivals,  every  vessel 
employed  in  the  sacred  ministry  was  of  gold  or  silver;  that  the 
altars  sparkled  with  jewels  and  ornaments  of  the  precious  metals; 
that  the  vestments  of  the  priest  and  his  assistants  were  made  of 
silk,  embroidered  in  the  most  gorgeous  manner;  and  that  the  walls 
were  hung  with  foreign  paintings,  and  the  richest  tapestries.^^  In 
the  church  of  York  stood  two  altars,  entirely  covered  with  plates 
of  gold  and  silver.  One  of  them  was  also  ornamented  with  a 
profusion  of  gems,  and  supported  a  lofty  crucifix  of  equal  value. 
Above  were  suspended  three  ranges  of  lamps,  in  a  pharus  of  the 
largest  dimensions."  Even  the  books  employed  in  the  offices  of 
religion  were  decorated  with  similar  magnificence.  St.  Wilfrid 
ordered  the  four  gospels  to  be  written  with  letters  of  gold,  on  a 
purple  ground,  and  presented  them  to  the  church  of  Rippon  in  a 
casket  of  gold,  in  which  were  enchased  a  number  of  precious 
stones.'''  Of  these  ornaments  some  had  been  purchased  from 
foreign  countries;  many  were  executed  by  the  industry  of  native 
artists.  In  their  convents  the  nuns  were  employed  in  the  elegant 
works  of  embroidery :  in  the  monasteries  the  monks  practised 
the  different  mechanical  arts.     The  ironsmith,  the  joiner,  and  the 

J^Id.  c.  22.  "See  note  (F.) 

■s  Bed.  p.  295.  297.  299.  300.  Edd.  Vit.  Wilf.  c.  17.  Ale.  de  Pont.  v.  1224. 
1266. 14S8. 

"  Ale  ibid.  V.  1488.  The  pharus  was  a  contrivance  for  suspending  lights  in  the 
church.     Georgi,  de  Liturg.  Rom.  Pont.  vol.  i.  p.  Ixxix. 

"*  Edd.  c.  17.  Bed.  I.  v.  c.  19.  If  the  reader  wish  to  see  other  accounts  of  the 
masnifiocnt  furniture  of  their  churches,  he  may  consult  the  Monasticon,  vol.  i.  p.  40. 
104.  165.  222. 


IMPROVEMENT    OF    AGRICULTURE.  95 

goldsmith,  were  raised  by  their  utility,  to  a  high  degree  of  con- 
sequence among  their  brethren ;  their  professions  were  ennobled 
by  the  abbots  and  bishops,  who  occasionally  exercised  them;  and 
these  distinctions  contributed  to  excite  emulation,  and  accelerate 
improvement/^ 

3.  While  the  mechanic  trades  thus  flourished  under  the  patron- 
age of  the  richer  ecclesiastics,  the  more  important  profession  of 
agriculture  acquired  a  due  share  of  their  attention.  The  estates 
of  the  lay  proprietors  were  cultivated  by  the  compulsory  labours 
of  their  llieowas  or  slaves:  but  in  every  monastery  numbers  of 
the  brotherhood  were  devoted  to  the  occupation  of  husbandry ; 
and  the  superior  cultivation  of  their  farms  quickly  demonstrated 
the  ditference  between  the  industry  of  those  who  worked  through 
motives  of  duty,  and  of  those  whose  only  object  was  to  escape 
the  lash  of  the  surveyor.^"  Of  the  lands  bestowed  on  the 
monks,  a  considerable  portion  was  originally  wild  and  unculti- 
vated, surrounded  by  marshes,  or  covered  with  forests.  They 
preferred  such  situations  for  the  advantage  of  retirement  and  con- 
templation ;  and  as  they  were  of  less  value,  they  were  more 
freely  bestowed  by  their  benefactors.'^  But  every  obstacle  of 
nature  and  soil  was  subdued  by  the  unwearied  industry  of  the 
monks.  The  forests  were  cleared,  the  waters  drained,  roads 
opened,  bridges  erected,  and  the  waste  lands  reclaimed.  Plenti- 
ful harvests  waved  on  the  coast  of  Northumbria,  and  luxuriant 
meadows  started  from  the  fens  of  the  Girvii.^^  The  superior 
cultivation  of  several  counties  in  England,  is  originally  owing 
to  the  labours  of  the  monks,  who,  at  this  early  period,  were  the 
parents  of  agriculture  as  well  as  of  the  arts. 

'9  Bede,  p.  296.  St.  Dunstan  worked  in  all  the  metals;  (Ang.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  94  :)  he 
made  organs  (Gale,  p.  324)  and  bells.  (Monast.  vol.  i.  p.  104.)  St.  Ethelwold  prac- 
tised the  same  trades  as  liis  instructor.  Ibid.  By  a  law  published  in  the  reign  of  Ed- 
gar, but  probably  transcribed  from  a  more  ancient  regulation,  every  priest  was  com- 
manded "  to  learn  some  handicraft,  iii  order  to  increase  knowledge,  co  e  acan  laen  e ." 
Wilk.  p.  225. 

80  From  the  Domesday  survey,  Mr.  Turner  observes,  that  the  church  lands  were  in  a 
higher  state  of  cultivation  than  those  of  any  other  order  of  society.     Vol.  iv.  p.  205. 

8"  Bede,  p.  128.  144.  156.164.  Several  monasteries  took  their  names  from  their 
situations,  as  Atbearwe,  in  the  forest,  (Bed.  p.  144 ;)  Ondyrawuda,  in  the  wood  of  the 
Deiri,  (Bed.  p.  183 ;)  Croyland,  boggy  land,  (Ing.  p.  i. ;)  Thorney.the  island  of  thorns, 
(Hug.  Cand,  p.  3 ;)  Jarrow  or  Gyrvum,  a  fen,  (Id.  p.  2.) 

S2  The  coast  of  Northumbria  was  cultivated  by  the  monks  of  Coldingham,  Lindis- 
fame,  Bambrough,  Tinmouth,  Jarrow,  Weremouth,  Hartlepool,  and  Whitby:  the 
marshes  of  the  Girvii  were  drained  and  improved  by  the  monks  of  Croyland,  Thomey, 
Ely,  Ramsey,  and  Medhamsted.  This  fenny  region,  the  theatre  of  monastic  industry, 
extended  tlie  space  of  68  miles,  from  the  borders  of  Suffolk  to  Wainfleet  in  Lincoln- 
shire, (Camden's  Cambridgeshire.)  After  the  lapse  of  so  many  centuries,  there  is 
reason  to  fear,  that  a  very  considerable  part  of  it  will  be  again  lost  to  cultivation,  by  re- 
peated inundations.  In  the  years  1795,  1799,  and  1800,  about  140,000  acres  were 
under  water.  "  Two  or  three  more  floods,"  says  Mr.  Young,  "  will  complete  the  ruin : 
and  300,000  acres  of  the  richest  land  in  Great  Britain  will  revert  to  their  ancient  pro- 
prietors, the  frogs,  the  coots,  and  the  wild  ducks  of  the  region."  Annals  of  Agriculture, 
1804. 


96  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

If  the  monastic  bodies  thus  acquired  opulence  for  themselves, 
they  were  not  insensible  to  the  wants  of  the  unfortunate.  The 
constant  exercise  of  charity  and  hospitality  had  been  indispensa- 
bly enjoined  by  all  their  legislators.  Within  the  precincts  of  each 
monastery  stood  an  edifice,  distinguished  by  the  Greek  name 
of  Xenodochium,  in  which  a  certain  number  of  paupers  received 
their  dally  support,  and  which  was  gratuitously  opened  to  every 
traveller  who  solicited  relief.  The  monks  were  divided  into 
classes,  of  which  each  in  rotation  succeeded  to  the  service  of  the 
hospital.  The  abbot  alone  was  exempted.  To  confine  liis  at- 
tendance to  particular  days  was  repugnant  to  his  other  and  more 
important  occupations :  but  he  was  exhorted  frequently  to  join 
his  brethren  in  the  performance  of  this  humble  and  edifying 
duty.  To  the  assistant  monks  it  was  recommended  to  shut  their 
ears  to  the  suggestions  of  pride  and  indolence ;  to  revere  the 
Saviour  of  mankind  in  the  persons  of  the  poor,  and  to  recollect 
that  every  good  oflice  rendered  to  them,  he  would  reward  as 
done  to  himself.*^  Severity  and  mipatience  were  strictly  forbid- 
den :  they  were  to  speak  with  kindness,  and  to  serve  with  cheer- 
fulness :  to  instruct  the  ignorance,  console  the  sorrows,  and 
alleviate  the  pains  of  their  guests :  to  attach  the  highest  import- 
ance to  their  employment ;  and  to  prefer  the  service  of  the  in- 
digent brethren  of  Christ,  before  that  of  the  wealthy  children  of 
the  world.^^  The  legislator  who  framed  tliese  regulations,  must 
have  been  inspired  by  the  true  spirit  of  the  gospel ;  to  execute 
them  with  fidelity,  required  men  actuated  by  motives  superior  to 
those  of  mercenary  attendants ;  and  humanity  will  gratefully 
cherish  the  memory  of  these  asylums,  erected  for  the  support  of 
indigence  and  mislbrtune.^^ 

But  it  was  in  the  time  of  public  distress,  that  the  charity  of 
the  monks  was  displayed  in  all  its  lustre.  In  their  mutual  wars 
the  Saxon  princes  ravaged  each  others'  territories  without  mercy  ; 
and,  after  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy,  ihe  devastations  of 
the  Danes  frequently  reduced  the  natives  to  the  extremity  of  want. 
Agriculture  was  yet,  except  among  the  monastic  bodies,  in  its 
infancy.  The  most  plentiful  years  could  scarcely  supply  the 
general  consumption,  and  as  often  as  an  unfavourable  season 
stinted  the  growth,  or  a  hostile  invasion  swept  away  the  produce 

8'  St.  Matt.  c.  XXV.  V.  40. 

*'^  Nee  pauperibus  a;terni  Christi  vicarius  tardus  ac  tepidus  ministrare  differendo 
desistat,  qui  celer  ac  fervidus  divitibus  caducis  ministrando  occurrere  desiderat.  AposU 
Bened.  app.  par.  .3,  p.  92. 

8*  When  the  humanity  of  Louis  XVI.  induced  him  to  improve  the  state  of  the  public 
hospitals  in  France,  a  member  of  the  academy  of  sciences  was  sent  to  inquire  into  the 
manner  in  which  similar  establishments  were  conducted  in  this  country.  At  his  return 
he  gave  to  the  English  hospitals  that  praise  which  they  so  justly  merit:  but  observed, 
that  to  render  them  perfect,  two  things  were  wanting,  the  zeal  of  the  French  curates, 
and  the  charity  of  the  hospital  nuns.  "  Mais  ii  y  manque  deux  choses,  nos  cures  et  nos 
hoBpiuiit-res."     Bcrgier,  Art.  Hopitaux. 


CHARITIES    OF    LEOFRIC    AND    GODRIC.  97 

of  the  harvest,  famine,  with  its  inseparable  attendant,  pesti- 
lence, was  the  necessary  result.  On  such  occasions  the  monks 
were  eager  to  relieve  the  wants  of  their  countrymen ;  and  who- 
ever is  conversant  with  their  writers,  must  have  remarked  the 
satisfaction  with  wliicli  they  recount  the  charitable  exertions  of 
tlieir  most  celebrated  abbots.  Among  these,  a  distinguished 
place  is  due  to  Leofric,  the  tenth  abbot  of  St.  Albans.*"  To 
erect  a  churcii,  which  in  magnificence  might  equal  the  dignity 
of  the  abbey,  had  been  the  favourite  project  of  his  two  immediate 
predecessors.  The  ruins  of  the  ancient  Verulam  had  been  ex- 
plored ;  the  necessary  materials  had  been  prepared ;  the  treasury 
Avas  filled  with  the  donations  of  their  friends ;  and  a  profusion 
of  gold  and  silver  vases  proved  the  extent  of  their  resources. 
Leofric,  in  the  vigour  of  manhood,  succeeded  to  their  riches  and 
their  projects  :  and  his  hopes  were  gratified  with  the  prospect  of 
erecting  an  edifice,  which  would  transmit  his  name  with  honour 
to  posterity.  But  the  public  calamity  soon  dissipated  the  flatter- 
ing illusion.  The  horrors  of  famine  depopulated  the  country, 
and  his  heart  melted  at  the  distress  of  his  brethren.  He  cheer- 
fully resolved  to  sacrifice  the  object  of  his  ambition  ;  the  granaries 
of  the  monastery  were  opened  to  the  sufferers ;  the  riches  of  the 
treasury  were  expended  for  their  relief;  the  plate  reserved  for 
his  table  was  melted  down  ;  and,  as  a  last  resource,  he  ventured 
to  sell  the  precious  ornaments  destined  for  the  use  and  decora- 
tion of  the  church."  Of  his  monks  there  were  several,  who 
murmured  at  the  liberality  of  their  abbot ;  but  they  were  careful 
to  conceal  their  avarice  beneath  the  mask  of  piety.  Whatever 
had  been  once  consecrated  to  the  service  of  God,  could  not,  they 
observed,  without  impiety,  be  alienated  to  profane  purposes. 
Leofric  meekly  but  truly  replied,  that  the  living  were  to  be  pre- 
ferred to  the  inanimate  temples  of  God  :  and  that  to  support  the 
former  was  a  work  of  superior  obligation  to  the  decoration  of  the 
latter.  His  conduct  was  applauded :  and  his  opponents  were 
condemned  to  silence  by  the  voice  of  the  public.^* 

In  the  same  rank  with  Leofric,  we  may  place  Godric,  the 
abbot  of  Croyland.  His  monastery,  situated  in  the  midst  of 
deep  and  extensive  marshes,  offered  a  secure  asylum  to  the 
crowds  that  fled  from  the  exterminating  swords  of  the  Danes. 
Though  his  treasury  had  been  lately  pillaged  by  the  officers  of 
the  crown  ;  though  Swein,  the  chieftain  of  the  barbarians,  threat- 
ened him  with  his  resentment ;  Godric  listened  not  to  the  sugges- 
tions of  terror  or  of  prudence,  but  received  the  fugitives  with 
open  arms,  consoled  them  in  their  loss,  and  associated  them  to 
his  own  fortunes.     During  several  months  Croyland  swarmed 

ss  An.  1000. 

87  Some  jewels  and  cameos  were  excepted,  for  which  he  could  find  no  purchaser 
Mat.  Paris,  p.  995. 
«8  Ibid. 

13  I 


98  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

with  strangers,  who  were  accommodated  and  supported  at  his 
expense.  Tlie  cloisters  and  the  choir  were  reserved  for  his  own 
monks,  and  those  of  the  neighbouring  monasteries :  the  fugitive 
clergy  chose  for  their  residence  the  body  of  the  church  :  the  men 
were  lodged  in  the  other  apartments  of  the  abbey  ;  and  the  women 
and  children  were  placed  in  temporary  buildings  erected  in  the 
cemetery.  But  the  most  vigilant  economy  was  soon  compelled  to 
sink  under  the  accumulated  expenses.  The  anxiety  of  the 
benevolent  abbot  was  daily  increased  by  the  suspicions  of 
Ethelred,  and  the  menaces  of  Swein ;  and  in  his  anguisii  he  was 
heard  to  envy  the  fate  of  those  whom  he  had  followed  to  the 
grave.  A  last  expedient  remained,  to  solicit  the  friendsiiip  of 
Norman,  a  powerful  retainer  of  Duke  Edric  ;  and  the  grant  of  a 
valuable  manor  for  the  term  of  one  hundred  years,  secured  the 
protection  of  that  nobleman.  While  he  lived,  Croyland  enjoyed 
tranquillity;  but  the  estate  was  unjustly  retained  by  his  descend- 
ants, and  recovered  by  the  abbey.^^ 


CHAPTER  V. 

Government  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church — Episcopal  Synods — National  Councils — 
Supremacy  of  the  Popes — They  establish  Metropolitan  Sees — Confirm  the  Elec- 
tion of  the  Archbishops — Reform  Abuses — And  receive  Appeals. 

The  origin  and  nature  of  ecclesiastical  government  have,  in 
modern  ages,  been  the  subjects  of  numerous  and  discordant 
theories.  But  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries,  when  the 
Anglo-Saxons  embraced  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  the  churches 
of  the  east  and  west  obeyed  one  common  constitution  ;  and,  in 
every  Christian  country,  a  regular  gradation  of  honour  and 
authority  cemented  together  the  great  body  of  the  clergy,  from 
the  lowest  clerk  to  the  pontitl'  who  sat  in  the  chair  of  St!  Peter. 
To  reject,  or  to  improve  this  plan  of  government,  were  projects 
which  never  engaged  the  attention  of  our  ancestors.  The  igno- 
rance of  the  converts  reposed  with  confidence  on  the  knowledge 
of  the  missionaries :  and  the  knowledge  of  the  missionaries  taught 
them  to  revere  as  sacred  those  institutions,  which  had  been  sanc- 
tioned by  the  approbation  of  antiquity.  Hence  the  ecclesiastical 
polity  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  as  soon  as  circumstances  permitted 
it  to  assume  a  consistent  form,  appeared  to  have  been  cast  in  the 
same  mould  as  that  of  the  other  Christian  nations.  I.  The  con- 
cerns of  each  diocese  were  regulated  by  the  bishop  in  his  annual 
synods  :  H.  A  more  extensive  power  of  legislation  was  exercised 

''^Ingulf,  f.  507.     An.  1010.     See  note  (G). 


EPISCOPAL    SVNODS.  99 

oy  the  provincial  and  national  councils;  III.  And  these,  in  their 
turn,  acknowledged  the  superior  control  of  the  Roman  pontiffs. 
I.  The  Anglo-Saxon  bishops,  in  their  respective  dioceses, 
exercised  the  episcopal  jurisdiction  according  to  the  direction  of 
the  canons  :  and  few  instances  are  preserved  in  history,  of  either 
clerk  or  layman,  who  dared  to  refuse  obedience  to  their  legi- 
timate authority.  Twice  in  the  year,  on  the  calends  of  May  and 
November,  they  summoned  their  clergy  to  meet  them  in  the 
episcopal  synod.  Every  priest,  whether  secular  or  regular,  to 
whose  administration  a  portion  of  the  diocese  had  been  intrusted, 
was  commanded  to  attend  :  and  his  disobedience  was  punished 
Dy  a  pecimiary  fine,  or  by  suspension  from  his  functions  during 
a  determinate  period,'  As  the  subjects  of  their  future  discussion' 
involved  the  interests  of  religion,  and  the  welfare  of  the  clergy, 
each  member  was  exhorted  to  implore  by  his  prayers,  and 
deserve  by  his  conduct  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  With 
this  view,  they  were  commanded  to  meet  together,  and  travel 
in  company  to  the  episcopal  residence ;  to  be  attended  by  the 
most  discreet  of  their  clerks ;  and  carefully  to  exclude  from  their 
retinue  every  person  of  a  light  or  disedifying  deportment.'^  Three 
days  were  allotted  for  the  duration  of  the  synod ;  and  on  each 
day,  the  general  fast  was  only  terminated  by  the  conclusion  of  the 
session.  At  the  appointed  hour,  they  entered  the  church  in  order 
and  silence  ;  the  priests  were  ranged  according  to  their  seniority ; 
below  them  sat  the  principal  among  the  deacons ;  and  behind 
was  placed  a  select  number  of  laymen,  distinguished  by  their 
superior  piety  and  wisdom.  The  bishop  opened  the  synod  with 
an  appropriate  speech,  in  which  he  promulgated  the  decrees  of 
the  last  national  council  f  explained  the  regulations  which  he 
deemed  expedient  for  the  reformation  of  his  diocese ;  and  exhorted 
the  members  to  receive  with  reverence  the  mandates  of  their 
father  and  instructor.  He  did  not,  however,  prohibit  the  freedom 
of  debate.''  Each  individual  was  requested  to  speak  his  senti- 
ments without  restraint ;  to  offer  the  objections  or  amendments 
which  his  prudence  and  experience  might  suggest ;  to  expose  the 
difficulties,  against  which  he  had  to  struggle  in  the  government 
of  his  parish ;  and  to  denounce  the  names  and  crimes  of  the 
public  sinners,  whose  contumacy  refused  to  yield  to  the  zeal  of 
their  pastor,  and  defied  the  censures  of  the  church.* 

'  Wilk.  Con.  vol.  i.  p.  220,  xliv.  vol.  iv.  p.  784. 

2  Id.  vol.  i.  p.  225,  iv.  266,  iv. 

3  Id.  p.  98,  XXV,  Of  the  discourses  spokea  by  the  bishops  on  these  occasions,  two 
are  still  preserved;  one  of  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  composed  by  vElfric,  the 
author  of  the  Saxon  homilies,  the  other  by  jElfric,  afterwrards  archbishop  of  York, 
(Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  153.  161.)  Wilkins  imagines  they  were  collected  from  the  rule 
of  St.  Benedict :  but  a  diligent  comparison  will  show  that  they  were  formed  after  the 
admonitio  synodalis  of  the  Roman  pontifical,  which  has  been  accurately  published  by 
Georgi.     De  Liturg.  Rom.  Pont  vol.  iii.  p.  425. 

4  Wilk.  vol.  iv.  p.  785.  « Id.  vol.  i.  p.  225,  v.  vi. 


100  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

It  had  been  the  Avisli  of  St.  Paul,  that  his  converts  should  pre- 
fer, for  the  decision  of  their  disputes,  the  assembly  of  the  saints  to 
the  tribunal  of  a  pagan  magistrate  :  the  ancient  fathers,  the  in- 
heritors of  his  spirit,  had  commanded,  that  the  controversies  of 
the  clergy  should  be  withdrawn  from  the  cognisance  of  the  secular 
judges,  and  committed  to  the  wisdom  and  authority  of  their  eccle- 
siastical superiors.^  The  synod,  as  soon  as  the  plan  of  reform 
had  been  adjusted,  resolved  into  a  court  of  judicature;  every 
clerk,  who  conceived  himself  aggrieved  by  any  of  his  brethren, 
was  admitted  to  prefer  his  complaint,  and  justice  was  adnnnis- 
tered  according  to  the  decisions  of  the  canons,  and  the  notions 
of  natural  equity.  But  the  testimony  and  recriminations  of  the 
contending  parties  might  have  scandalized  their  weaker  brethren ; 
and,  during  these  trials,  every  stranger  was  prudently  excluded 
from  the  debates.  On  their  re-adinission,  they  were  publicly 
invited  to  accuse,  before  the  assembly  of  his  peers,  the  clergy- 
man who  had  notoriously  neglected  the  duties  of  his  profession, 
or  dared  to  violate  the  rights  of  his  fellow-citizens:  and,  if  a 
prosecutor  appeared,  the  parties  were  heard  with  patience,  and 
judgment  was  pronounced.  The  business  of  the  meeting  was 
then  terminated  :  the  bishop  arose,  made  a  short  exhortation,  gave 
his  benediction,  and  dissolved  the  assembly.^ 

II.  The  many  and  important  advantages  which  must  have 
arisen  from  synods  thus  organized  and  conducted,  were  felt,  and 
duly  appreciated  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  prelates  :  but  the  superior 
dignity  and  superior  authority  of  the  national  councils  have 
chiefly  claimed  the  notice,  and  exercised  the  diligence  of  histo- 
rians. The  right  of  convoking  these  assemblies  was  vested  in 
the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  ;  but  in  the  exercise  of  this  privilege 
he  was  directed,  not  only  by  the  dictates  of  his  own  prudence, 
but  sometimes  by  the  commands  of  the  pope,  more  frequently 
by  the  decrees  of  the  preceding  council.'  At  liis  summons  the 
bishops  repaired  to  the  appointed  place,  accompanied  by  the 
abbots,  and  the  principal  ecclesiastics  of  their  dioceses ;  who, 
though  they  pretended  to  no  judicial  authority,  assisted  at  the 
deliberations,  and  subscribed  to  the  decrees.^  Of  these  assemblies 
the  great  objects  were,  to  watch  over  the  purity  of  faith,  and  the 
severity  of  discipline ;  to  point  out  to  the  prelates  and  the  pa- 
rochial clergy  the  duties  of  their  respective  stations ;  to  reform 

«  Id.  vol.  iv.  p.  7S5,  786.  7  Ibid. 

*  After  York  became  an  archbishopric,  each  of  the  metropolitans  convoked,  on  cer- 
tain occasions,  the  bishops  of  their  respective  provinces. 

_  9  See  Wilkins,  Con.  p.  51.  94.  167.  169.  Respecting  the  council  of  Calcnith,  Henry 
informs  us,  (and  he  affects  to  consider  the  information  as  highly  important.  Hen.  vol.  , 
in.  p.  241,)  that  in  the  preamble  to  the  canons,  it  is  said  to  have  been  "called  in  the 
name,  and  by  the  authority  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  supreme  head  of  the  church."  Were 
the  assertion  true,  I  know  not  what  inference  he  could  justly  deduce  from  it:  but 
unfortunately  it  is  one  of  the  pious  frauds,  into  which  his  zeal  sometimes  betrayed 
him.  The  passage  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  edition  of  the  acts  of  the  council.  Sec 
fepelman,  (p.  ivzj.)  and  Wilkins,  (p.  10!).) 


CIVIL    AND    ECCLESIASTICAL    POWER     UXITED.  101 

the  abuses,  which  the  weakness  of  luiman  nature  insensibly 
introduces  into  the  most  edifying  communities;  and  to  regulate 
whatever  concerned  the  propriety  and  splendour  of  the  public 
worship.  The  selection  of  the  subjects  of  discussion  appears  to 
have  been  intrusted  to  the  wisdom  of  the  metropolitan,  who  com- 
posed a  competent  number  of  canons,  and  submitted  them  to  the 
judgment  of  his  brethren.^"  Their  approbation  imparted  to  them 
the  sanction  of  laws,  which  bound  the  whole  Saxon  church,  and 
were  enforced  with  the  accustomed  threat  of  excommunication 
against  the  transgressors.  But  it  was  soon  discovered,  that  the 
dread  of  spiritual  punishment  operates  most  powerfully  on  those 
who,  from  previous  habits  of  virtue,  are  less  disposed  to  rebel ; 
and  that  it  is  necessary,  among  men  of  strong  passions  and 
untutored  minds,  to  oppose  to  the  impulse  of  present  desire,  the 
restraint  of  present  and  sensible  chastisement.  With  this  view 
the  bishops  frequently  solicited  and  obtained  the  aid  of  the  civil 
power.  Whenever  the  witena-gemot,  the  council  of  the  sages. 
was  assembled,  they  were  careful  to  improve  the  favourable 
opportunity ;  to  call  the  public  attention  to  the  more  flagrant 
violations  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  ;  and  to  demand  that  future 
transgressors  might  be  amenable  to  the  secular  tribunals.  To 
the  success  of  these  applications  the  statutes  of  the  Saxon  coun- 
cils bear  ample  testimony."  So  early  as  the  reign  of  Ethelbert, 
the  laws  of  Kent  had  guarded  the  property  of  the  church  with 
the  heaviest  penalties  ;^^  and  the  zeal  of  his  grandson,  Earcon- 
bert,  prompted  him  to  enforce  with  similar  severity  the  observ- 
ance of  the  canonical  fast  of  Lent.^^  Persuaded  of  the  neces- 
sity of  baptism  by  the  instructions  of  his  teachers,  the  legislator 
of  Wessex  placed  the  new-born  infant  under  the  protection 
of  the  law,  and  by  the  fear  of  punishment  stimulated  the 
diligence  of  the  parents.  The  delay  of  a  month  subjected 
them  to  the  penalty  of  thirty  shillings :  and  if,  after  that  period, 
the  child  died  without  having  received  the  sacred  rite,  nothing 
less  than  the  forfeiture  of  their  property  could  expiate  the 
offence. '•*  To  relapse  into  the  errors  of  paganism^  provoked  a 
still  more  rigorous  punishment.  The  sincerity  of  the  convert 
was  watched  with  a  suspicious  eye  ;  and  the  man  that  presumed 
to  offer  sacrifice  to  the  gods,  whom  he  had  previously  abjured, 
besides  the  loss  of  his  estate,  was  condemned  to  the  disgrace  of 
the  pillory,  unless  he  was  redeemed  by  the  contributions  of  his 

'0  Among  the  constitutions  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  metropolitans,  is  presSf^ed  a  code  ot 
laws,  which  St.  Odo  appears  to  have  selected  from  the  canons  of  preceUinc;  synods. 
(Willi,  p.  212.)  It  has  been  particularly  noticed  by  Henry,  as  characteristic  of  the 
haughty  spirit  which  he  is  pleased  to  ascribe  to  that  prelate,  (Hen.  Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  264.) 
But  from  what  lexicographer  had  the  historian  learned  that  amrnonemus  regem  et 
principes,  means,  "I  command  the  king  and  the  princes?"  It  is  a  singular  fact  that 
Henry's  short  version  of  ten  lines  is  disgraced  by  four  blunders,  each  of  which  is  cai-« 
culated  to  enforce  the  charge  of  arrogance  against  the  archbishop. 

"  Wilk.  Con.  p.  56.  58.  60.  Leges  Sax.  passim.        '2  Wilk.  Con.  p.  29.  An.  603; 

'3  Bed.  I.  iii.  c.  8.  An.  640.  '^  Leges  Sax.  p.  .4.  An.  69l 

IS 


102  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

friends.'*  By  degrees,  these  penal  statutes  were  multiplied,  till 
there  scarcely  remained  a  precept  of  the  decalogue,  the  overt 
transgression  of  which  was  not  punishable  by  the  civil  law.  But 
of  nothing  were  the  Saxons  more  jealous  than  of  the  honour  of 
their  women.  Every  species  of  insult  which  could  be  offered  to 
female  chastity,  was  carefully  enumerated  ;  the  degrees  of  guilt 
were  discriminated  with  accuracy  ;  and  the  chastisement  was 
proportioned  to  the  nature  of  the  ofi'ence,  and  the  dignity  of  the 
injured  person.'^  The  fines  arising  from  these  ecclesiastical  crimes 
were  paid  into  the  treasury  of  the  bishop,  and  to  his  prudence  was 
intrusted  the  administration  of  the  money :  but  he  was  strictly 
commanded  to  devote  it  to  the  relief  of  the  poor,  the  repairs  of 
decayed  churches,  and  the  education  of  those  who  had  destined 
themselves  to  the  ministry  of  the  altar." 

III.  From  the  history  of  the  evangelists  we  learn  that,  among 
the  companions  of  Jesus,  Peter  was  particularly  distinguished  by 
his  heavenly  Master.'*  That  precedency  of  honour  and  jurisdic- 
tion, which  has  been  denied  to  him  by  the  skepticism  of  modern 
polemics,  was  readily  conceded  by  the  more  docile  piety  of  our 
ancestors :  whose  sentiments  are  plainly  and  forcibly  recorded  in 
the  works  of  their  most  celebrated  writers.  "  The  prince  of  the 
apostles,  the  shepherd  of  all  believing  nations,  the  head  of  the 
chosen  flock,  and  the  first  pastor  of  the  church,"  are  the  titles  by 
which  they  commonly  describe  him  :'^  and  to  him  they  are  care- 
ful to  attribute,  as  "  a  peculiar  privilege,  the  power  to  bind,  and 

'*  Ibid.  p.  11.  Healrranze  sometimes  means  the  pillory,  sometimes  a  legal  com- 
pensation instead  of  the  punishment. 

'°  Ibid.  p.  2,  3,  4.  6,  et  passim.  If  the  clergy  were  assisted  by  the  power  of  the  civil 
magistrate,  the  civil  magistrate  in  return  was  much  indebted  to  the  superior  knowledge 
of  the  clergy.  It  was  by  the  persuasion,  and  with  the  assistance  of  the  missionaries,  that 
the  first  code  of  Saxon  laws  was  published  by  Ethelbert,  "  juxfa  morem  Romanorum." 
Bed.  I.  ii.  c.  v.  From  the  time  of  their  conversion,  the  study  of  the  Roman  jurisprudence 
appears  to  have  been  a  favourite  pursuit  with  the  clergy.  St.  Aldhelm  visited  the  school 
at  Canterbury,  that  he  might  learn,  "  legum  Romanorum  jura,  etcunctajurisconsultorum 
secreta."  (Ep.  Aldhel.  apud  Gale,  p.  341  ;)  and  Bede  speaks  of  the  code  of  Justinian  as 
of  a  work  well  known  to  his  countrymen.  (Bed.  Chron.  p.  28,  anno  507.)  To  this 
.study  was  necessarily  added  that  of  the  ecclesiastical  canons  ;  and  the  knowledge  of 
each  must  have  given  the  clergy  a  great  superiority,  both  as  legislators  in  the  witena- 
gemot,  and  as  magistrates  in  the  different  courts,  at  which  it  was  their  duty  to  attend. 
Alfred  the  Great,  in  his  laws,  seems  to  ascribe  the  substitution  of  pecuniary  compensa- 
tion in  the  place  of  corporal  punishment,  to  the  advice  of  the  clergy,  who  taught  that 
mercy  rather  than  revenge  should  distinguish  the  penal  code  of  a  Christian  people,  (Leg. 
Sax.  p.  33.)  It  is,  however,  dilhcult  to  reconcile  this  assertion  with  the  testimony  of 
Tacitus,  who  observed,  several  centuries  before,  that  such  compensations  were  common 
among  the  nations  of  Germany.  Levioribus  delictis,  pro  modo,  poena  :  cquorum  peco- 
rumque  numero  convicti  multantur :  pars  multae  regi,  vel  civitati,  pars  ipsi  qui  vindica- 
tor, vel  propinquis  ejus  exsolvitur — Luitur  enim  etiam  homicidium  certo  armentorum 
ac  {KJcorum  numero,  recipitque  satisfactionem  uni versa  domus.  Tac.  German,  c.  12.  21. 

'■  Leges  Sax.  p.  124. 

'"Matt.  X.  2;  xvi.  IS,  19;  xvii.  26.  Mark  iii.  16.  Luc.  v.  10;  vi.  4  ;  xxii.  32. 
John  i.  42;  xxi.  15—19. 

'^  Primi  pastoris  ecclesire,  principis  apostolorum.  Bed.  1.  ii.  c.  4.  Hom.  in  vig.  St. 
And.  torn.  vii.  col.  409.    Eallum  jeleapuUum  leobum  lapeop  ^  hypbe. 


SUPREME    JUKISDICTION    OF    THE    ROMAN    PONTIFF.  103 

the  monarchy  to  loose  in  heaven  and  on  earth.''^"  Nor  did  they 
conceive  the  dignity  which  he  enjoyed,  to  have  expired  at  his 
death.  The  same  motives,  to  which  was  owing  its  original  es- 
tablishment, pleaded  for  its  continuance  ;  and  the  high  preroga- 
tives of  Peter  were  believed  to  descend  to  the  most  remote  of  his 
successors.  The  bishop  of  Rome  was  pronounced  to  be  "  the 
first  of  Christian  bishops ;  the  church  of  Rome,  the  head  of  all 
Christian  churches."^^ 

Impressed  with  these  notions,  the  Anglo-Saxons  looked  up  to 
the  pontiff  with  awe  and  reverence  ;  consulted  him  respecting  the 
administration  of  their  church  ;  and  bowed  in  respectful  silence  to 
his  decisions.  His  benediction  they  courted  as  the  choicest  of 
'  blessings  -^^  and  to  obtain  it,  was  one  of  the  principal  motives  which 
drew  so  many  pilgrims  to  the  threshold  of  the  Vatican.  No  less 
than  eight  Saxon  kings,"  besides  crowds  of  noblemen  and  pre- 
lates, are  recorded  to  have  paid  their  homage  in  person  to  the 
representative  of  St.  Peter:  and  those  who  were  deterred  by 
reasons  of  policy,  or  the  dangers  of  the  journey,  were  yet  careful 
to  solicit  by  their  ambassadors,  and  to  deserve  by  their  presents, 
the  papal  benediction.^  Highly  as  they  prized  his  friendship, 
so  they  feared  his  enmity.  The  dread  of  his  resentment  struck 
terror  into  the  breasts  of  the  most  impious :  and  the  threat  of  his 
malediction  was  the  last  and  strongest  rampart  which  weak- 
ness could  oppose  to  the  rapacity  of  power.  The  clergy  of  each 
church,  the  monks  of  each  convent,  sought  to  shelter  themselves 
under  his  protection :  and  the  most  potent  monarchs,  sensible 
that  their  authority  was  confined  within  the  narrow  limits  of 
their  own  lives,  solicited,  in  favour  of  their  religious  foundations, 
the  interference  of  a  power,  whose  influence  was  believed  to 
extend  to  the  most  distant  ages.  Of  the  bulls  issued  at  their 
request  by  different  popes,  several  have  descended  to  posterity,'* 

Horn,  apud  Whelock,  p.  395.  Quem  dotninus  Jesus  Christus  caput  electi  sibi  gregis 
statuit.  Ep.  Alcuini  Eanbaldo  Archiep.  apud  Canis.  Ant.  Lect.  torn.  ii.  p.  455.  Pastor 
gregis  dominici.     St.  Aid.  de  Vir.  p.  361. 

20  Ipse  potestatem  ligandi  et  monarchiam  solvendi  in  coelo  et  in  terra  felici  sorte  ct 
peculiar!  privilegio  accipere  promeruit.  Ep.  St.  Aldhelmi  Gerontio  Regi  inter  Bonif. 
ep.  44,  p.  6 1 .  These  quotations  would  not  have  loaded  the  page,  had  not  several  emi- 
nent writers  asserted,  that  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  ignorant  of  the  primacy  of  St.  Peter. 
See  note  (H)  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

2'  Cum  primum  in  toto  orbe  pontificatum  gereret.  Bed.  Hist.  1.  ii.  c.  1.  Totius 
ecclesiae  caput  eminet  eximium.  Bed.  Hom.  in  nat.  D.  Bened.  vol.  vii.  p.  464.  Caput 
ecclesiarum  Christi.    Alcuin.  apud  Canis.  tom.  ii.  p.  455. 

22  See  the  epistles  of  Alcuin  to  the  popes  Adrian  and  Leo.  Canis.  tom.  ii.  p.  418, 419. 

23  Cffiadwalla,  Ina,  Offa,  Kenred,  Offa,  Siric,  Ethelwulph,  and  Canute. 

2^  Hanc  benedictionem  omnes,  qui  ante  me  sceptro  prsefuere  Merciorum,  meruerunt 
ab  antecessoribus  tuis  adipisci.  Hanc  ipse  humilis  peto,  et  a  vobis,  o  beatissime,  impe- 
Irare  cupio.  Ep.  Kenulphi  Reg.  Leoni  pap.  apud  Wilk.  p.  164.  See  also  p.  40.  165. 
Chron.  Sax.  p.  86.  89,  90. 

25  They  may  be  read  in  the  collections  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  councils  by  Spelman  and 
Wilkins.  Several  of  them  have  not  escaped  the  suspicion  of  antiquaries.  But,  if  it 
could  even  be  proved  that  none  extant  are  genuine,  there  is  sufficient  evidence  that  it 
was  customary  to  obtain  suci;  charters,  from  the  very  commencement  of  the  Saxen 


104  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

and  are  conceived  in  terms  the  best  calculated  to  strike  with  reli- 
gious awe  the  minds  of  those  who  are  predisposed  to  receive  such 
impressions.  In  them  the  pontiti"  usually  asserts  tlie  authority 
which  he  exercises  as  successor  to  the  prince  of  the  apostles ; 
separates  from  the  communion  of  the  faithful  the  violators  of  his 
charters ;  and  threatens  their  contumacy  with  the  punishments 
that  befell  Dathan,  and  Abiron,  and  Judas,  the  betrayer  of  the 
Lord. 

But  the  confirmation  of  royal  grants  and  monastic  privi- 
leges was  the  least  important  part  in  the  exercise  of  the  papal 
prerogative.  By  his  authority  the  pontiff — 1st,  Established,  ex- 
tended, or  restricted  the  jurisdiction  of  the  archiepiscopal  sees ; 
2d,  Confirmed  the  election  of  the  metropolitans ;  3d,  Enforced  the 
observance  of  canonical  discipline  ;  4th,  And  revised  the  decisions 
of  the  national  councils. 

1.  In  relating  the  changes  which  affected  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  metropolitans,  it  will  be  necessary  to  recapitu- 
late what  has  been  already  noticed  in  a  preceding  chapter.  The 
first  ecclesiastical  division  of  the  Octarchy  was  made,  not  by  the 
missionaries,  but  by  Gregory  the  Great,  who,  in  the  plenitude  of 
liis  authority,  fixed  with  precision  the  number  of  the  metropoli- 
tans, and  of  their  suflragans.  When  subsequent  events  had 
prevented  the  execution  of  his  plan,  the  apostolic  see  was  again 
consulted,  and  by  Vitalian  all  the  Saxon  prelates  were  subjected 
to  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  ;  by  Agatho  their  number  was 
limited  to  eleven.^**  At  the  distance,  however,  of  sixty  years, 
Gregory  III.  restored  the  metropolitical  jurisdiction  to  the  church 
of  York ;  and  Adrian,  not  long  after,  at  the  solicitation  of  the 
king  of  Mercia,  raised  the  see  of  Lichfield  to  the  same  dignity. 
Though  the  superiority  of  the  new  primate  was  borne  with  re- 
luctance by  his  former  equals,  none  of  them  dared  to  refuse  him 
the  respect  due  to  his  rank  ;  but  submitted  in  silence  to  the  papal 
mandate,  till  Leo  III.,  at  the  urgent  request  of  Kenulf,  the  suc- 
cessor of  Offa,  rescinded  the  decree  of  his  predecessor.''^  These 
instances  may  suffice  to  show,  that  the  powers  of  the  Anglo- 
church.  (See  EdJius,  Vit.  Wilf.  c.  49,)  Bede,  ( Vit.  Abbat.  Wirem.  p.  295.  300,)  and 
the  council  of  Calcuilh,  (Wilk.  p.  147,  viii.) 

^«  Wilk.  p.  46. 

2'  Anno  803.  It  will  require  some  share  of  ingenuity,  in  those  who  affect  to  assert 
the  independence  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church,  to  elude  the  strong  language  in  which 
the  bishops  of  the  council  of  Cloveshoe  relate  the  conclusion  of  this  business.  "  Ipse 
apostolicus  Papa,  ut  audivit  et  intellexit  quod  injuste  fuisset  factum,  statim  sui  privi- 
legii  auctoritatis  prseceptum  posuit,  et  in  Britanniam  misit,  et  prsecepit,  ut  honor  St.  Au- 
gustini  sedis  integerrime  redintegraretur."  The  conduct  of  Pope  Adrian  they  ascribe 
to  misinformation.  "  Insuper  cartam  a  Romana  sede  missam  per  Hadrianum  papam 
de  pallio  et  archiepiscopali  sede  in  Licedfeldensi  monasterio,  cum  consensu  et  licentia 
domni  apostolici  Leonis  papa;  priescribimus  aliquid  valere,  quia  per  subreptionem  et 
male  blandam  suggestionem  adipiscebatur."  Wilk.  p.  167.  In  Spelman's  Councils 
these  passages  are  omitted  :  but  they  have  been  restored  by  Smith  (Bed.  app.  p.  787) 
and  Wilkins,  (Con.  p.  167.)  On  this  subject  may  also  be  consulted  the  letter  of  Kenulf, 
king  of  Mercia,  and  the  two  answers  of  Pope  Leo.    Id.  p.  164.    Ang.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  460. 


ELECTION    OP    ARCHBISHOPS    CONFIRMED.  105 

Saxon  metropolitans  were  regulated  by  the  superior  authority  of 
the  pontiff;  and  that  every  alteration  in  their  jurisdiction  was 
introduced  by  his  order,  or  confirmed  by  his  approbation. 

2.  Tlie  paUium  was  an  ecclesiastical  ornament,  the  use  of 
which  was  exclusively  reserved  to  the  metropolitans.  Its  origin 
is  involved  in  considerable  obscurity ;  but  at  the  period  in  which 
our  ancestors  were  converted,  no  archbishop  was  permitted  to 
perform  the  most  important  of  his  functions,  till  he  had  obtained 
it  from  the  hands  of  the  pontiff.  As  soon  as  Augustine  had  re- 
ceived the  episcopal  consecration,  he  was  careful  to  solicit  this 
ornament  from  his  patron  Gregory  the  Great ;  his  example  was 
religiously  imitated  by  all  succeeding  metropolitans,  both  at  Can- 
terbury and  York;  and  with  the  pallium  they  received  a  con- 
firmation of  the  archiepiscopal  dignity  r^^  whence,  in  the  language 
of  the  court  of  Rome,  they  were  usually  styled  the  envoys  of  the 
holy  see.*^  Before  the  primate  elect  could  obtain  this  badge  of 
his  dignity,  he  was  required  to  appear  at  Rome,  and  to  answer 
the  interrogations  of  the  pontiff:  but  Gregory  and  his  immediate 
successors  excused  the  Saxon  metropolitans  from  so  laborious  a 
journey,  and  generally  sent  the  pallium  by  the  messengers,  who 
carried  the  news  of  their  election.^"  Later  pontiffs  were,  how- 
ever, less  indulgent.  To  prevent  the  highest  ecclesiastical 
preferments  from  being  occupied  by  men  of  noble  birth,  but 
disedifying  morals,  it  was  resolved  to  recall  the  former  exemp- 
tions, and  to  subject  every  candidate  to  an  examination  in  pre- 
sence of  the  pope,  before  he  could  obtain  the  confirmation  of 
his  election.  To  this  regulation  the  Saxon  archbishops  reluct- 
antly submitted ;  and  a  second  grievance  was  the  consequence 
of  their  submission.  According  to  the  received  notions  of  the 
northern  nations,  they  blushed  to  approach  the  throne  of  their 
superior,  without  a  present  :^^  but  the  sums,  which  at  first  had 
been  received  as  gratuitous  donations,  were  gradually  exacted 
as  a  debt ;  and  the  increasing  demand  was  followed  by  loud  and 
repeated  complaints.  During  the  pontificate  of  Leo  III.,  the 
Saxon  prelates,  in  a  firm,  but  respectful  memorial,  urged  the 
indults  of  former  popes  to  their  predecessors ;  and  requested  that 
the  pallium  might  be  granted  to  their  primates,  without  the  fa- 

23  Idcirco  ammonemus  Brithwaldum  praesulem  sancte  Cantuariorum  ecclesiae,  quem 
auctoritate  principis  apostolorum  Archiepiscopum  ibidem  confirmavimus.  Ep.  Joan. 
Pap.  apud  Edd.  c.  52. 

29  Tills  title  is  given  to  Archbishop  Brithwald  by  his  own  messengers.  Sancti  Brith- 
waldi  Cantuariorum  ecclesiae  et  totias  Britanniaj  archiepiscopi,  ab  hac  apostolica  sede 
eminsi.  Edd.  c.  51.  Yet  Brithwald  was  a  Saxon,  and  owed  his  election  to  the  clergy 
of  Canterbury. 

30  Wilk.  Con.  p.  32.  35.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  61.  69.  72. 

31  During  the  middle  ages,  men  had  scarcely  any  notions  of  government,  which  were 
not  derived  from  the  feudal  jurisprudence.  Its  principles  not  only  formed  the  basis  of 
civil  polity,  but  were  also  gradually  introduced  into  the  ancient  system  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline.  To  this  source  it  were  easy  to  trace  most  of  the  new  customs  which  were 
adopted  during  that  period. 

14 


106  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHUUCH. 

tigue  of  a  journey,  or  the  expense  of  a  present.^^  -j'^e  petition 
was  unsuccessful ;  repeated  precedents  gave  a  sanction  to  the 
obnoxious  custom ;  and  the  bishops  at  last  desisted  from  a  fruit- 
less opposition.^^  After  the  lapse  of  two  centuries,  the  hopes  of 
their  successors  were  awakened  by  the  pilgrimage  of  Canute  the 
Great  to  the  tombs  of  the  apostles.  The  king  pleaded  with 
warmth  the  cause  of  his  prelates  ;  the  reluctance  of  the  Romans 
yielded  to  the  arguments  of  a  royal  advocate ;  and  the  pontiff 
contracted  his  claims  to  the  personal  attendance  of  future  me- 
tropolitans.^'* 

3.  To  preserve  the  purity  of  the  Christian  worship,  and  to  en- 
force the  observation  of  canonical  discipline,  were  always  consi- 
dered by  the  popes  as  the  most  important  of  their  duties.  With  tiiis 
view  they  frequently  demanded  from  the  Saxon  prelates  an  ex- 
position of  their  belief,  and  admonished  them  to  reform  the 
abuses  which  disfigured  the  beauty  of  their  church.  As  early 
as  the  year  six  hundred  and  eighty,  when  the  rapid  progress  of 
Monothelitism  alarmed  the  zeal  of  the  orthodox  pastors,  Agatho 
had  summoned  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  his  suffragans 
to  attend  a  council  at  Rome  :^^  but  the  length  of  the  journey, 
and  the  necessities  of  their  dioceses,  were  admitted  as  a  legiti- 
mate excuse ;  and  in  lieu  of  their  presence  in  the  synod,  the  pon- 
tiff consented  to  accept  a  public  profession  of  their  faith.  John, 
abbot  of  St.  Martin's,  was  selected  as  papal  legate  on  this  occa- 
sion :  and  shortly  after  his  arrival,  Theodore  and  his  suffragans 
assembled  at  Heth field,  and  declared  their  adhesion  to  the  decrees 
of  the  five  first  general  councils,  and  to  the  condemnation  of  Mo- 
nothelitism by  Martin  the  First.  The  legate  subscribed  with  the 
bishops,  and  received  a  copy  of  the  acts,  which  he  forwarded  to 
Rome.^*' 

From  the  faith,  the  inquiries  of  the  popes  were  soon  directed 
to  the  manners  of  the  Saxons.  While  Theodore  lived,  the  vigi- 
lance of  his  administration  supported  the  vigour  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline :  but  under  his  more  indulgent,  or  less  active  successors, 
it  was  insensibly  relaxed,  till  the  loud  report  of  Saxon  immoral- 
ity aroused  the  patriotism  of  St.  Boniface,  and  provoked  the  ani- 
madversions of  Zachary,  the  Roman  pontiff.     The  missionary, 

32  Wilk.  Con.  p.  166.     Ann.  801.  •"  Chron.  Sax.  p.  126.  129.  152. 

3-;  Wilk.  Con.  p.  298.     Ann.  1031. 

3'  Sperabamus  de  Britannia  Tlieodorum  confamulum  et  cocpiscopum  nostrum,  mag- 
niB  insula;  Britannia}  archiepiscopum  ct  philosophum,  cum  aliis  qui  ibidem  hactenus 
demorantur :  et  hac  de  causa  concilium  hue  usque  distulinius.  Ep.  Agath.  ad  Imp. 
apud  Bar.  ann.  G80.  Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  i.  f.  112.  Spelman  conjectures  this  council  to 
have  been  that  of  Constantinople,  but  his  mistake  is  corrected  by  the  accuracy  of 
Alford.     Tom.  ii.  p.  308. 

'■"'•  Intercrat  huic  synodo,  pariterque  Calholicff'  fidei  decreta  firmabat  vir  venerabilis 
Joannes  ....  Volens  Agatho  Papa,  sicut  in  aliis  provinciis,  ita  etiam  in  Britannia, 
qualis  esspt  slalu.^  ecclcsire  ediscere,  hoc  nogolium  rcvcrentissimo  Abbati  Joanni  in- 
junxit.  Quamobrcrn  coilecta  ob  hoc  synodo,  inventa  est  in  omnibus  fides  inviolala 
Catholica,  datumque  illi  exemplar  ejus  Romam  perferendum.    Bed.  I.  iv.  c.  18. 


ADRIAN  SENDS  LEGATES  INTO  ENGLAND.        107 

from  the  heart  of  Germany,  the  theatre  of  his  zeal,  wrote  in  terms 
of  the  most  earnest  expostulation  to  the  principal  of  the  Saxon 
kings  and  prelates :  the  pontiff  commanded  Archbishop  Cuthbert 
and  his  suflragans,  under  the  penalty  of  excommunication,  to 
oppose  the  severity  of  the  canons  to  the  corrupt  practices  of  the 
times.  His  injunctions  were  cheerfully  obeyed ;  the  fathers  of 
the  council  of  Cloveshoe  professed  their  readiness  to  second  the 
zeal  of  the  supreme  pastor ;  and  thirty  canons  of  discipline  were 
published  for  the  general  reformation  of  the  bishops,  clergy, 
monks,  and  laity." 

The  successors  of  Zachary  inlierited  the  vigilance  of  their  pre- 
decessor. Forty  years  had  not  elapsed,  when  Adrian  deemed  it 
expedient  to  send  the  bishops  of  Ostia  and  Tudertum  to  Britain, 
with  a  code  of  laws  for  the  use  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church.  The 
legates  were  received  with  respect  by  the  clergy  and  laity.  At  their 
request  two  synods  were  assembled,  one  in  Mercia,  the  other  in 
Northumbria ;  twenty  canons  were  published ;  and  a  solemn 
promise  was  received  from  each  bishop,  that  he  would  cause 
them  to  be  faithfully  observed  in  his  diocese.^*  But  during  the 
invasions  of  the  Northmen,  the  feeble  restraint  of  the  law  could 
not  arrest  the  rapid  decline  of  discipline,  and,  for  almost  a  cen- 
tury, the  voice  of  religion  was  drowned  in  the  louder  din  of  war. 
The  return  of  tranquillity  called  forth  the  zeal  of  Pope  Formosus. 
He  had  determined  to  sever  the  Saxon  bishops  from  the  commu- 
nion of  the  holy  see  :  but  his  anger  was  appeased  by  the  repre- 
sentations of  Archbishop  Plegmund  ;  and  he  contented  himself 
with  an  exhortatory  epistle,  in  which  he  complained,  that,  by  the 
negligence  of  the  prelates,  the  superstitions  of  paganism  had 
been  permitted  to  revive,  and  several  dioceses  been  left,  for  a  con- 
siderable period,  destitute  of  pastors.   After  the  lapse  of  fourteen 

2''  The  letter  of  Zachary  is  thus  described  in  the  prooemium  to  the  acts  of  the  coun- 
cil. Scripta  toto  orbe  venerandi  pontificis,  Domni  Apostolici  papaj  Zachariae,  in  duabus 
chartis  in  medium  prolata  sunt,  et  cum  magna  diligentia,  juxta  quod  ipse  apostolica  sua 
auctoritate  prfficepit,  et  manifeste  recitata,  et  in  nostra  quoque  lingua  apertius  interpre- 
tata  sunt.  Quibus  namque  scriplis  Britannise  hujus  insulae  nostri  generis  accolas  fami- 
liariter  prtemonebat,  et  veraciter  conveniebat,  et  postremo  amabiliter  exorabat,  et  hcec 
omnia  contemncntibus  et  in  sua  pertinaci  malitia  permanentibus  anathematis  sententiam 
proculdubio  proferendam  insinuabat.  Wilk.  Con.  p.  94.  Language  so  forcible  might 
have  appalled  a  less  sturdy  polemic :  but  the  sagacity  or  temerity  of  Dr.  Henry  has 
selected  this  very  council  to  prove  that  the  Saxon  church  rejected  the  papal  supremacy. 
The  curious  reader  may  turn  to  note  (I)  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

28  The  mission  of  these  legates,  as  well  as  of  the  abbot  John,  has  escaped  the  philo- 
sophic eye  of  Hume,  who  assures  us  that  Ermanfroi,  bishop  of  Sion,  three  centuries 
afterwards,  was  the  first  legate  who  ever  appeared  in  the  British  Isles.  (Hume,  Hist.  c. 
iv,  p.  182.)  Carte  indeed  observed  them,  but  at  the  same  time  discovered,  from  a  vague 
expression  in  the  Saxon  chronicle,  that,  instead  of  being  invested  with  any  authority, 
their  only  object  was  to  renew  the  ancient  correspondence  between  the  two  churches. 
(Carte,  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  270.)  This  idea  is  satisfactorily  refuted  by  their  despatches  to 
the  pontiff.  Scripsimus  capitulare  de  singulis  rebus,  et  per  ordinem  cuncta  disserentes 
auribus  illorum  pertulimus,  qui  cum  omni  humihtatis  subjectione,  clara  voluntate  tarn 
admonitionem  vestram  quam  parvitatem  nostram  amplexantes,  spoponderunt  se  in 
omnibus  obedire.     Wilk.  Con.  p.  146. 


108  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

years,  both  the  bishops  of  Wessex  died ;  and  Plegmund  seized 
the  favourable  opportunity  to  content  the  desires  of  the  pope. 
He  convened  his  sutiragans,  and  divided  the  kingdom  into  five 
smaller  districts.  His  conduct  was  approved  at  Rome  ;  and  he 
consecrated,  on  the  same  day,  no  less  than  seven  bishops,  five 
for  the  sees  lately  erected,  and  two  for  the  vacant  churches  of 
Selsev  and  Dorchester.^^ 

4.  In  every  rational  system  of  legislation,  the  errors,  which 
may  arise  from  the  ignorance  or  corruption  of  the  inferior  officers 
of  justice,  should  be  corrected  by  the  greater  wisdom,  and  supe- 
rior authority  of  the  higher  courts  of  judicature.  In  the  Christian 
chm-ch  the  Roman  pontitfs  were  considered  as  the  principal 
guardians  of  the  canons;  and  from  the  earliest  antiquity  they 
have  claimed  and  exercised  the  right  of  reviewing  the  causes  of 
those  bishops,  who  appealed  to  their  equity  from  the  partial  de- 
cisions of  provincial  or  national  synods.^"  The  first  of  the  Saxon 
prelates,  who  invoked  in  his  favour  the  protection  of  the  holy 
see,  was  Wilfrid,  the  celebrated  bishop  of  York.*^  The  history 
of  his  appeals  has  been  related  by  two  classes  of  writers,  as 
opposite  in  sentiment  as  distant  in  time  :  by  contemporary  histo- 
rians, who  lament  the  causes  which  rendered  them  necessary,  and 
hail  the  success  with  which  they  were  attended:  and  by  modern 
polemics,  who  condemn  them  as  the  unwarrantable  attempts  of 
an  ambitious  prelate  to  preserve  his  own  power,  by  sacrificing 
the  religious  liberties  of  his  countrymen.  The  clamorous 
warmth  of  the  latter  opposes  a  curious  contrast  to  the  silent 
apathy  of  the  former:  and  a  diligent  comparison  will  justify  the 
conclusion,  that  the  present  champions  of  the  independence  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  church  are  actuated  by  motives  which  never 
guided  the  pens  of  the  more  ancient  writers.  In  the  remainder 
of  this  chapter,  I  shall  attempt  to  clear  the  history  of  Wilfrid  from 
the  fictions,  with  which  modern  controversy  has  loaded  it  -^^  my 

'9  The  reader,  who  is  no  stranger  to  the  chronological  difficulties,  with  which  this 
event  has  tortured  the  ingenuity  of  antiquaries,  will  have  observed  that,  while  I  admit 
the  epistle  of  Formosus  to  he  genuine,  I  reject  as  fabulous  a  part  of  the  narrative  con- 
tained in  Malmsbury,  and  the  register  of  Canterbury.  (Wilk.  Con.  p.  199.  200.)  I 
ascribe  the  epistle  to  Formosus,  not  merely  on  their  authority,  but  principally  on  that  of 
Eadmer,  who,  during  the  dispute  respecting  the  precedency  of  Canterbury,  in  the  com- 
mencement of  the  twelfth  century,  appears  to  have  consulted  the  ancient  records  of  that 
church,  and  to  have  discovered  this  letter  and  some  others  among  a  greater  number,  which 
age  had  rendered  illegible.  Eadm.  nov.  1.  v.  p.  128,  129.  The  consecration  of  the  seven 
bishops  could  not  have  occurred  before  the  year  910,  when  Fridestan,  one  of  their 
number,  is  recorded  in  the  Saxon  chronicle  to  have  taken  possession  of  the  see  of 
"Winchester.  (Chron.  Sax.  p.  102.)  As  Asser,  bishop  of  Sherburne,  died  only  that 
year,  and  Denulf,  of  Winchester,  in  the  preceding,  (Ibid.  Wigorn.  ann.  909,)  it  follows 
that  the  story  of  the  kingdom  of  Wessex  having  been  without  a  bishop  during  seven 
years,  is  a  fiction,  which  was  probably  invented  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  complaint 
contained  in  the  letter  of  Formosus. 

'"'  Natalis  Alex.  Hist.  Eccl.  sa-c.  iv.  diss,  xxviii.  prop.  3.  ""  Anno  678. 

^^  Among  the  historians,  who  have  disputed  with  each  other  the  merit  of  defaming 
Jiis  prelate,  the  pre-eminence  is  justly  due  to  Carte,  whose  laborious  volumes  have 


HISTORY    OF    ST.   WILFRID,  109 

vouchers  will  be  Eddiiis,  the  mdividiial  companion  of  his  fortunes, 
and  Bede,  his  contemporary  and  acquaintance  :  and  the  import- 
ance of  the  subject  will,  I  trust,  form  a  satisfactory  apology  for 
the  length  of  the  narration. 

Egfrid,  king  of  Northumbria,  had  married  ^dilthryda,  a 
princess,  whose  invincible  attachment  to  the  cloister  has  been 
noticed  in  the  preceding  chapter.  Wearied  with  the  constant 
solicitations  of  his  wife,  he  referred  her  to  Wilfrid,  whom  he  had 
honoured  with  a  distinguished  place  in  his  friendship,  and  endea- 
voured by  the  most  seducing  promises  to  allure  to  his  interest. 
But  his  hopes  were  disappointed.  After  mature  deliberation,  the 
bishop  approved  the  choice  of  the  queen  ;  and  the  king's  displea- 
sure was  the  reward  of  his  approbation.  From  the  court  iEdil- 
thryda  retired  to  a  convent ;  and  Egfrid  called  to  his  throne 
another  princess,  named  Ermenbnrga.  The  levity  of  the  new 
queen  was  not  calculated  to  efface  the  memory  of  her  predeces- 
sor ;  her  haughtiness,  extortion,  and  prodigality,  excited  discon- 
tent ;  and  the  zeal  of  Wilfrid  induced  him  to  expostulate  with 
her  on  the  impropriety  of  her  conduct.  He  had  done  no  more 
than  his  duty  required:  but  the  pride  of  Ermenbnrga  was 
wounded ;  sVie  vowed  to  be  revenged ;  and  Egfrid,  whose  mind 
was  already  alienated,  consented  to  be  the  minister  of  her  resent- 
ment.*' 

The  see  of  Canterbury  was,  at  this  period,  filled  by  Theodore, 
a  prelate  whose  ardour  for  the  improvement  of  the  Saxon  church, 
sometimes  hurried  him  beyond  the  limits  which  the  canons  had 
prescribed  to  the  exercise  of  the  metropolitan  authority.  At  the 
invitation  of  Egfrid,  he  visited  the  court  of  Northumbria.  What 
secret  proposals  he  might  receive  from  the  king,  we  can  only  con- 
jecture :"*•*  but  he  had  always  avowed  a  desire  to  multiply  the  num- 
ber of  the  Saxon  bishoprics,  and  the  present  was  a  moment  the 

furnished  a  plentiful  source  of  misrepresentation  to  the  prejudice  or  negligence  of  suc- 
ceeding writers.  With  the  aid  of  a  few  scattered  hints,  in  the  works  of  three  obscure 
authors,  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  (Gervase,  Stubbs,  And  Richard  of 
Hexham,)  and  of  many  gratuitous  suppositions  created  by  his  own  fancy,  he  has  suc- 
ceeded in  forming  a  narrative  most  unfavourable  to  the  character  of  Wilfrids  He  had 
other,  and  more  authentic  documents  before  him,  in  the  writings  of  Bede  and  Eddius. 
But  of  these  he  asserts,  that  the  first  has  shown  his  disapprobation  of  Wilfrid  by  his 
silence :  and  that  to  Eddius  no  credit  can  be  given,  because  he  was  chaplain  to  the 
injured  prelate.  It  may,  however,  be  observed,  that  Bede  has  made  more  frequent 
mention  of  Wilfrid,  than,  perhaps,  of  any  other  person,  (Bed.  1.  iii.  C;  13;  2.5.  28  ;  1.  iv. 
c.  2,  3.  5.  12.  13.  15,  16.  19.  23.  29;  1.  v.  c.  11.  19;)  and  that  Eddius  wrote  at  a  time 
when  thousands  were  alive  to  convict  him  of  falsehood,  had  he  been  guilty  of  it.  If 
Bede  was  silent,  and  Eddius  concealed  the  truth,  where  did  Carte  discover  it  ] 

''^  For  the  origin  of  the  dissension  between  Egfrid  and  Wilfrid,  tiompare  Bede, 
(Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  19,)  Eddius,  (Vit.  Wilf.  c.  24,)  Eadmer,  (Vit.  Wilf.  apud  Mabil.  c. 
34,)  and  the  monk  of  Ely,  (Ang.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  598.) 

'•''  Eddius  insinuates,  (Vit.  c.  24,)  and  Malmsbury  asserts,  (De  Pont.  1.  iii;  f.  149,) 
that  Theodore  was  bribed  by  the  presents  of  Egfrid.  But  it  is  not  probable  thslt  thfl 
charge  could  be  proved,  as  Wilfrid  thought  proper  to  abandon  it  in  his  petition  to  ihd 
pontifT.     Edd.  Vit.  c.  29. 

K 


no  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

most  propitious  to  Iiis  design.  By  his  own  authority,  without  the 
concurrence,  without  even  the  knowledge  of  Wilfrid,  he  divided 
the  extensive  diocese  of  York  into  three  portions,  and  immediately 
conferred  them  on  three  bishops,  whom  he  consecrated  for  the 
occasion."**  The  ejected  prelate  received  the  news  with  astonish- 
ment. He  hastened  to  the  court,  exposed  the  injustice  of  the 
partition,  and  reclaimed  in  his  favour  the  aid  of  the  canons.  But 
his  remonstrances  were  heard  with  contempt ;  the  flattery  of  the 
courtiers  applauded  his  disgrace  ;  and,  as  a  last  resource,  he  ap- 
pealed, by  the  advice  of  some  of  the  bishops,  to  the  justice  and 
authority  of  the  apostolic  see."**^ 

Had  Theodore  been  educated  in  the  same  school  with  our 
modern  writers,  lie  would  have  laughed  at  the  simplicity  of  Wil- 
frid, and  the  impotence  of  his  appeal.  But  he  was  acquainted 
with  the  decisions  of  the  canons ;  and  his  anxiety  to  preoccupy 
the  ear  of  the  pontifl',  was  more  expeditious  than  the  diligence 
of  the  deposed  bishop,  who,  by  the  inclemency  of  the  season,  was 
detained  in  Friesland,  and  spent  the  winter  in  preaching  to  the 
pagans  the  truths  of  the  gospel.  With  the  return  of  spring  he 
resumed  his  journey ;  and,  at  his  arrival  in  Rome,  was  informed 
that  his  pretensions  had  been  already  notified  and  opposed  by 
the  monk  Coenwald,  the  envoy  and  advocate  of  the  archbishop. 
Agatho  summoned  a  council  to  his  assistance  ;  and  the  bishops 
of  the  suburbicane  churches,  with  the  priests  and  deacons  of 
Rome,  to  the  number  of  fifty,  assembled  to  judge  the  cause  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  prelates.  Before  this  court  Wilfrid  appeared  with 
the  dignity  of  conscious  innocence.  He  called  on  the  members 
to  do  justice  to  an  injured  and  persecuted  bishop,  who,  from  the 
extremities  of  the  earth,  had  been  compelled  to  invoke  the  equity 
of  the  successor  of  St.  Peter.  Could  his  adversaries  impeach  his 
moral  conduct  ?  Could  they  point  out  in  his  administration  a 
single  instance,  in  which  he  had  violated  the  holy  canons  ?  Yet 
had  he  been  expelled  from  his  diocese,  and  had  seen  it  parcelled 
out,  and  bestowed  on  three  intruded  prelates.  Of  the  motives 
which  had  induced  the  metropolitan  to  treat  him  with  such 

■•5  It  has  been  said  that  Lindisfarne,  the  ancient  residence  of  the  Scottish  bishops, 
was  left  open  for  the  acceptance  of  Wilfrid;  (Wharton,  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  69.3.  Carte, 
Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  248  :)  but  this  opinion  is  positively  contradicted  by  Eddius,  (Vit.  c.  24,) 
and  by  Bede,  (Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  12.) 

^^  Cum  consilio  coepiscoporum  suorum.  Ed.  Vit.  c.  24.  In  Carte's  romance,  the 
whole  blame  of  this  transaction  is  laid  on  the  ambition  of  Wilfrid,  who  is  accused  of 
opposing  the  execution  of  the  ninth  canon  of  the  council  of  Herutford,  concerning  the 
division  of  the  larger  dioceses.  But  as  it  might  be  objected,  on  the  authority  of  Bede, 
that  this  canon  was  not  ajjproved  ;  he  eludes  the  difficulty,  by  affirming  with  Wharton, 
that  the  passage  in  the  ecclesiastical  historian  is  a  forgery,  probably  of  the  monks,  who 
hoped,  by  this  expedient,  to  purify  the  character  of  Wilfrid.  (Carte,  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  246, 
note.)  If  on  a  mere  conjecture  we  are  bound  to  credit  so  malicious  an  accusation,  at 
least  we  may  be  allowed  to  admire  the  ingenuity  of  the  man,  who  could  so  artfully 
interpolate  every  manuscript,  that  the  spurious  passage  cannot  be  distinguished  from 
the  text  in  any,  not  even  in  that  which  was  written  before,  or  immediately  after  the 
death  of  Bede  himself.     See  Smith's  Bede,  pra^f.  and  p.  149. 


VVILr"RID    PERSECUTED.  Ill 

harshness,  it  was  not  for  him  to  judge.  Theodore  was  the  envoy 
of  the  holy  see  :  he  respected  his  character;  and  did  not  presume 
to  condemn  his  conduct.  As  for  himself,  his  great  anxiety  had 
been  to  secure  the  peace  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  :  he  had  not 
raised^  a  clamorous  opposition,  but  had  withdrawn  in  silence 
from  the  violence  of  his  enemies,  and  thrown  himself  with  con- 
fidence on  the  justice  of  the  holy  see.  The  judgment  of  that  see 
he  now  implored :  and  in  its  decision,  favourable  or  unfavour- 
able, he  should  willingly  and  respectfully  acquiesce.''^ 

With  the  answer  and  recriminations  of  Coenwald  we  are  not 
acquainted.  The  cause  was  patiently  and  impartially  discussed: 
and  the  judgment  of  the  synod  condemned  the  irregularity  of  his 
expulsion,  though  it  seemed  to  approve  the  policy  of  the  parti- 
tion. It  was  ordered  that  Wilfrid  should  be  restored  to  the 
diocese  of  which  he  had  been  unjustly  deprived :  but  that  he 
should,  in  conjunction  with  the  other  bishops,  select  from  his 
own  clergy  a  certain  number  of  prelates,  to  assist  him  in  the 
government  of  so  extensive  a  diocese.  To  this  decision  was 
annexed  the  sentence  of  suspension  against  the  clergyman,  of 
excommunication  against  the  laic,  that  should  presume  to  oppose 
its  execution.'*^  A  copy  was  delivered  to  Wilfrid,  who  remained 
some  months  in  Rome,  assisted  with  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  bishops  at  a  second  council,  subscribed  to  the  decrees,  and 
bore  testimony  to  the  catholic  belief  of  the  Britons,  Saxons, 
Picts,  and  Scots,  who  inhabited  the  northern  provinces  of  the 
two  British  islands.''^ 

But  the  enmity  of  Egfrid  and  Ermenburga  was  too  violent  to 
listen  to  the  dictates  of  justice,  or  to  be  subdued  by  the  terrors 
of  a  papal  mandate.  In  his  journey  to  Rome,  Wilfrid  had  with 
difficulty  escaped  the  many  snares  which,  by  their  direction,  had 
been  laid  for  his  life  :  at  his  return,  he  was  apprehended  by  their 
order,  and  committed  to  prison.  During  a  confinement  of  nine 
months,  the  influence  of  threats  and  promises  was  alternately 
employed  to  extort  a  confession,  that  the  decision  of  the  pontiff 
had  been  forged  by  his  friends,  or  purchased  by  presents.^*'  But 
his  constancy  defeated  every  artifice ;  and  his  liberation  was  at 
last  granted  to  the  earnest  prayer  of  the  abbess  Ebba,  provided 
he  would  promise  never  more  to  set  his  foot  within  the  territories 
of  Egfrid.  With  a  sigh  Wilfrid  subscribed  the  harsh  condition  ; 
and,  retiring  from  Northumbria,  solicited  the  protection  of  Brith- 
wald,  nephew  to  the  king  of  Mercia.  That  generous  nobleman 
granted  him  a  small  estate,  on  which  he  built  a  monastery  for 

-"■  Ed.  c.  29. 

■IS  Ibid.  c.  31.  The  success  of  Wilfrid  is  attributed  by  Inett  (History  p.  101)  to  the 
absence  of  his  accusers.  Yet  it  appears  from  undeniable  authority,  that  not  only 
Coenwald,  but  several  others  were  present.  Proesentibus  ejus  contrariis,  qui  a  Theodoro 
et  Hilda  abbatissa  ad  eumaccusandum  hue  prius  convenerant.  Epist.  Joan.  pap.  apud 
Eddium,  c.  52. 

43  Ed.  c.  51.     Bed.  1.  V.  c.  19.  m  Edd.  c.  33.  35. 


112  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

himself  and  the  faithful  companions  of  his  exile.  But  the  emis- 
saries of  Egfrid  discovered  his  retreat;  and  Wilfrid,  rather  than 
endanger  the  safety  of  his  friend,  fled  into  the  kingdom  of  Wes- 
sex.  At  this  distance  he  might  have  hoped  to  elude  the  notice 
of  his  enemies :  but  Irmenigild,  the  queen  of  Wessex,  and  the 
sister  of  Ermenburga,  had  imbibed  the  sentiments  of  the  North- 
umbrian prhicess ;  and  the  fugitive  bishop,  after  having  sought 
in  vain  an  asylum  among  his  Christian  countrymen,  was  com- 
pelled to  intrust  his  safety  to  the  honour  and  compassion  of  a 
pagan  people.  Edilwalch,  king  of  Sussex,  received  him  with 
welcome ;  pitied  his  misfortunes ;  and  swore  to  protect  him 
against  the  open  violence,  or  the  secret  intrigues  of  the  court  of 
Northumbria.^^  Wilfrid  soon  repaid  the  hospitality  of  his  royal 
patron.  By  his  preaching  he  converted  numbers  of  the  idolaters 
to  the  faith  of  Christ ;  by  his  superior  knowledge  he  instructed 
them  in  the  arts  of  civilized  life.  A  continued  drought  for  three 
years  had  exhausted  the  sources  of  vegetation  ;  and  the  horrors 
of  famine  frequently  urged  the  barbarians  to  put  an  end  to  their 
miserable  existence.  From  the  venerable  Bede  we  learn,  that  in 
bodies  of  forty  or  fifty  persons,  they  frequently  proceeded  to  the 
nearest  cliff,  and  there,  linked  in  each  others'  arms,  precipitated 
themselves  into  the  waves. 

Their  distress  excited  the  compassion  of  their  guest,  who, 
observing  that  the  sea  and  the  rivers  abounded  with  fish,  taught 
them  the  art  of  making  nets,  and  of  drawing  from  the  waters  a 
plentiful  supply  of  food.^^  For  these  services  Edilwalch  bestowed 
on  him  the  isle  of  Selsey :  where  he  was  often  visited  by  Cedwalla, 
an  exile  of  the  royal  race  of  Cerdic.  The  similarity  of  their 
fortunes  endeared  him  to  the  prince :  who,  when  he  had  ascended 
the  throne  of  his  fathers,  invited  Wilfrid  to  his  court,  granted 
him  a  fourth  part  of  the  isle  of  Wight,  and  raised  him  to  a  dis- 
tinguished place  in  his  councils.^^  But  the  banishment  of  Wilfrid 
was  now  hastening  to  its  conclusion.  Theodore,  as  he  had  been 
the  first  to  inflict,  was  also  the  first  to  repair  the  injury.  Before 
his  death  he  condemned  the  injustice  of  his  former  conduct, 
solicited  a  reconciliation,  and  wrote  in  favour  of  the  exiled  bishop 
to  the  kings  of  Mercia  and  Northumbria.  Of  these  letters,  one 
is  stUl  extant.  In  it  the  primate  urges  the  obedience  due  to  the 
pontiff";  bears  testimony  to  the  merit  of  Wilfrid,  his  innocence, 
his  patience,  and  his  zeal;  and  entreats  the  king  to  grant 
this  last  request  to  his  friend  and  father,  ready  to  sink  into  the 
grave.** 

Theodore  did  not  live  to  witness  the  effect  of  his  exhortations, 
and  his  death  was  speedily  followed  by  that  of  Egfrid.     The 

s'  Edd.  c.  39,  40. 
"  Ibid.  c.  40.     Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  13. 
"Edd.  c.  41.     Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  16. 
^4  Edd.  c.  42. 


WILFRID    RESTORED.  113 

Northumbrian  prince  fell  in  battle,  and  with  him  expired  the  in- 
fluence of  Ermenburga.  Aldfrid,  the  new  king,"  cheerfully  con- 
sented to  receive  the  exile  under  his  protection,  gave  him  im- 
mediate possession  of  the  church  of  Hexham,  and  shortly  after 
restored  to  liim  the  sees  of  Lindisfarne  and  York.*"  During  five 
years  he  again  possessed  the  administration  of  his  extensive 
diocese:  but  they  were  years  of  anxiety  and  distress.  His  op- 
ponents still  formed  a  powerful  party;  and  though  they  yielded 
for  the  present,  they  eagerly  watched  a  more  favourable  moment. 
Their  secret  wishes  were  soon  gratified  by  the  attachment  of 
Wilfrid  to  his  monastery  of  Rippon.  During  his  exile,  many  of 
its  manors  had  been  seized  by  his  enemies;  and  when  he  re- 
claimed them,  the  palace  resounded  with  complaints  against  his 
restless  temper  and  insatiable  ambition.  Aldfrid  lent  a  willing 
ear  to  these  suggestions;  and  a  plan  was  readily  formed  to  pre- 
cipitate the  fall  of  the  bishop.  Wilfrid  unexpectedly  received 
a  royal  summons  to  surrender  the  monastery  into  the  hands  of 
his  sovereign,  that  it  might  be  converted  into  an  episcopal  see, 
and  bestowed  on  another  prelate.  His  enemies  had,  probably, 
reckoned  on  his  disobedience.  He  had  always  discovered  a 
marked  predilection  for  this  abbey.  It  had  been  given  to  him 
by  Alchfrid,  the  friend  and  patron  of  his  youth:  its  revenues 
had  been  increased  by  his  industry;  the  magnificence  of  the 
buildings  was  the  fruit  of  his  liberality  and  genius;  and  the 
monks,  the  first  in  the  north  who  had  professed  the  rule  of  St. 
Benedict,  revered  him  as  their  father  and  benefactor.  Urged  by 
these  motives,  he  ventured  to  refuse ;  and  Aldfrid  punished  his 
refusal  by  reviving  the  obsolete  regulations  of  Theodore,  which 
had  first  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  the  Northumbrian  church. 
Wilfrid  saw  with  terror  the  ascendancy  of  his  enemies;  and,  re- 
tiring from  the  unequal  contest,  sought  an  asylum  in  the  kingdom 
of  Mercia.  His  flight  stimulated  the  exertions  of  his  enemies. 
Brithwald,  the  successor  of  Theodore,  was  induced  to  join  the 

*'  By  most  writers  Aldfrid  is  considered  as  the  same  person  with  Alchfrid,  the  former 
friend  of  Wilfrid.  But  this  opinion  cannot,  I  think,  be  reconciled  with  the  testimony 
of  Bede.  That  historian  uniformly  names  the  one  Alchfrid,  and  the  other  Aldfrid.  Of 
the  former  he  asserts  that  he  was  the  son  of  Oswiu,  and  brother  of  Egfrid ;  of  the  latter 
that  he  was  illegitimate,  but  thought  to  be  the  son  of  Oswiu.  (Bed.  I.  iv.  c.  23.  Vit. 
St.  Cuth.  c.  26.)  Alchfrid  died  before  Egfrid,  as  the  latter  left  neither  children  nor 
brother  behind  him.  (Ibid.)  Aldfrid  was  at  that  time  studying  among  the  Scottish 
monks.  (Ibid.)  Neither  can  it  be  said  that  Alchfrid  had  been  expelled  from  his  ter- 
ritories by  his  brother,  and  compelled  to  conceal  himself  till  his  death.  For  Bede 
asserts  that  the  exile  of  Aldfrid  was  voluntary,  and  occasioned  by  his  love  of  knowledge. 
Ob  amorem  sapientiae  spontaneum  passus  exilium.  (Vit.  St.  Cuth.  c.  24.  See  also 
Bede,  1.  iii.  c.  24;  iv.  26;  v.  19.) 

ss  See  Eddius,  (c.  44,)  whose  account  is  corroborated  by  the  testimony  of  Bede. 
(Sedem  suam  et  episcopatuni,  ipso  rege  invitante,  recepit.  Hist.  1.  v.  c.  19.)  Cuthbert 
of  Lindisfarne  resigned.  (Bed.  Vit.  Cuthb.  c.  36.)  If  Bosa  of  York,  and  John  of 
Hexham,  did  not  follow  his  example,  they  were  deposed.  (Smith's  Bede,  app.  xix.) 
Richard  of  Hexham,  Stubb,  and  some  later  writers,  have  supposed  that  York  was  never 
restored  to  Wilfrid.    See  Smith,  ibid. 

15  K  2 


114  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

victorious  party,  and  to  summon  a  council  in  Northumbria.  But 
experience  iiad  taught  tliem  to  fear  a  second  appeal  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  pontitf;  and  to  wrest  this  powerful  weapon  from  the 
liands  of  Wilfrid,  became  the  great  object  of  their  politics.  He 
was  invited  to  the  synod.  "  Justice,"  said  the  messenger,  "  shall 
be  done  to  all  your  claims,  provided  you  promise  to  abide  by  the 
decision  of  your  metropolitan."  "  It  is  my  duty  and  my  wish," 
replied  the  wary  prelate, "  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  my  metro- 
politan, if  that  decision  be  not  contrary  to  the  holy  canon,  and 
the  previous  declarations  of  the  apostolic  see."  The  assembly 
presented  a  scene  of  noise  and  confusion.  The  voice  of  Wilfrid 
was  drowned  in  the  clamours  of  his  adversaries  ;  his  contumacy 
was  pronounced  worthy  of  the  severest  punishment ;  and  as  a 
last  and  unmerited  favour,  he  was  oflercd  the  monastery  of  Rip- 
pon,  provided  he  would  engage  to  confine  himself  within  its  pre- 
cincts, and  to  resign,  from  that  day,  the  exercise  of  the  episcopal 
authority.  This  harsh  resolve  roused  the  spirit  of  the  injured 
prelate.  "What!"  he  indignantly  exclaimed,  "shall  I,  who 
have  spent  my  whole  life  in  the  service  of  religion ;  I,  to  whom 
my  country  is  indebted  for  the  knowledge  and  practice  of  the 
canonical  observances,  tamely  subscribe  my  own  degradation, 
and,  though  unconscious  of  guilt,  confess  myself  a  criminal  ?  No, 
if  justice  be  denied  me  here,  I  appeal  to  a  higher  tribunal;  and 
let  the  man  who  presumes  to  depose  me  from  the  episcopal 
dignity,  accompany  me  to  Rome,  and  prove  his  charge  before 
the  sovereign  pontiff."  This  bold  reply  exasperated  Aldfrid, 
who  threatened  to  commit  him  to  the  custody  of  his  guard :  but 
the  bishops  interposed,  observing,  that  to  violate  the  safe  conduct 
which  had  been  granted,  would  fix  an  indelible  stigma  on  their 
proceedings."  The  scene  of  the  controversy  was  now  transfer- 
red from  Northumbria  to  the  court  of  John,  the  Roman  pontiff. 
Wilfrid  appeared  in  person ;  the  cause  of  his  opponents  was  in- 
trusted to  a  deputation  of  monks,  selected  by  the  care  of  the 
metropolitan.  If  we  may  judge  from  the  number  and  duration 
of  the  pleadings,  both  the  accusation  and  defence  were  conducted 
with  spirit  and  perseverance.  Seventy  times  the  contending 
parties  repeated  or  enforced  their  respective  arguments,  in  the 
presence  of  the  pontiff;  and  four  months  elapsed  before  their 
eagerness  would  permit  him  to  pronounce  his  sentence.^*     That 

"  Edd.  c.  44,  45. 

*8  Ingenious  writers  sometimes  amuse  themselves  with  filling  up  the  chasms  of 
history,  and  incautiously  deceive  the  credulity  of  their  readers  with  the  fictions  of  their 
own  imagination.  Of  the  charges  exhibited  against  Wilfrid,  Eddius  has  preserved  no 
more  than  one;  that  he  had  refused  to  submit  to  the  judgment  of  his  metropolitan. 
(Edd.  c.  51.)  But  Henry  has  supplied  the  deficiency,  on  the  authority,  as  he  pretends, 
of  Eddius  himself  From  him  we  learn,  that  the  bishop  was  also  accused  of  "  refusing 
to  subscribe  to  the  synods  of  Hertford  and  Hatfield,  and  of  appealing  to  a  foreign  judge, 
which,  by  the  laws  of  England,  was  a  capital  crime."  He  had  also  thought  proper  to 
compose  an  answer  for  Wilfrid  to  the  first  of  these  charges;  "  that  he  was  willing  to 
subscribe  to  these  synods  as  far  as  they  were  agreeable  to  the  canons  of  the  church 


FINAL    RESTORATION    OP    WILFRID.  115 

sentence  was  most  honourable  to  the  innocence  of  Wilfrid.  But 
the  infirmities  of  age  (he  had  now  reached  his  seventieth  year) 
admonished  him  to  terminate  the  tedious  contest :  two  journeys  to 
Rome,  and  twenty  years  of  exile,  had  taught  him  to  value  and  de- 
sire the  enjoyment  of  tranquillity;  and  he  proposed  a  compromise, 
which,  while  it  resigned  to  his  competitors  the  larger  portion  of  his 
diocese,  secured  to  himself  the  possession  of  his  two  favourite 
monasteries  of  Rippon  and  Hexham.  The  moderation  of  these 
terms  obtained  the  approbation  of  the  pope,  who  recommended 
them  to  the  notice  and  endeavours  of  the  primate.  Brithwald 
received  the  papal  mandate  with  respect,  and  professed  a  ready 
obedience  to  its  contents:  but  Aldfrid  was  inflexible.  "My 
brothers,"  he  replied  to  Wilfrid's  messengers,  whose  friendship 
he  had  formerly  prized,  and  whose  character  he  still  respected, 
"  ask  for  yourselves,  and  you  shall  not  be  refused.  But  ask  not 
for  Wilfrid.  His  cause  has  been  judged  by  myself,  and  the 
archbishop,  the  envoy  of  the  apostolic  see  :  nor  will  I  change  that 
judgment  for  the  writings,  as  you  call  them,  of  that  see."  But 
the  death  of  the  king  soon  revived  the  hopes  of  the  bishop,  and 
deprived  his  rivals  of  their  most  powerful  protector.  Osred, 
an  infant,  was  placed  on  the  vacant  throne :  and  the  reins  of 
government  were  intrusted  to  the  hands  of  the  ealdorman  Be- 
rectfrid.  Encouraged  by  the  change,  the  primate  invited  the 
Northumbrian  chieftains  to  meet  him  at  Nid.  The  synod  was 
opened  by  the  lecture  of  the  papal  mandate,  which,  for  the 
satisfaction  of  the  secular  thanes,  was  translated  into  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  tongue  :  the  abbess  jElfleda,  the  depository  of  the  secrets 
of  her  brother,  declared,  that  the  restoration  of  Wilfrid  had  been 
the  last  request  of  the  dying  monarch  :  and  the  thanes,  by  the 
mouth  of  Berectfrid,  testified  their  hearty  concurrence.  John 
and  Bosa,  the  opponents  of  the  bishop,  were  confounded  by  this 
unexpected  declaration.  After  a  feeble  resistance,  they  pru- 
dently yielded  to  the  torrent,  and  the  ratification  of  the  compro- 
mise restored  tranquillity  to  the  church  of  Northumbria.^s 

of  Rome,  and  the  will  of  the  pope :"  but  to  the  second  he  appears  to  have  been  unable 
or  unwilling  to  form  any  reply.  (Henry,  vol.  iii.  p.  219.)  Such  fables  can  claim  no 
other  merit  than  that  of  injuring  the  character  of  Wilfrid,  and  of  supporting  the  fa- 
vourite hypothesis  of  the  independence  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church.  To  truth  or 
probability  they  have  small  pretensions.  That  Wilfrid  should  refuse  to  subscribe  to 
the  synod  of  Hertford,  to  which  he  had  already  subscribed  by  his  legates,  (Bed.  Hist. 
1.  iv.  c.  5,)  or  to  that  of  Hatfield,  which  only  published  a  profession  of  faith,  (Id.  1.  iv. 
c.  17,)  will  not  be  readily  believed  ;  but  that  Aldfrid  and  his  bishops  should  send  depu- 
ties to  Rome,  to  accuse  a  prelate  of  the  capital  crime  of  appealing  to  Rome,  is  an  idea 
which  outrages  probability. 

Ficta sint  proxima  veris, 

Nee  quodcuraque  volet,  poscat  sibi  fabula  credi. 
*3  Ed.  c.  52 — 58.  See  also  note  (K.)  About  the  same  time,  Egwin,  bishop  of  Wor- 
cester, appealed  to  Rome  with  equal  success.  Wilk.  Con.  p.  72.  From  this  period,  the 
use  of  appeals  was  established  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  :  and  among  the  laws  col- 
lected by  the  industry  of  Archbishop  Egbert,  for  the  clergy  of  York,  is  preserved  a  canon, 
in  which  their  legality  is  formally  recognised.     Ibid.  p.  104,  xlix. 


116  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CnURCH. 

Such  was  the  conchision  of  this  long  and  tedious  controversy. 
The  cause  of  Wilfrid  was  the  cause  of  justice  :  and  the  triumph 
which  his  perseverance  obtained,  added  to  the  reputation,  and 
proved  the  utility,  of  the  supreme  jurisdiction  of  the  pontiff.*^ 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Religious  Practices  of  the  Anglo-Saxons — Their  Sacraments — The  Liturgy — Commu- 
nion— Confession — Penitential  Canons — Mitigation  of  Penance — Absolution. 

The  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  northern,  forms  a  remarkable 
contrast  with  that  of  the  oriental  Christians.  In  the  east,  the 
zeal  of  the  orthodox  pastors  was,  during  several  centuries,  em- 
ployed in  opposing  the  attempts  of  numerous  and  often  successful 
innovators :  in  the  north,  the  voice  of  religious  discord  was  but 
seldom  heard,  and  as  speedily  silenced.^  Of  this  ditlerence  the 
cause  may  be  traced  to  the  opposition  of  their  national  characters. 
The  eastern  Christians  were  a  polished  people,  whose  natural 
penetration  had  been  sharpened  by  the  disputes  of  philoso- 
phers, and  the  logic  of  Aristotle.  Not  content  to  believe  the 
truths,  they  attempted  to  explore  the  mysteries  of  the  gospel ; 
they  summoned  to  their  aid  the  faint  light  of  reason,  and  the 

^o  At  the  conclusion  of  this  chapter,  it  may  perhaps  be  asked,  why  I  have  omitted  to 
notice  the  spiritual  jurisdiction,  which  modern  writers  have  sometimes  bestowed  on  the 
Anglo-Saxon  kings.  My  answer  must  be,  that  I  did  not  choose  to  assert  that  of  which 
no  solid  proof  can  be  adduced.  Whatever  could  be  said  in  its  favour,  has  been  said 
long  since  by  Sir  Edward  Coke,  (fifth  part  of  reports :)  but  neither  the  authority  nor  the 
arguments  of  that  great  lawyer  have  subdued  my  incredulity.  The  whole  tenor  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  history  shows,  that  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  was  considered  as  the  exclu- 
sive privilege  of  the  bishops,  and  that  their  kings  were  proud  to  uphold  and  enforce  it 
with  their  temporal  authority.  "  It  is  the  right  of  the  king,"  says  Wihtred,  king  of 
Kent,  (anno  692,)  "  to  appoint  earls,  ealdorraen,  shire-reeves,  and  doomsmen ;  but  it 
is  the  right  of  the  archbishop  to  rule  and  provide  for  the  church  of  God."  Eynjap 
f ceolan  f  eccan  eoplap.  -^  ealbpaj'-men.  pcipi-peuan.  -]  bomej'- 
inenn.  -]  ajicebiycop  j'ceal  DoSep  jelaj'unge  pippian  •^  pscban. 
Wilk.  Con.  p.  57.  See  also  p.  91. 148.  212.  Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  5.  17,  ep.  ad  Ei?b.  Ant. 
p.  310.  Ale.  ep.  ad  Athelhard,  apud  Wilk.  p.  160.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  146, 147,  i.  ii.  Sim. 
Dunel.  inter.  X.  Scrip,  p.  78.  The  king,  indeed,  is  sometimes  called  the  Vicar  of  Christ  : 
but  the  old  homilist  informs  us,  that  this  title  was  given  to  him,  because  it  was  his  duty 
to  defend  with  his  army  the  people  of  Christ,  from  the  evil  designs  of  their  enemies. 
DffiC  he  hi  healban  f  ceolbe  mib  bsep  polcep  j?ulcume  pi^  ypele 
menn.  -^  on  peohtenbe  hepe.  Whelock,  p.  151.  In  the  book  of  constitu- 
tions it  is  said,  that  the  king  ought  to  be  as  a  father  to  his  people,  and  in  watchfulness 
and  care,  the  vicar  of  Christ,  as  he  is  called.  Enipcenum  cyninre  Tcbynaft 
ppi'Se  piihce.  p  he  py  on  pncbep  people  cpipcena  J>eobe.  -\  on 
pjcpe  -]  on  peapbe  Epipcep  jeppelija.  eal  ppa  he  jecealb  ip. 
Leg.  Sax.  p.  147. 

'  The  disputes  between  the  Roman  and  the  Scottish  missionaries  in  England  prove, 
that  though  they  differed  in  eome  points  of  discipline,  they  agreed  in  all  the  articles  of 
their  belief.    See  chapter  1. 


RELIGIOUS    PRACTICES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXONS.  117 

doubtful  lessons  of  the  ancient  sages ;  and  from  the  monstrous 
union  of  the  doctrines  of  philosophy  with  the  tenets  of  Chris- 
tianity, engendered  those  errors,  which  so  long  disfigured  the 
beauty  of  the  ancient  church.  But  the  converts  among  the 
northern  nations  were  more  simple,  and  less  inquisitive  :  without 
suspicion  they  acquiesced  in  the  doctrines  taught  by  their  mis- 
sionaries ;  and  carefully  transmitted  them  as  a  sacred  deposit  to 
the  veneration  of  their  descendants.  When  Athelhard,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  demanded  from  the  prelates  in  the  council 
of  Cloveshoe,  an  exposition  of  their  belief,  they  unanimously 
answered :  "  Know,  that  the  faith  which  we  profess,  is  the  same 
as  was  taught  by  the  holy  and  apostolic  see,  when  Gregory  the 
Great  sent  missionaries  to  our  fathers. "»  I  shall  not,  therefore, 
fatigue  the  reader  with  a  theological  investigation  of  the  doc- 
trines which  formed  the  creed  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  de- 
scription of  their  religious  practices  is  better  calculated  to  arrest 
attention,  and  gratify  curiosity :  and  from  them  their  belief  may 
be  deduced  with  less  trouble,  and  with  equal  accuracy.^ 

2  Notum  sit  paternitati  tus,  quod  sicut  primitus  a  sancta  Romana,  et  apostolica  sede, 
beatissimo  papa  Gregorio  dirigente,  exarata  est,  ita  credimus.  Wilk.  p.  162.  Anno 
800.  The  profession  of  faith,  which  St.  Swithin,  bishop  of  Winchester,  made  to  Arch- 
bishop Ceolnoth,  is  drawn  up  in  the  same  manner.  Illam  rectam  et  orthodoxam  fidem, 
quam  priores  patres  nostri  devote  servaverunt,  cum  omni  humihtate  et  sincera  devo- 
tione,  sicut  prajdecessores  mei  ipsi  sanctsB  sedi  Dorobernensis  ecclesia;  subjuncti  sunt, 
semper  servare  velle  humiliter  per  omnia  profiteor.  Textus  Roffen.  p.  269.  Anno 
8.52.  In  the  monk  of  Winchester,  this  profession  begins  thus.  Ego  Swithunus, 
monachus,  servulus  servorum  Dei,  confiteor  tibi,  reverendissime  pater  Celnode  Archie- 
piscope,  continentiam  meam,  quam  prius  in  professione  monachili  expressi,  et  dilec- 
tionem,  &c.  Hence  he  infers  that  St.  Swithin  was  a  monk,  (Ang.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  203 :) 
the  inference  is  admitted  by  the  Bollandists,  (Jul.  torn.  i.  p.  325  ;)  and  by  Mabillon  he 
is  boldly  ranked  among  the  saints  of  the  Benedictine  order.  (Act.  S.  S.  Bened.  sa;c.4, 
torn.  ii.  p.  69.)  It  is  a  matter  of  little  consequence.  But  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  the  words  in  italics  were  artfully  added  to  the  original.  In  the  more  ancient  copy 
in  the  Textus  Roffensis,  the  profession  begins  thus :  Ego  Swithunus,  humilis  vernacu- 
lus  servorum  Dei,  confiteor  tibi  Celnothe  Archiepiscope,  continentiam  meam,  et  dilec- 
tionem,  &c.     Tex.  Rof.  p.  269. 

3  Yet  how  shall  I  pursue  this  inquiry,  without  entangling  myself  in  the  webs  of  con- 
troversy 1  It  was  once  the  belief  of  Protestant  writers,  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  church, 
from  its  infancy,  was  polluted  with  the  damnable  errors  of  popery.  Augustinus  ad 
Anglo-Saxones  papisticis  traJitionibus  initiandos  apostolus  primus  mittcbatur :  intro- 
duxit  altaria,  vestes,  missas,  imagines,  &c.  &c.  Bale,  cent.  13,  c.  1.  Pra;ter  pontificum 
traditiones  et  humana  stercora,  (a  very  delicate  expression  !)  nihil  attulit.  Id.  cent.  8, 
c.  85.  Cferemoniarum  profecto  hie  fuit,  Romanorumque  rituum  non  Christianaj  fidei 
aut  divini  verbi  apostolus  Anglis,  eosque  Romanos  ac  pontificios  potius  quam  Christia- 
nos  aut  evangelicos  agere  docuit.  (Parker,  Ant.  Brit.  p.  35.)  But  this  opinion  has 
been  shaken  by  the  efforts  of  several  eminent  Saxon  scholars,  who  have  ascribed  to  their 
favourite  study  the  important  discovery,  that  our  forefathers  were  true  and  orthodox 
Protestants.  (See  Whelock's  Bede,  passim.  Hick's  Letters  to  a  Roman  Priest,  c.  iii. 
Elstob,  Saxon  homily,  pref.)  It  must  be  acknowledged,  that  to  their  industry  Saxon 
literature  is  much  indebted ;  but  the  ardour  of  discovery  seems  to  have  improved  their 
fancy  at  the  expense  of  their  judgment:  and  a  reader  must  be  credulous  indeed,  to  be- 
lieve with  them,  that  a  translation  of  the  Pater  noster,  and  of  a  few  books  of  Scripture, 
an  exposition  of  the  apostle's  creed  without  any  mention  of  purgatory,  an  observation 
that  God  alone  is  to  be  adored,  and  that  the  body  of  Christ,  though  it  be  really  present 
in  the  eucharist,  is  there  after  a  spiritual  and  not  a  corporal  manner,  are  proofs  suffi- 
cient to  establish  the  existence  of  a  Protestant  church  more  than  ten  centuries  ago. 


118  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

I.  The  religion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  was  not  a  dry  and  lifeless 
code  of  morality.  A  spiritual  worship,  unincumbered  with  ritual 
observances,  has  been  recommended  by  philosophers,  as  the  most 
worthy  of  man,  and  the  least  unworthy  of  God  :  but  experience 
has  shown,  that  no  system  of  belief  can  long  maintain  its  influence 
over  the  mind,  unless  it  be  aided  by  external  ceremonies,  which 
may  seize  the  attention,  elevate  the  hopes,  and  console  the  sorrows 
of  its  professors.  Among  our  ancestors,  religion  constantly  in- 
terested herself  in  the  welfare  of  her  children  :  she  took  them  by 
the  hand  at  the  opening,  she  conducted  them  with  the  care  of 
a  parent,  to  the  close  of  life.  1.  The  infant,  within  thirty  days 
from  his  birth,  was  regenerated  in  the  waters  of  baptism.  As  a 
descendant  of  Adam,  he  had  inherited  that  malediction,  which 
the  parent  of  the  human  race  had  entailed  on  all  his  posterity. 
To  cleanse  him  from  this  stain,  he  was  carried  to  the  sacred  font, 
and  interrogated  by  the  minister  of  religion,  whether  he  would 
renounce  the  devil,  his  works,  and  his  pomps,  and  would  profess 
the  true  faith  of  Christ.  The  answer  was  returned  by  the  mouth 
of  his  sponsor ;  he  was  plunged  into  the  water ;  the  mysterious 
words  were  pronounced ;  and  he  emerged,  a  member  of  the 
church,  a  child  of  God,  and  heir  to  the  bliss  of  heaven.'*  2.  As 
he  advanced  in  age,  the  neophyte  was  admitted  to  participate 
of  the  celestial  sacrifice.  In  the  eucharist  he  received  the  body 
and  blood  of  his  Redeemer :  and  the  mystic  union  bound  him  to 
his  duty  by  stronger  ties,  and  gave  him  a  new  pledge  of  future 
happiness.*  3.  Should,  however,  his  passions  seduce  him  from 
the  fidelity,  which  he  had  solemnly  vowed  to  observe,  penance 
still  offered  an  asylum,  where  he  might  shelter  himself  jfrom  the 

^Beforebaptism,  the  child  was  pinpull  ^U]\h  Abamej*  jropjaejebncjTe  : 
after  baptism  he  became  rrobep  man  "]  Dobep  beajin.  Horn.  Sax.  apud  Whe- 
lock,  p.  64.  For  the  renunciation  of  Satan,  and  the  obligations  of  the  sponsor,  (one 
only  seems  to  have  been  admitted,)  see  the  council  of  Calcuith,  (Wilk.  p.  146,)  and 
the  Anglo-Saxon  sermon  on  the  Epiphany,  (Whelock,  p.  180.)  From  an  omission  in 
this  sermon,  Whelock  has  rashly  inferred,  that  the  ceremonies  of  the  Roman  ritual  were 
unknown  to  our  ancestors.  But  there  is  sufficient  evidence  of  the  contrary.  The  in- 
sufflation is  mentioned  by  Bede,  (1.  v.  c.  6.)  the  salt  by  the  Saxon  pontifical,  (Martene, 
vol.  i.  p.  38,)  the  unctions  with  oil  on  the  breast  and  between  the  shoulders,  and  with 
chrism  on  the  crown  of  the  head,  are  noticed  by  Archbishop  vEIfric,  (Leg.  Sax.  p.  172,) 
and  the  whole  process  is  described  by  Alcuin,  in  his  treatise  to  Adrian,  on  the  cere- 
monies of  baptism.  Duchesne,  oper.  Ale.  par.  11.  Immediately  after  baptism  the  child 
was  ordered  to  receive  the  eucharist ;  the  crown  of  his  head  was  bound  with  a  fillet, 
which  was  not  removed  for  the  seven  following  days ;  and  during  the  same  time  he 
was  constantly  clothed  in  white.  (In  albis.  Bed.  I.  v.  c.  7,  unbep  cpipman. 
jElfred,  ibid.)  On  each  of  these  days  he  was  carried  to  the  mass,  and  received  tha 
communion.  Aiib  by  J  man  bepe  CO  mwj'pan  iJajt  hyj  beon  jehuflobe 
ealle  ]>d  vii  bajaj'  J'a  hpile  hij  iinl'pojene  beo}?.  ^Ifrici  ep.  inter 
Leg.  Sax.  p.  172.  The  true  meaning  of  this  passage  has  escaped  the  penetration  of 
Wilkins,  whose  translation  should  be  corrected  from  the  writings  of  the  ancient  ri- 
tualisLs. 

'  Eurhnristia  corpus  et  sanguis  est  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi.  Synod.  Calcuth. 
apud  M'ilk.  p.  160,  ii.     Sacrificium  coeleste.  Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  14. 


SACRAMENTS.  119 

anger,  and  regain  the  favour  of  his  Creator,  These  were  styled 
the  three  great  sacraments,  by  which  the  souls  of  men  were 
purified  from  the  guilt  of  sin  :*^  there  remained  four  others, 
which,  though  of  inferior  necessity,  were  considered  as  highly 
useful  to  the  Christian,  amid  the  dangers  to  which  he  was  ex- 
posed in  his  pilgrimage  through  life.  4,  At  an  early  period  he 
was  presented  to  the  bishop,  and,  by  the  imposition  of  his  hands, 
received  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  fortitude,  to  direct  and  support 
him  in  the  combat  with  his  ghostly  enemies.^  5.  If  his  inclina- 
tion led  him  to  the  ecclesiastical  state,  the  sacred  rite  of  ordina- 
tion imparted  the  graces  which  were  necessary  for  the  faithful 
discharge  of  the  clerical  function.^  6.  If  he  preferred  the  bond 
of  marriage,  his  marriage  was  sanctified  by  the  prayers  of  the 
church,  and  the  nuptial  benediction.^  7.  But  the  bed  of  death 
was  the  scene  in  which  the  religion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  appear- 
ed in  her  fairest  form,  attended  with  all  her  consolations,  the 
friend  and  the  guardian  of  man.  At  that  moment,  when  every 
temporal  blessing  slips  from  the  grasp  of  its  possessor,  the  minis- 
ter of  Christ  approached  the  expiring  sinner ;  awakened  his  hopes 
by  displaying  the  infinite  mercy  of  the  Redeemer ;  listened  with 
an  ear  of  pity  to  the  history  of  his  transgressions ;  taught  him  to 
bewail  his  past  misconduct ;  and,  in  the  name  of  the  Almighty, 
absolved  him  from  his  sins.  As  the  fatal  moment  drew  nigh, 
the  extreme  unction  prepared  his  soul  to  wrestle  for  the  last  time 
with  the  enemies  of  his  salvation.  The  directions  of  St.  James 
were  religiously  observed  :  the  prayer  of  faith  was  read  over  the 
dying  man ;  and  his  body  was  anointed  with  consecrated  oil.*" 
To  conclude  the  solemn  ceremony,  the  eucharist  was  administer- 
ed, as  a  viaticum  or  provision  for  his  journey  to  a  better  world." 

"Dpeo  heahce  ^1115  jepecce  Dob  mannum  co  clacnpunj.  An  ij* 
puUhuc.  Ofep  ip  huyel  haljunje.  Dpibbe  ij*  baebboc  nud 
jeypicennypye  ypelpa  ba^ba.  ^  nub  bijencje  jobpa  peopca. 
"  Three  holy  things  God  has  appointed  for  the  purification  of  man.  The  first  is  baptism  ; 
the  second,  the  holy  communion ;  the  third,  penance,  with  a  cessation  from  evil  deeds, 
and  the  practice  of  good  works."     Sermo  Cath.  apud  Whel,  p.  180. 

'  Bed.  vit.  Cuth.  c.  29,  p.  251,  c.  32,  p.  253.  Horn,  in  psal.  xxvi.  torn.  viii.  col.  558. 
Eddius,  vit.  Wilf.  c.  xviii.  p.  60.  Wilk.  Con.  p.  252,  xvii.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  167,  xxxv. 
Theod.  Poenit.  par.  i.  c.  4. 

8  Ed.  vit.  Wilf.  c.  xii.  p.  57.     Wilk.  Con.  p.  95,  vi.  265,  i. 

9  Ibid.  p.  106,  xc.  217,  viii.  The  bond  of  marriage  was  deemed  indissoluble.  Not 
even  adultery  could  justify  a  second  marriage  before  the  death  of  one  of  the  parties.  See 
the  tenth  canon  of  the  council  of  Herutford.     Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  5.     Anno  683. 

10  Wilk.  Con.  p.  127,  xv.  229,  Ixv.  Ixvi 

"  Id.  ibid.  Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  14.  23.  Vit.  Cuth.  c.  39.  He  thus  describes  the  death 
of  St.  Cuthbert: 

Ecce  sacer  residens  antistes  ad  altar, 
Pocula  degustat  vitae,  Christique  supinum 
Sanguine  munit  iter,  vultusque  ad  sidera  et  almas 
Sustollit  gaudens  palmas,  animamque  supernis 
Laudibus  intentam  leetantibus  indidit  astris. 

Bed.  vit.  Cuth.  p.  286. 


130  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Thus  consoled  and  animated,  he  was  taught  to  resign  himself  to 
the  will  of  his  Creator,  and  to  await  with  patience  the  stroke  of 
dissolution. 

II.  Among  the  various  forms  of  Christian  worship,  the  prece- 
dency is  justly  claimed  by  the  eacharistic  sacrifice.  By  every 
religious  society,  which  dates  its  origin  from  the  more  early  ages, 
its  superior  dignity  and  efficacy  has  always  been  acknowledged  : 
and  in  the  liturgies  of  the  most  distant  nations  we  constantly  dis- 
cover it  the  same,  if  not  in  appearance,  at  least  in  substance.  In 
the  arrangement  of  the  ceremonies,  and  the  composition  of  the 
prayers,  different  models  were  followed  by  different  churches: 
but  amid  these  accidental  variations,  the  more  important  parts,  the 
invocation,  the  consecration,  the  fraction  of  the  host,  and  the  com- 
munion, were  preserved  with  religious  fidelity.^^  By  Augustine 
and  his  associates,  the  mass  was  celebrated  at  Canterbury,  after 
the  Roman  method.  But  in  their  journey  to  Britain,  they  had 
observed  the  different  rites  of  the  Gauls ;  and  were  careful  to 
consult  their  patron  respecting  the  cause  of  this  diversity.  The 
answer  of  the  pontiff  evinces  a  liberal  mind.  Though  the  refor- 
mation of  the  Roman  liturgy  had  obtained  a  considerable  share 
of  his  attention,  he  neither  urged  the  superior  excellence  of  his 
own  labours,  nor.  condemned  the  rituals  of  other  churches  :  but 
advised  his  disciples  to  consult  the  usages  of  different  nations, 
and  to  select  from  each  whatever  was  most  conducive  to  the 
honour  of  the  Deity.  But  the  judgment  of  Augustine  naturally 
preferred  the  discipline  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed :  the 
Roman  liturgy  was  established  in  the  churches  founded  by  his 
labours  ;  and  was  spontaneously  adopted  by  the  converts  of  the 
Scottish  missionaries.^^ 

Felix,  who  wrote  very  soon  after  Bede,  describes  the  death  of  St.  Guthlake  in  almost 
the  same  words.  Extendens  manus  ad  altare,  munivit  se  communione  corporis  et 
sanguinis  Christi,  atque  elevatis  oculis  ad  ccelum,  extensisque  manibus,  animam  ad 
gaudia  perpetute  exultationis  emisit.  Felix,  vit.  St.  Guth.  in  Act.  SS.  April,  torn.  iii.  p. 
48.  For  the  viaticum  they  were  accustomed  to  preserve  the  eucharist,  and  renew  it 
every  fortnight.  (Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  24,  and  ^Ifric's  charge  to  the  clergy.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  159.) 
Though  the  sick  communicated  under  the  form  of  bread  alone,  (Ibid,  and  p.  172,)  yet 
it  was  still  called  the  viaticum  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ:  (compare  two  passages 
in  Bed.  ibid.  p.  157,  158.)  The  place  in  which  the  eucharist  was  preserved  was  a  box 
or  tabernacle,  (iElfric,  ibid.)  which  appears  to  have  been  fixed  on  an  altar  in  the  church, 
and  occasionally  adorned  with  green  leaves  or  flowers. 

Quam  fronde  coronant, 
Dum  buxis  claudunt  pretiosae  munera  vitae. 

Elhelwold,  de  SS.  Lmdia.  c.  xiv.  p.  314,  Note  (L). 
'2  The  numerous  mistakes  of  former  writers  on  this  important  subject,  have  been  cor- 
rected by  Renaudot,  in  his  collection  of  the  oriental  liturgies.  The  principal  diflerences 
are  in  the  preparatory  part  of  the  sacrifice :  but  in  the  canon,  besides  the  particulars 
mentioned  in  the  text,  they  all  contain  the  preface  or  thanksgiving,  the  commemoration 
of  the  living  and  the  dead,  and  the  Lord's  Prayer.     Kenaud.  vol.  i.  disser.  p.  xx. 

•'  With  the  (iregorian  chant,  the  whole  of  the  Roman  liturgy  appears  to  have  been 
adopted  by  the  churches  of  the  north.  Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  18.  If  the  liturgies  of  the  Italian 
and  Scottish  missionaries  were  not  exactly  similar,  the  difference  must  have  been  un- 
important, as  it  docs  not  appear  to  have  been  mentioned  in  the  disputes  which  divided 


LITURGY.  121 

From  the  works  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  writers  we  may  learn  the 
profound  veneration  with  which  they  had  been  taught  to  view 
this  sacred  institution.  Whenever  they  mention  it,  the  most 
lofty  epithets,  the  most  splendid  descriptions  display  their  senti- 
ments. It  is  "  the  celebration  of  the  most  sacred  mysteries,  the 
celestial  sacrifice,  the  oblation  of  the  saving  victim,  the  renova- 
tion of  the  passion  and  death  of  Christ.""  To  assist  at  it  daily, 
they  consider  as  a  practice  of  laudable  piety ;  to  be  present  on 
every  Sunday  and  holiday,  they  pronounce  a  duty  of  the  strictest 
obligation.'^  Of  all  the  resources  which  religion  oilers  to  appease 
the  anger  of  God,  it  is  declared  to  be  the  most  efficacious  :  its 
influence  is  not  confined  to  the  living :  it  releases  from  their 
bonds  the  souls  of  the  dead.'*'  Impressed  with  these  sentiments, 
all  were  eager  to  join  in  the  oblation  of  the  sacrifice,  and  no  cost 
was  spared  to  testify,  by  external  magnificence,  their  inward 
veneration.  The  decorations  of  the  church,  the  voices  of  a 
numerous  choir,  the  harmony  of  musical  instruments,'^  the  blaze 

the  two  parties.  Cuniinius  (anno  O.'i?)  and  Adamnan  (anno  680)  were  abbots  of  the 
monastery,  from  which  the  iScotiish  missionaries  were  sent,  and  speak  of  the  mass  in 
the  same  terms  as  the  Roman  writers.  Cuminius  calls  it,  sacrificale  mysterium,  sacra 
sancti  sacrilicii  mystcria.  (Cumin,  edit.  Pinkerton,  p.  29.  32 :)  and  in  the  language  of 
Adamnan,  to  celebrate  the  mass,  is  sacra  consecrare  mysteria,  Christi  corpus  ex  more 
conficere,  (Adam.  edit.  Pink.  p.  93.  172.)  The  general  conformity  of  the  ancient 
Koman,  Gallic,  Gothic,  and  other  western  canons,  with  the  present  Roman  canon,  is 
shown  by  Goorgi,  de  Litur.  Rom.  pont.  vol.  iii.  p.  xli. 

'^  Bed.  I.  ii.  c.  v.  1.  iv.  c.  14.  22.  28.  Vit.  Cuth.  p.  242.  Vit.  Abbat.  Wirem.  p.  302. 
Ep.  Mag.  ad  Bonif.  p.  45.     Sermo  de  Sac.  apud  Whel.  p.  474. 

15  Sunnait  feiTj  ij-  fpil'e  liealice  Co  peop}»iaii  ,  .  .  Bucan  pham 
jebypije  j5  he  nybe  papan  pcyle.  ?)onne  moc  he  ppa  piban  ppa 
popan  ....  on  ^a  jepab  p  he  hip  ma?ppan  jehype.  "Sunday  is 
most  holily  to  be  kept  ....  but  if  it  happen  that  a  man  must  of  necessity  travel,  he 
may  ride  or  sail,  but  on  condition  that  he  hear  mass."     Wilk.  Con.  p.  273. 

'''Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  22.  Sermo  de  eflicacia  sanctie  Misas,  apud  Whelock;  p.  319.  Sermo 
de  Sacrif.  p.  475. 

"  The  Anglo-Saxons  were  passionately  fond  of  music,  and,  after  their  conversion, 
the  national  taste  displayed  itself  in  the  public  worship.  To  attain  an  accurate  know- 
ledge of  the  Gregorian  chant,  was  deemed  an  object  of  high  importance  :  masters  were 
eagerly  selected  from  the  disciples  of  the  Roman  missionaries;  and  John,  prcecentbr  of 
St.  Peter's  in  Rome,  was  long  detained  in  England  for  the  same  purpose,  (Bed.  Hist.  I. 
ii.  c.  20,  iv,  c.  2.  18,  v.  20.)  Of  the  proficiency  of  the  Saxons,  we  are  not  informed. 
That  they  entertained  a  high  opinion  of  themselves  is  certain :  but  so  did  the  Gallic 
singers  of  this  period,  though  they  were  objects  of  ridicule  to  those  of  Italy  ;  quia  bibuli 
gutturis  barbara  feritas,  dum  inflexionibus  et  repercussionibus  mitem  nititur  edere 
cantilenam,  naturali  quodam  fragore,  quasi  plaustra  per  gradus  confuse  sonantia,  rigidas 
voces  jactat,  sicque  audientium  animos,  quos  mulcere  debuerat,  exasperando  magis  ac 
obstrependo  conterbat.  Joan.  diac.  vit.  Greg.  1.  ii.  c.  7.  Organs  were  admitted  into 
the  Saxon  churches  at  an  early  period.  The  first  person  in  the  west  by  whom  they 
were  employed,  is  said  by  Platina,  though  with  some  hesitation,  to  have  been  Vitalian, 
the  Roman  pontiff,  (Plat,  in  Vital.)  If  we  credit  his  account,  we  may  suppose  that 
they  were  introduced  into  England  by  Theodore  and  Adrian,  whom  that  pope  sent  to 
instruct  our  ancestors.  At  least  it  is  certain,  that  they  were  known  by  St.  Aldhelm  as 
early  as  the  close  of  the  seventh  century.  In  his  poem  de  laudibus  virginitatis,  he  tells 
the  admirer  of  music,  who  despises  the  more  humble  sounds  of  the  harp,  to  listen  to  the 
thousand  voices  of  the  organ. 

16  L 


122  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

of  tlie  lamps  and  tapers,  the  vestments  of  the  officiating  minister 
and  his  attendants,  all  concurred  to  elevate  the  soul,  and  inspire 
the  most  hvely  sentiments  of  devotion.  At  the  prayer  of  conse- 
cration it  was  believed,  that  the  Saviour  of  mankind  descended 
on  the  altar,  the  angels  stood  around  in  respectful  silence,'**  the 
spotless  Lamb  was  immolated  to  the  eternal  Father,  and  the  mys- 
tery of  man's  redemption  was  renewed.'^  At  length  the  sacrifice 
wasconsummated:  apart  of  the  consecrated  elements  was  received 
by  the  priest ;  the  remainder  was  distributed  among  those  whose 
piety  prompted  them  to  approach  to  the  holy  table. 

The  discipline  of  the  church  has  often  been  compelled  to  bend 
to  the  weakness  of  her  children.  To  communicate,  as  often  as 
they  assisted  at  the  sacred  mysteries,  was  a  practice  introduced 
by  the  fervour  of  the  first  Christians  :  and,  during  several  centu- 
ries, each  omission  was  cliastised  by  a  temporary  exclusion  from 
the  society  of  the  faithful^"  But  with  the  severity  of  their  morals, 
their  devotion  to  the  eucharist  insensibly  declined ;  freqviency  of 
communion  was  left  to  the  choice  of  each  individual :  and  the 
precept  was  confined  to  the  three  great  festivals  of  Christmas, 
Easter,  and  Whitsuntide.^'  Still,  however,  in  many  churches, 
the  spontaneous  devotion  of  the  fervent  preserved  some  vestiges 
of  the  ancient  discipline  :  but  their  example  made  no  great  im- 

Maxima  millenis  auscultans  organa  flabris 

Mulceat  auditum  ventosis  follibus  iste, 

Quamvis  auratis  fulgescant  csetera  capsis. — Bib.  Pat.  \.  viii.  p.  3. 
(This  passage  was  first  discovered  by  Mr.  Turner,  vol.  iv.  p.  447.)  About  sixty  years 
afterwards,  Constantine,  the  Byzantine  emperor,  sent  to  Pepin  an  organ  of  excellent 
workmanship,  which  has  erroneously  been  supposed  to  be  the  first  among  the  Latins. 
It  is  thus  described :  Quod  doliis  ex  sere  conflatis,  follibusque  taurinis  per  fistulas  ajreas 
mire  perflantibus,  rugitu  quidem  tonitrui  boatum,  garrulitatem  vero  lyra;  vel  cymbali 
dulcedine  coaequabat.  (Monac.  Gallen.  vit.  Caroli  mag.  c.  10.)  The  French  artists  were 
eager  to  equal  this  specimen  of  Grecian  ingenuity  :  and  so  successful  were  their  efforts, 
that  in  the  ninth  century  the  best  organs  were  made  in  France  and  Germany.  Their 
superiority  was  acknowledged  by  John  VIII.  in  a  letter  to  Anno,  bishop  of  Freisingen, 
from  whom  he  requested  an  organ,  and  a  master  for  the  instruction  of  the  Roman 
musicians.  Precamur  ut  optimum  organum  cum  artifice,  qui  hoc  moderari,  et  facere 
ad  omnem  modulationis  efficaciam  possit,  ad  instructionem  musicse  disciplina;,  nobis  aut 
deferas  aut  mittas.  Cit.  Sandini  in  vit.  Pont.  vol.  i.  p.  241.  Soon  af"ter  this  period 
thay  were  common  in  England,  and  constructed  by  English  artists.  They  appear  to 
have  been  of  large  dimensions:  the  pipes  were  made  of  copper,  and  fixed  in  frames,  that 
frequently  were  gilt.  (Aldh.  ibid.  Gale,  p.  266.  420.)  In  the  poems  of  Wolstan,  a 
monk  of  Winchester,  occurs  a  minute  description  of  the  great  organ  in  that  cathedral. 
Of  its  accuracy  there  is  little  reason  to  doubt,  as  the  poem  is  dedicated  to  St.  Elphege, 
the  person  by  whom  the  organ  was  erected.     It  will  be  found  in  note  (M). 

'8  Halija  enjlap  ^.nep  abucan  hpeappia]'.     Leg.  eccl.  Wilk.  p.  300. 
'9  Daejpamlice  bi]>  hip  bpopunje  jeebnipeb  buph  jepinu  baep 
halj^an  huplep  pec  ftcppe  haljan  mffippan.      " Daily  is  his  passion  renewed 
by  the  mystery  of  the  holy  husel  at  the  holy  mass."     Sermo  de  Sac.  apud  Whe!.  p. 
474.     Missarum  solemnia  celebantes,  corpus   sacrosanctum,  et   pretiosum  agni    san- 
Ruinem,  ((uo  a  peccatis  redempti  sumus,  denuo  Deo  in  profectum  nostrse  salutis  immo- 
lamus.     Bed.  hom.  in  vig.  Pas.  tom.  vii.  col.  6.     Vit.  St.  Cuth.  p.  242. 
="  Can.  Apost.  10.     Con.  Ant.  can.  2.     Bona,  rerum  liturg.  1.  i.  c.  13. 
=' Synod.  Agath.  can.  18. 


BREVIARY    OR    COURSE.  123 

pression  on  the  majority  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  whose  piety  was 
satisfied  with  an  exact  observance  of  the  more  recent  regulation. 
In  justification  of  their  reserve,  they  urged  the  subhme  dignity 
of  the  sacrament.  To  them  the  modern  doctrine,  that  the  eucha- 
charist  is  the  mere  manducation  of  the  material  elements,  in 
commemoration  of  the  passion  of  the  Messiah,  was  entirely 
unknown.  Tliey  had  been  taught  to  despise  the  doubtful  testi- 
mony of  the  senses,  and  to  listen  to  the  more  certain  assurance 
of  the  inspired  writings :  according  to  their  belief,  the  bread  and 
wine,  after  the  consecration,  had  ceased  to  be  what  their  external 
appearance  suggested;  they  were  become,  by  an  invisible  opera- 
tion, the  victim  of  redemption,  the  true  body  and  blood  of  Christ.^^ 
But  how,  they  asked,  could  sinful  man  presume,  of  his  own 
choice,  to  introduce  his  Redeemer  within  his  breast?  Was  it 
not  less  hazardous,  and  more  respectful,  to  remain,  on  other 
occasions,  at  an  awful  distance,  and  to  communicate  on  those 
festivals  only,  when  his  temerity  might  be  excused  by  his  obedi- 
ence ?  This  reasoning,  however,  did  not  satisfy  the  zeal  of  the 
venerable  Bede,  who  condemned  an  humility  which  deprived 
the  soul  of  the  choicest  blessings,  and  asserted  his  conviction,  that 
many  among  his  countrymen,  in  every  department  of  life,  were, 
by  their  superior  virtue,  entitled  to  partake  of  the  sacred  myste- 
ries on  every  Sunday  and  festival  in  the  year.'^  The  sentiments 
of  the  pious  monk  inspired  the  bishops  at  the  synod  of  Cloveshoe, 
and  each  pastor  was  commanded  to  animate  the  devotion  of  his 
parishioners,  and  to  display  in  the  strongest  light  the  advantages 
of  frequent  communion. ^"^ 

In  addition  to  the  Roman  liturgy,  the  Anglo-Saxon  church 
had  adopted  the  Roman  course  or  breviary.''^     Of  this  compila- 

^^  bifucan  hi  beo]?  jepepene  hlap  "]  pni  sejj'ep  je  on  hipe  je 
on  ppaccce.  ac  hi  beoJ>  ]po^lice  aepcep  J'aepe  hal^unje  Epij'cef 
hchama  -\  hi}'  blob.  ?>uph  japclice  jepinu.  "Without  (externally)  they 
seem  bread  and  wine  both  in  appearance  and  in  taste  ;  yet  they  be  truly,  after  the  con- 
secration, Christ's  body  and  his  blood,  through  a  ghostly  mystery."  Sermo  in  die  Pas. 
apud  Whel.  p.  470.     See  note  (N). 

23  Cum  sint  innumeri  innocentes  ....  qui  absque  uUo  scrupulo  controversiae,  omni 
die  dominica,  sive  etiam  in  natalitiis  sanctorum  apostolorum  sive  martyrum,  quomodo 
ipse  in  sancta  Romana  et  Apostolica  ecclesia  fieri  vidisti,  mysteriis  coelestibus  comrauni- 
carc  valeant.     Bed.  Epis.  ad  Egbert,  p.  311. 

24  Syn.  Clov.  apud  Wilk.  p.  98,  xxiii.     Anno  747. 

25  The  Roman  course  had  been  greatly  improved  by  the  care  of  St.  Gregory.  It  was 
introduced  into  England  by  the  missionaries;  and  was  ordered  to  be  used  in  all  churches 
by  the  synod  of  Cloveshoe.  (Wilk.  Con.  p.  96,  xiii.  9T,  xv.  xvi.)  But  the  decree  of 
this  synod  seems  not  to  have  been  observed  in  the  kingdom  of  Northumbria.  At  least 
the  monks  of  Lindisfarne,  on  some  occasion,  adopted  the  office  composed  by  St.  Bene- 
dict, and  it  was  retained  by  the  clergy  who  succeeded  them.  (Sim.  Dunel.  edit.  Bed- 
ford, p.  4.  He  seems  to  attribute  it  to  St.  Aidan,  which  is  evidently  a  mistake.)  When 
St.  Dunstan  restored  the  monastic  order,  after  the  devastations  of  the  Danes,  he  intro- 
duced the  Benedictine  oflice  with  a  few  additions,  but  allotted  a  particular  exception  to 
the  festival  of  Easter  and  its  octave,  during  which  he  ordered  the  monks  to  adopt  the 
same  service  as  the  clergy,  in  honour  of  St.  Gregory.     Septem  horse  canonic«e  a  mona- 


124  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

tion  the  principal  part  had  been  selected  from  the  psalms  of 
David  and  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  which  abound  with  the 
sublimest  eftiisions  of  religious  sentiment.  But  the  fatigue  of 
luiiforniily  was  relieved  by  a  competent  number  of  lessons,  ex- 
tracted from  the  books  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  the  works  of  the 
ancient  fathers,  and  the  acts  of  the  most  celebrated  martyrs :  and 
the  diiiercnt  portions  of  the  office  were  terminated  by  prayers, 
of  which  the  noble  and  affecting  simplicity  has  been  deservedly 
admired.  The  service  of  each  day  was  divided  into  seven  hours, 
and  at  each  of  these  the  clergy  were  summoned  to  the  church  to 
sing,  in  imitation  of  the  royal  prophet,  the  praise  of  the  Creator.'^'* 
The  layman  was  exhorted,  but  the  ecclesiastic  was  commanded 
to  assist.  Of  this  difference  the  reason  is  obvious.  The  clergy 
were  the  representatives  of  the  great  body  of  Christians :  they 
had  been  liberated  from  all  secular  employments,  that  they  might 
attend,  with  fewer  impediments,  to  their  spiritual  functions :  it 
was  therefore  expected  that,  by  their  assiduity,  they  would  com- 
pensate for  the  deficiencies  of  their  less  fervent  brethren ;  and  by 
their  daily  supplications  avert  the  anger,  and  call  down  the  bless- 
ings of  the  Almighty. 

Both  the  mass  and  the  canonical  service  were  performed  in 
Latin.  For  the  instruction  of  the  people,  the  epistle  and  gospel 
were  read,  and  the  sermon  was  delivered  in  their  native  tongue  : 
but  God  was  always  addressed  by  the  ministers  of  religion  in  the 
language  of  Rome.  The  missionaries,  who,  from  whatever 
country  they  came,  had  been  accustomed  to  this  rite  from  their 
infancy,  would  have  deemed  it  a  degradation  of  the  sacrifice,  to 
subject  it  to  the  caprice  and  variations  of  a  barbarous  idiom  ;  and 
their  disciples,  who  felt  not  the  thirst  of  innovation,  were  proud 
to  tread  in  the  footsteps  of  their  teachers.  The  practice  has  been 
severely  reprobated  by  the  reformed  theologians  :  but  it  was  for- 
tunate for  mankind,  that  the  apostles  of  the  northern  nations 
"were  less  wise  than  their  modern  crUics.  Had  they  adopted  in 
the  liturgy  the  language  of  their  proselytes,  the  literature  would 
probably  have  perished  with  the  empire  of  Rome.  By  preserving 
the  use  of  the  Latin  tongue,  they  imposed  on  the  clergj''  the 
necessity  of  study,  kept  alive  the  spirit  of  improvement,  and 
transmitted  to  future  generations  the  writings  of  the  classics,  and 
the  monuments  of  profane  and  ecclesiastical  history. 

HI.  In  every  system  of  worship,  the  means  of  atonement  for 
sin  must  form  an  essential  part.  The  first  professors  of  the 
gospel  believed  that  the  Messiah,  by  his  voluntary  sufferings,  had 

chis  in  ecclesia  Dei  more  canonicorum,  propter  anctoritatem  beati  Gregorii  celebrandse 
sunt.  Concor.  Monach.  apud  Reyner,  a()p.  par.  iii.  p.  89,  90.  The  custom  continued 
till  the  conquest,  when  the  Norman,  Lanfranc,  who  probably  felt  less  veneration  for  the 
apostle  of  the  Saxons,  ordered  it  to  be  abolished.  Constit.  Lanfran.  apud  Wilk.  torn.  i. 
p.  339. 

2^  They  were  called  the  uht  or  rnorning-song,  prime-song,  under-song,  midday-song, 
none-song,  even-song,  and  night-song.     Wilk.  p.  97.  252. 


CONFESSION.  125 

paid  to  the  divine  justice  the  debt  contracted  by  human  guih : 
but  at  the  same  time  they  taught,  that  the  application  of  his 
merits  to  the  soul  of  man  was  intrusted  to  the  ministry  of  those 
to  whom  he  had  imparted  the  power  of  binding  and  of  loosing, 
of  forgiving  and  retaining  sin.^^  To  exercise  with  discretion  this 
twofold  jurisdiction,  it  was  necessary  to  learn  the  prevarications 
and  disposition  of  the  penitent:  and  from  the  earliest  ages  we 
behold  the  faithful  Christian  at  the  feet  of  his  confessor,  acknow- 
ledging in  public,  or  in  private,  the  nature  and  number  of  his 
transgressions,^^  With  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  the  practice 
of  confession  was  introduced  among  the  Saxons  by  the  Roman 
and  Scottish  missionaries.^^  They  were  taught  to  consider  it  not 
merely  as  a  pious  observance,  which  depended  on  the  devotion 
of  each  individual,  but  as  an  indispensable  obligation,  from  which 
nothing  could  release  the  sinner  but  the  impossibility  of  the  per- 
formance. The  law  by  which  it  was  enforced,  was  construed 
to  extend  to  every  class  of  Christians:  to  bind  the  highest  eccle- 
siastic no  less  than  the  meanest  layman.^"  The  sinner,  who  was 
desirous  to  regain  the  favour  of  his  offended  God,  was  directed 
to  approach  the  feet  of  his  confessor  with  humility  and  com- 
punction, and  after  professing  his  belief  in  the  principal  truths  of 
Christianity,  to  unfold  all  the  crimes  with  which  he  had  con- 
taminated his  conscience,  by  deed,  by  word,  and  by  thought.^^ 

27  John  XX.  22,  23. 

2s  Denis  de  St.  Marthe,  traite  de  la  confession.  Daille  made  thirty  feeble  attempts 
to  disprove  the  antiquity  of  this  practice.    They  may  be  seen  in  Bingham,  vol.  ii.  p.  2i9. 

29  But  was  not  auricular  confession  unknown  to  the  Scottish  monks,  and  their 
proselytes'?  Henry  (vol.  iii.  p.  208)  has  boldly  asserted  the  affirmative:  but  he  was 
misled  by  the  authority  of  Inett,  to  copy  whose  mistakes  he  often  found  a  more  easy 
task,  than  to  consult  the  original  writers.  The  words  of  Inett  are  these  :  "  Theodore 
endeavoured  to  introduce  auricular  confession,  a  usage  which,  according  to  the 
account  that  Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  gives  of  it  in  the  beginning  of  the  next  cen- 
tury, was  unknown  to  the  English,  converted  by  the  Scots  and  Britons."  Inett,  Hist, 
of  the  English  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  85.  Reader,  if  you  consult  the  work  of  Egbert  for  this 
account,  you  will  consult  in  vain.  On  the  introduction  of  confession,  and  the  manners 
of  the  English  converted  by  the  Scots  and  Britons,  he  is  silent:  but  he  observes  that, 
from  the  time  of  Theodore,  the  faithful  had  been  accustomed,  during  the  twelve  days 
before  Christmas,  to  prepare  themselves  for  communion  by  fasting,  confession,  and 
alms,  (Egb.  de  instit.  eccl.  Wilk.  p.  86 :)  and  this  observation  has  been  converted,  by 
the  imagination  of  Inett,  into  an  assertion,  that  before  the  time  of  Theodore  they  were 
ignorant  of  the  practice  of  confession.  That,  however,  it  was  taught  by  the  Scottish 
monks  to  their  converts,  is  evident  from  the  zeal  of  St.  Cuthbert,  who,  long  before  the 
arrival  of  Theodore,  spent  whole  months  in  preaching,  and  receiving  the  confessions 
of  the  people,  (Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  27.  Vit.  Cuth.  c.  9.  16 :)  and  that  they  adopted  it  in 
their  own  country,  may  be  proved  from  the  conduct  of  St.  Columba,  the  founder  of  the 
Abbey  of  Hii,  (Adomnan  vit.  Colum.  p.  71.  80.  89,)  from  the  penitentiary  of  Cuminius, 
the  fifth  of  his  successors,  (Mab.  vet.  anal.  p.  17,)  and  the  confession  of  the  Scottish 
monk  related  by  Bede,  (1.  iv.  c.  25.) 

3"  Deopci}'  cymy  ymbe  cpelp  mona)'.  j5  aclc  maen  pceael  hip 
pcpipc  jepppecan.  ^  Erobe  "]  hip  pcpipce  hip  jyltap  anbeccan 
^a  be  he  jepopce.  "The  time  of  duty  comes  every  twelve  months,  when 
every  man  shall  speak  to  his  confessor,  and  avow  to  God  and  his  confessor  all  the  sins 
which  he  has  committed."     Egb.  peniten.  apud  Wilk.  p.  141. 

^*  iElce  pynne  mon  pceal  hip  pcpipce  anbeccan.  %apa  %a  h^ 

l2 


126  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

To  conclude  this  humiliating  ceremony,  he  declared  his  deter- 
mination to  amend  his  life,  and  adjured  his  confessor  to  bear 
testimony  in  the  day  of  judgment,  to  the  sincerity  of  his  repent- 
ance.-^^ 

In  the  language  of  Catholic  theology,  the  priest  is  said  to  pre- 
side in  the  tribunal  of  penance,  as  a  judge,  whose  duty  it  is  to 
pronounce  sentence  on  the  accused  according  to  his  demerits. 
But  so  numerous  and  so  nicely  discriminated  are  the  gradations 
of  human  guilt,  so  complicated  the  circumstances  which  aggra- 
vate or  lighten  its  enormity,  that  to  apportion  with  accuracy  the 
punishment  to  the  oti'ence,  will  frequently  confound  the  skill  of 
the  most  able  and  impartial  casuist.  Theodore,  however,  whether 
he  confided  in  his  superior  abilities,  or  yielded  to  the  necessity 
of  directing  his  less  enlightened  brethren,  attempted  the  difficult 
task,  and  published  a  penitentiary,  or  code  of  laws,  for  the  impo- 
sition of  sacramental  penance.  In  it  he  ventured  to  deviate  from 
the  letter  of  the  ancient  canons,  whose  severity  bears  testimony 
to  the  fervour  of  the  age  in  which  they  were  framed,  and  adopted 
the  milder  discipline  of  the  Greek  church,  in  which  he  had  im- 
bibed the  rudiments  of  theological  science.  The  success  of  his 
endeavours  stimulated  the  timidity  of  his  brethren  :  and  the  peni- 
tentiaries of  Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  and  of  several  other 
prelates,  claim  a  distinguished  place  among  the  ecclesiastical 
records  of  Saxon  antiquity.^^  Fasting  was  the  principal  species 
of  punishment  which  they  enjoined :  but  its  nature  and  duration 
were  determined  by  the  malignity  of  the  oftence.  The  more 
pardonable  sins  of  frailty  and  surprise  might  be  expiated  by  a 

feppe  jeppemede.  o]>]>e  on  popbe.  oJ^J'e  on  peopce.  o}>]>e   on 

jpponce.  "Every  sin  man  shall  to  his  confessor  declare,  that  he  ever  committed, 
either  in  word,  or  in  work,  or  in  thought."     Liber  Leg.  eccl.  apud  Willi,  p.  276. 

^2  Willi,  p.  231.  Whelock  is  positive  that  the  practice  of  the  Saxons  was  the 
same  as  that  of  the  present  established  church.  They  advised,  but  did  not  command 
confession.  ( Whel.  Hist.  Eccl.  p.  215,  216,  index,  art.  confessio.)  The  very  homilies 
which  he  published,  might  have  taught  him  the  contrary.  I  shall  transcribe  two  passages. 
Delome  up  LTpa}>  p  halije  jeppic  p  pe  pleon  co  ]>am  lacebome 
po}>pe  anbiTtnypp  upe  pynna.  FopJ^an  pe  ellep  ne  majon 
l)e()n  hale  bucon  pe  anbecijan  hpeopienbe  p  pe  co  unpihce 
bybaii  %iip?i  jynielypce.  ^Ic  popjipenyppe  hyhce  ip  on 
J'rppe  anbecnyppe.  -]  J'eo  anbetnyppe  ip  Se  enjla  lacebome 
upa  pynna.  mib  ^a?pe  poj^an  Ca^bboce.  "The  Holy  Scripture  fre- 
quently  leaches  us  to  flee  to  the  medicine  of  true  confession  of  our  sins :  because  we 
cannot  otherwise  be  healed,  except  we  confess  with  sorrow  what  we  have  unright- 
eously done  through  negligence.  All  hope  of  forgiveness  is  in  confession.  Confes- 
sion with  true  repentance  is  the  angeUc  remedy  of  our  sins."  Whel.  p.  341.  343. 
Bicoblice  ne  bejyc  nan  man  hip  pynna  popjipenyppe  aec 
Dobe  bucon  he  hi  pumum  Liobep  men  jeanbecce  "]  be  hip 
Dome  jebece.  "Truly  no  man  will  obtain  forgiveness  of  his  sins  from  God, 
unless  he  confess  to  some  of  (Jod's  ministers,  and  do  penance  according  to  his  judg- 
ment."    Sermo  de  pocnit.  apud  Whel.  p.  423. 

"  They  may  be  seen  in  Wilkins,  vol.  i.  p.  115.  225  ;  vol.  iv.  p.  751,  and  the  Codex 
canonum  et  constitulionum  MSS.  Jun.  121. 


MITIGATION    OF    PENANCE.  127 

less  rigorous  fast  of  ten,  twenty,  or  tliirty  days :  hut  when  the 
crime  was  of  a  blacker  dye,  when  it  argued  deep  and  premedi- 
tated malice,  a  longer  course  of  mortification  was  required,  and 
one,  five,  seven  years,  or  even  a  whole  life  of  penance,  was 
deemed  a  cheap  and  easy  compensation.  So  dreary  a  prospect 
might  have  plunged  the  penitent  into  despair  or  indifference  : 
but  his  fervour  was  daily  animated  by  the  hopes  and  fears  of 
religion:  his  past  fidelity  was  rewarded  by  subsequent  indul- 
gences ;  and  the  yoke  was  prudently  lightened  the  longer  it  was 
worn.  After  a  certain  period,  to  the  severe  regimen  of  bread 
and  water,  succeeded  a  more  nutritious  diet,  which  excluded  only 
the  flesh  of  quadrupeds  and  fowls:  and  the  fasts  that  originally 
had  comprised  six,  were  gradually  contracted  to  three  or  fewer 
days  in  the  week.^'' 

To  these  regulations,  when  they  were  first  enjoined,  the 
sanctity  of  their  authors,  and  tlie  fervour  of  the  proselytes  insured 
a  ready  obedience.  But  nature  soon  learned  to  rebel ;  necessity 
introduced  several  mitigations;  and  the  ingenuity  of  the  penitents 
discovered  expedients  to  elude  or  mitigate  their  severity.  When 
the  sinner  had  delayed  his  conversion,  till  he  was  alarmed  by  the 
near  approach  of  death,  it  was  idle  to  enjoin  him  many  years 
of  penance  :  and  he  was  rather  advised,  according  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  to  redeem  his  sins  with  works  of 
mercy,  and  to  commute  the  fasts  of  the  canons  for  donations  to 
the  church,  and  to  the  poor.  An  idea  so  consonant  to  the  maxims 
of  Saxon  jurisprudence,  was  eagerly  adopted,  and  insensibly  im- 
proved into  a  perfect  system,  which  regulated  with  precision, 
according  to  the  rank  and  wealth  of  the  penitent,  the  price  at 
which  the  fast  of  a  day,  a  month,  or  a  year,  might  be  lawfully 
redeemed.  This  indulgence,  which  had  originally  been  confined 
to  the  dying,  was  claimed  with  an  equal  appearance  of  justice 
by  the  sick  and  the  infirm ;  and  was  at  last  extended  to  all,  whose 
constitutions  or  employments  were  incompatible  with  the  rigour 
of  a  long  and  severe  fast.^*  By  the  rich  it  was  accepted  with 
gratitude  ;  but  to  the  poor  it  offered  an  illusory  boon,  which 
only  aggravated  the  hardships  of  their  condition.  To  remove 
the  invidious  distinction,  a  new  species  of  commutation  was 
adopted.  Archbishop  Egbert,  founding  his  decision  on  the 
authority  of  Theodore,  intrusted  it  to  the  prudence  of  the  con- 
fessor, to  enjoin,  when  the  penitent  pleaded  infirmity  or  inability, 
a  real  equivalent  in  prayers  or  money.  Thus  a  new  system  of 
canonical  arithmetic  was  established  ;  and  the  fast  of  a  day  was 
taxed  at  the  rate  of  a  silver  penny  for  the  rich,  or  of  fifty  pater- 
nosters for  the  illiterate,  and  fifty  psalms  for  the  learned.^®  That 
these  compensations  would  accelerate  the  decline  of  the  primi- 

^*  Ibid,  passim. 

35  See  the  ciiapter,  hu  reocman  moc  hij'  p?epcaii  alypan.  Wilk.  Con. 
vol.  i.  p.  237.  36  Wilk.  p.  11.5,  140.  237. 


128  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

tive  fervour,  was  foreseen  and  lamented  bylhe  bishops:  and  the 
lathers  of  the  council  of  Cloveshoe  made  a  vigorous  but  fruitless 
attempt  to  uphold  the  ancient  discipline.  "  It  is  necessary," 
they  observe  to  the  Saxon  clergy,  "  that  the  enjoyment  of  for- 
bidden pleasure  should  be  punished  by  the  subtraction  of  lawful 
gratifications.  Alms  and  prayers  are  undoubtedly  useful,  but 
they  are  designed  to  be  the  auxiliaries,  not  the  substitutes  of 
fasting."'^''  The  torrent,  however,  was  irresistible ;  and  the  con- 
demned indulgences  were  gradually  sanctioned,  first  by  the 
silence,  afterwards  by  the  approbation  of  their  successors. 

There  was  another,  and  a  more  singular  innovation,  which 
equally  provoked,  and  equally  survived  their  censure.  Among 
a  powerful  and  turbulent  nobility,  it  was  not  difficult  to  discover 
men,  whose  otlences  were  so  numerous,  that  to  expiate  them 
according  to  the  letter  of  the  canons,  would  require  a  greater 
number  of  years,  than  could  probably  fall  to  the  lot  of  any  indi- 
vidual. Sinners  of  this  description  were  admonished  to  distrust 
so  precarious  a  resource  ;  to  solicit  the  assistance  of  their  friends, 
and  to  relieve  their  own  insolvency  by  the  vicarious  payments 
cf  others.  In  obedience  to  this  advice,  they  recommended  them- 
selves to  the  prayers  of  those  who  were  distinguished  by  the 
austerity  and  sanctity  of  their  lives ;  endeavoured  by  numerous 
benefits  to  purchase  the  gratitude  of  the  monks  and  clergy ;  and 
by  procuring  their  names  to  be  enrolled  among  the  members  of 
the  most  celebrated  monasteries,  indulged  the  hope  of  partaking 
in  the  merit  of  the  good  works  performed  by  those  societies. 
But  it  was  not  long  before  a  system,  which  offered  so  much 
accommodation  to  human  weakness,  received  considerable  im- 
provements ;  and  men  were  willing  to  persuade  themselves  that 
they  might  atone  for  their  crimes  by  substituting  in  the  place  of 
their  own,  the  austerities  of  mercenary  penitents.^^  It  was  in 
vain  that  the  council  of  Cloveshoe  thundered  its  anathemas 
against  their  disobedience  :  the  new  doctrine  was  supported  by 
the  wishes  and  the  practice  of  the  opulent ;  and  its  toleration 
was  at  length  extorted,  on  the  condition,  that  the  sinner  should 
undergo,  in  person,  a  part  at  least  of  his  penance.  The  thane, 
who  determined  to  embrace  this  expedient,  was  commanded  to 
lay  aside  his  arms,  to  clothe  himself  in  woollen  or  sackcloth,  to 
walk  barefoot,  to  carry  in  his  hand  the  staff  of  a  pilgrim,  to 
maintain  a  certain  number  of  poor,  to  watch  during  the  night  in 
the  church,  and,  when  he  slept,  to  repose  on  the  ground.  At  his 
summons,  his  friends  and  dependents  assembled  at  his  castle  : 

3"  Id.  p.  98.     Anno  747. 

^*  Nuper,  say  the  bishops  assembled  at  Cloveshoe,  quidam  dives  petens  reconcilia- 
tionein  pro  magno  (]uodam  facinore  suo  citius  sibi  dari,  affirmavit  idem  nefas  juxta 
aliorum  promissa  in  tantum  esse  expiatum,  ut  si  deinceps  vivere  posset  trecentorum 
annoriim  minicrum,  pro  eo  plane  his  satisfactionum  modis,  per  aliorum  scilicet  psalmo- 
diam,  et  jojunium,  ct  cleemosynam  persolutum  esset,  excepto  illius  jejunio,  et  quamvis 
ipse  utcumque  vel  parum  jejunaret.     Ibid.  p.  99. 


ABSOLUTION.  129 

they  also  assumed  the  garb  of  penitence  :  their  food  was  confined 
to  bread,  herbs,  and  water:  and  tliese  austerities  were  continued, 
till  the  aggregate  amount  of  their  fasts  equalled  the  number  spe- 
cified by  the  canons.  Thus,  with  the  assistance  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  associates,  an  opulent  sinner  might,  in  the  short  space 
of  three  days,  discharge  the  penance  of  a  whole  year.  But  he 
was  admonished  that  it  was  a  doubtful  and  dangerous  experi- 
ment :  and  that,  if  he  hoped  to  appease  the  anger  of  the  Al- 
mighty, he  must  sanctify  his  repentance  by  true  contrition  of 
heart,  by  frequent  donations  to  the  poor,  and  by  fervent  prayer.^^ 
How  long  this  practice  was  tolerated,  I  am  ignorant :  but  I  have 
met  with  no  instance  of  it,  posterior  to  the  reign  of  Edgar. 

While  the  penitent  thus  endeavoured  to  expiate  his  guilt,  he 
looked  forward  with  anxiety  to  the  day  which  was  to  terminate 
his  labours,  and  restore  him  to  the  common  privileges  of  the 
faithful.  At  the  expiration,  often  before  the  expiration  of  his 
penance,  he  sought  again  the  feet  of  his  confessor,  and  solicited 
the  benefit  of  absolution.  But  he  was  previously  interrogated 
respecting  his  present  dispositions,  and  the  fidelity  with  which 
he  had  observed  the  injunctions  of  the  canons.  If  his  reply 
proved  satisfactory,  if  the  amendment  of  his  conduct  evinced  the 
sincerity  of  his  professions,  the  priest  applauded  his  obedience, 
exhorted  him  to  persevere,  and,  extending  his  hand,  pronounced 
over  him  the  prayer  of  absolution.  "  The  Almighty  God,  who 
created  the  heavens,  the  earth,  and  every  creature,  have  mercy 
on  thee,  and  forgive  thee  all  the  sins  which  thou  hast  committed 
from  the  time  of  thy  baptism  till  this  hour,  through  Jesus  Christ 
our  Lord.""*"  The  joy  of  the  penitent  was  complete.  Confident 
that  he  was  now  restored  to  the  favour  of  Heaven,  he  arose, 
assisted  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  and  sealed  his  reconciliation 
by  receiving  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  the  sacrament  of  sal- 
vation, and  the  pledge  of  a  glorious  immortality. 

39  See  the  chapter,  Be   mihcijum  mannum  :  Wilk.  p.  238. 

'^°  Se  sehnihcija  Dob  ]>e  jepceop  heopnap  ^  eo^jjan  H,  ealle  je- 
fceajrca  jemilcpa  J^e.  ^  bo  f>e  pop^ypnyp pe  ealpa  I^inpa  pyiina 
J'e  fjuaeppe  jepophcepc  ppam  ppembe  f'lnnep  Epipcenbomep 
o]>  ]>IY  Clbe.  MSS.  Cott.  Tib.  A.  3.  Did  the  Saxon  Christians  attach  much  import- 
ance to  this  rite  of  absolution'?  If  we  may  beheve  Carte,  (Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  241,)  and 
Henry,  (Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  208,)  they  did  not :  but  when  they  submitted  to  the  ceremony 
of  confession,  their  object  was  to  learn  the  decision  of  the  penitentiary,  not  to  obtain 
absolution.  Alcuin,  however,  who  may  be  supposed  to  have  known  the  doctrine  of  his 
countrymen  as  accurately  as  any  modern  historian,  was  of  a  different  opinion.  He 
informs  us,  that  confession  was  necessary,  because,  without  it,  absolution  could  not  be 
obtained.  Si  peccata  sacerdotibus  non  sunt  prodenda,  quare  in  sacramentario  recon- 
cjliationis  orationes  scripts  sunt?  Quomodo  sacerdos  reconciliat,  tjuem  peccare  non 
novit!  Sacerdotes  a  Deo  Christo  cum  Sanctis  apostolis  ligandi  solvendique  potestatem 
accepisse  credimus.  Ale.  ep.  71,  edit.  Duchesne.  Ant.  lect.  Canisii,  vol.  ii.  p.  415. 
"  The  sinner,"  says  the  Saxon  homilist,  "  who  conceals  his  sins,  lies  dead  in  the  grave ; 
but  if  with  sorrow  he  confess  his  sins,  then  he  rises  from  the  grave  like  Lazarus,  at  the 
command  of  Christ,  and  then  shall  his  teacher  unbind  him  from  eternal  punishment, 
as  the  apostles  unbound  the  body  of  Lazarus.  ^"Elc  J'ynpuU  man  be  hlf 
17 


130  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Euchological  Ceremonies — Benediction  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Knights — Of  Marriages- 
Ordinations  of  the  Clergy — Coronation  of  Kings — Dedication  of  Churches. 

I.  The  superstition  of  paganism  had  peopled  the  earth  with 
gods ;  and  the  sea  and  the  air,  every  stream,  grove,  and  fountain, 
possessed  its  peculiar  and  tutelary  deity.  The  folly  of  the 
gnostics  embraced  the  opposite  extreme.  In  their  eyes,  the  visi- 
ble creation  was  the  work  of  the  power  of  darkness :  and  the 
saint  was  frequently  compelled,  by  the  unhappy  condition  of  his 
existence,  to  an  involuntary  co-operation  with  that  malevolent 
being,  whom  he  professed  to  abhor.  To  combat  these  contra- 
dictory but  popular  errors,  to  teach  her  children  that  all  things 
were  created  by  the  wisdom,  and  might  be  directed  to  the  service 
of  the  Almighty,  the  Christian  church  was  accustomed,  from  the 
earliest  ages,  to  invoke,  by  set  fornjs  of  prayer,  the  blessing  of 
Heaven  on  whatever  was  adapted  to  the  divine  worship,  or  the 
support  and  convenience  of  man.  In  this  respect  her  conduct 
was  an  exact  copy  of  that  which  God  had  recommended  to  the 
Jewish  legislator ;  and  was  justified  by  the  doctrine  of  the  apos- 
tle, that  "  every  creature  of  God  is  good,  being  sanctified  by  the 
word  of  God,  and  by  prayer."^  From  the  sacramentary  of 
Gelasius,  these  forms  of  benediction  had  passed  to  the  sacra- 
mentary of  St.  Gregory ;  and  from  that  work  they  were  tran- 
scribed into  the  rituals  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church.  The  greater 
part  of  them  would,  perhaps,  rather  fatigue  the  patience,  than 
interest  the  curiosity  of  the  reader :  these  I  shall  therefore  omit, 
and  principally  confine  myself  to  the  description  of  such,  as  had 
for  their  object  to  implore  the  divine  blessing  on  the  different 
states  of  society.  >• 

1.  That  there  existed  among  our  ancestors  from  the  earliest 
times,  a  species  of  knighthood  or  military  distinction,  which  was 
afterwards  commuted  for  the  more  splendid  and  romantic 
chivalry  of  later  ages,  has  been  satisfactorily  proved  by  a  recent 
historian.^     But  at  first  it  was  a  mere  civil  institution,  unknown 

pynna  bebijlaj?.  he  lib  beab  on  bypjene.  ac  jip  he  hip 
rynna  j^eanbecce  bnph  onbpypbnypp e.  ?)onne  jae]?  he  op 
?»aepe  bypjene.  ppa  ppa  Lazapup  bybe  ba  ba  Epipc  hine 
apipan  hec.  bonne  pceal  pe  lapeop  hine  unbinban  ppam  bam 
ecan  pice  ppa  ppa  ba  apopcoli  lichamhce  liazapum  alypbon. 
Whel.  p.  405.     Also  Wilk.  p.  125.  127.  229.  238.     See  note  (O.) 

'  1  Tim.  c.  iv.  v.  4,  5. 

2  Mr.  Turner,  Hist,  of  the  Angl.  Sax.  vol.  iv.  p.  171. 


BENEDICTION    OP    KNIGHTS.  131 

among  the  rites  of  ecclesiastical  worship.^  Religion  was  the 
daughter  of  peace  :  she  abhorred  the  deeds  of  war ;  and  refused 
to  bless  the  arms  which  were  destined  to  be  stained  with  human 
blood.  But  in  the  revolution  of  a  few  centuries,  the  sentiments 
of  men  were  altered.  To  unsheath  the  sword  against  the  enemies 
of  the  nation  ;  to  protect  by  force  of  arms  the  church,  the  widow, 
and  the  infant,  were  actions  which  humanity  approved :  the 
warrior,  who  hazarded  his  life  in  such  laudable  pursuits,  de- 
served the  blessing  of  Heaven ;  and  before  the  extinction  of  the 
Saxon  dynasty,  we  behold  the  order  of  knighthood  conferred 
with  all  the  pomp  of  a  religious  ceremony.  The  youth,  who 
aspired  to  this  honour,  was  taught  to  repair  on  the  preceding 
day  to  a  priest,  to  confess  his  sins  with  compunction  of  heart, 
and  to  obtain  the  benefit  of  absolution.  The  succeeding  night 
he  spent  in  the  church ;  and  by  watching,  devotion,  and  absti- 
nence, prepared  himself  for  the  approaching  ceremony.  In  the 
morning,  at  the  commencement  of  the  mass,  his  sword  was  laid 
on  the  altar.  After  the  gospel,  the  priest  read  over  it  the  prayer 
of  benediction,  carried  it  to  the  knight,  and  laid  it  on  his  shoulder. 
The  mass  was  then  continued ;  he  received  the  eucharist,  and 
from  that  moment  was  entitled  to  the  rank  and  privileges  of  a 
legitimate  miles,'* 

For  this  account  we  are  indebted  to  the  pen  of  Ingulph,  where 
he  relates  the  exploits  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  soldier,  whose  valour 
deserved  and  obtained  the  honour  of  knighthood.  His  name 
was  Hereward.  In  his  youth,  the  turbulence  of  his  temper  had 
alienated  the  affections  of  his  family ;  and  by  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor he  was  banished,  at  the  request  of  his  father,  from  his 
native  country.  In  Northumberland,  Cornwall,  Ireland,  and 
Flanders,  the  bravery  of  the  fugitive  was  exerted  and  admired ; 
his  fame  soon  reached  the  ears  of  his  countrymen ;  the  martial 
deeds  of  Hereward  formed  the  subject  of  the  most  popular  bal- 
lads ;  and  his  family  were  proud  of  the  man  whom  they  had 
formerly  persecuted.  When  William  the  Conqueror  landed  in 
England,  he  returned  to  the  defence  of  his  country ;  and  at  the 
head  of  his  followers  avenged  the  injuries  which  his  mother  had 
received  from  the  invaders.  It  was  at  this  period  that  he  repaired 
to  Peterborough,  to  obtain  from  the  abbot  Brand,  his  uncle,  the 

■'  It  seems  originally  to  have  been  conferred  by  the  sovereign,  and  perhaps  the  more 
distinguished  among  the  thanes,  Alfred  the  Great  is  said  by  Malmsbury  to  have 
knighted  his  grandson  Athclstan,  while  he  was  yet  a  child.  Quern  etiam  praemature 
militem  fecerat,  donatum  chlamyde  coccinea,  gemmato  balteo,  ense  Saxonico,  cum 
vagina  aurea.     Malm,  de  Reg.  p.  49. 

'^  Ingulf,  p.  70.  I  have  not  met  with  any  Anglo-Saxon  ritual,  which  mentions  the 
prayer  used  on  this  occasion.  In  a  MS.  copy  of  the  Sarum  missal  written  long  after  the 

conquest,  it  is  as  follows: — Deus concede  huic  famulo  tuo,  qui  sincere  corde 

gladio  se  primo  nititur  cingere  militari,  ut  in  omnibus  galea  tuae  virtutis  sit  protectus : 
et  sicut  David  et  Judith  contra  gentis  suse  hostes  fortitudinis  potentiam  et  victoriam 
tribuisti :  ita  tuo  auxilio  munitus  contra  hostium  suroum  saivitiam  victor  ubique  existat, 
et  ad  sanctse  ecclesia;  tutelam  proficiat.     Amen. 


132  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

belt  of  knighthood/  But  the  sequel  proves,  that  Hereward  was 
little  better  than  a  barbarian.  His  hatred  to  the  Normans  was 
incapable  of  disthiguishing  between  friend  and  foe.  His  uncle 
died:  Turold,  a  Norman,  was  appointed  to  succeed  him;  and 
though  Hereward  had  sworn  fealty  to  the  abbey,  though  the 
monks  were  his  countrymen,  and  had  been  his  benefactors,  he 
determined  to  enrich  himself  by  the  plunder  of  their  church.  As 
the  gate  could  not  easily  be  forced,  his  impatience  set  fire  to  the 
nearest  houses ;  he  burst  through  the  flames,  despised  the  tears 
and  supplications  of  the  brotherhood,  and  carried  off"  the  riches 
of  the  monastery.  The  spoils,  which  he  thus  sacrilegiously  ac- 
quired, and  the  conflagration  of  the  town  and  abbey,  of  which 
only  the  church  and  one  apartment  remained  standing,  are 
described  with  lamentations  by  the  historians  of  Peterborough.^ 
Courage  appears  to  have  supplied  the  place  of  every  other  virtue 
in  the  estimation  of  this  Anglo-Saxon  knight :  and  he  is,  unfor- 
tunately, the  only  one  who  has  been  transmitted  to  posterity  in 
that  character. 

n.  The  importance  of  conjugal  fidelity  was  understood,  and 
enforced  by  the  ancient  Saxons,  even  before  their  conversion  to 
Christianity.  The  jealousy  of  the  husband  guarded  with  severity 
the  honour  of  his  bed ;  and  the  offending  wife  was  frequently  com- 
pelled to  be  herself  the  executioner  of  his  vengeance.  With  her 
own  hands  she  fastened  the  halter  to  her  neck ;  her  strangled 
body  was  thrown  into  the  flames ;  and  over  her  ashes  was  sus- 
pended the  partner  of  her  guilt.  On  other  occasions  he  delivered 
her  to  the  women  of  the  neighbourhood,  who  were  eager  to 
avenge  on  their  unfortunate  victim,  the  honour  of  the  female 
character.  They  stripped  her  to  the  girdle,  and  scourged  her 
from  village  to  village,  till  she  sunk  under  the  severity  of  the 
punishment.^  But  if  the  justice  of  the  Saxons  was  inexorable 
to  the  disturbers  of  connubial  happiness,  they  indulged  them- 
selves in  a  greater  latitude  of  choice  than  was  conceded  to  the 
more  polished  nations,  whom  the  wisdom  of  civil  and  religious 
legislators  had  restrained  from  marrying  within  certain  degrees 
of  kindred.  The  son  hesitated  not  to  take  to  his  bed  the  relict 
of  his  deceased  father:  nor  was  the  widow  of  the  dead  ashamed 
to  accept  the  hand  of  the  surviving  brother.^  These  illicit  unions 
shocked  the  piety  of  the  first  missionaries ;  and  to  their  anxious 
inquiries,  Gregory  the  Great  returned  a  moderate  and  prudent 
answer.  He  considered  the  ignorance  of  the  Saxons  as  deserv- 
ing of  pity  rather  than  severity ;  commanded  the  prohibition  of 
marriage,  which  was  regularly  extended  to  the  seventh,  to  be 

'  Ing.  ibid.  In  the  council  of  LonJon,  held  by  St.  Anselm,  in  1102,  this  Anglo- 
Saxon  custom  was  abolished,  and  the  abbots  were  forbidden  to  confer  the  dignity  of 
knighthood.     Wilk.  Con.  torn.  i.  p.  382. 

6  Hug.  Cand.  p.  48.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  176. 

'  Ep.  St.  Bonif.  ad  Ethelbald.  apud  Wilk.  p.  88. 

«  Bed.  apud  Wilk.  p.  20. 


MARRIAGE    SETTLEMENTS.  133 

restricted  to  the  first  and  second  generations;  and  advised  the 
missionaries  to  separate  the  converts  who  were  contracted  within 
these  degrees,  and  exhort  them  to  marry  again,  according  to  the 
ecclesiastical  canons.^  The  indulgence  of  the  pontiff  alarmed  the 
zealots  of  Italy;  and  in  a  letter  to  Felix,  bishop  of  Messina,  he 
condescended  to  justify  his  conduct,  on  the  ground,  that  every 
possible  concession  ought  to  be  made  to  the  former  habits  of  the 
proselytes ;  and  that  it  was  his  intention  to  restore  the  ancient 
discipline,  in  proportion  as  the  necessity  for  its  suspension  de- 
creased.^°  By  the  Saxon  prelates,  the  will  of  the  pontiff  was 
understood,  and  gradually  obeyed.  In  the  eighth  century,  mar- 
riages within  the  fourth  degree  were  strictly  forbidden :  and  by 
the  commencement  of  the  eleventh,  the  prohibition  was  extended 
to  the  sixth.*^  At  this  point  it  remained  stationary  till  the  Nor- 
man conquest. 

The  age  at  which  marriage  might  be  lawfully  contracted,  was 
fifteen  years  in  males,  and  fourteen  in  females.^^  As  the  pecu- 
niary compensations,  with  which  the  Anglo-Saxon  jurisprudence 
abounded,  were  frequently  levied  on  the  relatives  of  the  delin- 
quent, the  suitor  was  compelled  to  obtain  the  consent,  not  only  of 
the  lady,  but  also  of  her  family,  and  to  give  security  by  his 
friends,  that  "he  desired  to  keep  her  according  to  the  law  of  God, 
and  as  a  man  should  keep  his  wife."  The  pecuniary  arrange- 
ments next  engaged  their  attention.  That  the  parents  bestowed 
any  part  of  their  property  on  their  daughter  at  her  marriage,  is 
not,  I  believe,  hinted  by  any  ancient  writer ;  but  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that,  at  their  death,  she  was  equally  entitled  with  the  other 
,  children  to  a  share  in  the  succession.  At  first,  however,  the 
whole  burden  was  laid  on  the  shoulders  of  the  husband  ;  and  in 
the  language  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  laws,  he  is  said  to  buy,  and  her 
parents  are  said  to  sell  to  him,  liis  wife.  In  a  meeting  with  her 
forspeaker,  he  fixed  the  morgan-gift,  or  present  which  he  intend- 
ed to  make  her  for  having  accepted  his  offer ;  assigned  a  suffi- 
cient provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  children ;  and  deter- 
mined the  value  of  her  dower,  if  she  were  to  survive  him.  That 
dower,  adds  the  law,  if  they  have  issue,  should  be  the  whole,  if 
they  have  not,  the  half  of  his  property.'^  The  matrimonial  pur- 
chase was  now  concluded.  The  bridegroom  gave  securities  for 
the  performance  of  the  several  articles ;  and  the  family  of  the 
bride  engaged  to  deliver  her  to  him,  whenever  they  should  be 
required. 

Three  days  before  the  day  appointed  for  the  consummation  of 
the  marriage,  the  bride  and  bridegroom,  attended  by  their  nearest 

9  Bed.  Ibid. 

10  Ep.  Greg,  ad  Fel.  apud  Smith,  app.  p.  685. 

11  Wilk.  Con.  p.  121.  301. 

"2  Poenit.  Egb.  p.  120,  xxvii. 

'2  Leges  Eadmundi,  inter  Leg.  Sax.  p.  75. 

M 


134  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

relatives,  presented  themselves  at  the  porch  of  the  church,  that 
the  "  priest  might  confirm  their  union  by  the  blessing  of  God,  in 
the  fiihicss  of  prosperity.'"-*  In  his  presence  they  mutually 
pledged  their  faith  to  each  other  ;'^  a  ring  was  blessed  and  put 
on  her  finger;  and  the  priest  invoked  the  Almighty  "to  look 
down  fromlleaven  on  the  holy  contract,  and  pour  his  benedic- 
tion on  the  parties;  to  bless  them  as  he  blessed  Tobias  and  Sarah; 
to  protect  them  from  all  evil,  grant  them  peace,  and  enrich  them 
with  every  blessing,  to  the  remission  of  sin,  and  acquisition  of 
eternal  life.""*  He  then  led  them  into  the  church  to  the  chancel. 
The  nuptial  mass  was  celebrated:  before  the  canon  they  pros- 
trated themselves  at  the  lowest  step  of  the  altar ;  and  a  purple 
veil  was  suspended  over  their  heads.  As  soon  as  the  paternoster 
had  been  recited,  the  priest  turned  towards  them,  and  repeated 
the  prayer  of  benediction.  "  0  God,  who  by  thy  power  didst 
create  all  things  out  of  nothing,  and  having  made  man  to  thy  own 
likeness,  didst  form  woman  from  the  side  of  man,  to  show  that 
no  separation  should  divide  those  who  were  made  of  one  flesh  ; 
O  God,  who  by  so  excellent  a  mystery  didst  consecrate  the  nup- 
tial contract,  making  it  a  figure  of  the  sacrament  of  Christ  and 
thy  church ;  0  God,  by  whom  woman  is  joined  to  man,  and  a 
blessing  has  been  granted  to  marriage,  which  was  not  taken 
away  either  by  the  punishment  of  original  sin,  or  the  waters  of 
the  deluge  ;  look  down,  we  beseech  thee,  on  this  thy  servant, 
who  begs  to  be  surrounded  with  thy  protection.  May  the  yoke 
of  marriage  be  to  her  a  yoke  of  peace  and  love :  may  she  marry 
faithful  and  chaste  in  Christ :  may  she  imitate  the  holy  women 
who  have  gone  before  her.  Let  her  be  lovely  as  Rachel  in  the 
eyes  of  her  husband ;  wise  as  Rebecca  ;  long  lived  and  faithful 
as  Sarah.  May  she  remain  true,  obedient,  and  bound  to  one 
bed.  May  she  flee  all  unlawful  engagements,  and,  by  the  power 
of  discipline,  strengthen  her  weakness.  Make  her  fruitful  in  her 
offspring,  reputable  and  virtuous  in  life.  Grant  that  she  may 
arrive  at  the  rest  of  the  saints,  and  the  kingdom  of  heaven  :  that 
she  may  live  to  a  good  old  age,  and  see  the  children  of  her  child- 
ren to  the  third  and  fourth  generation,  through  Christ,  our  Lord. 
Amen.'"^  At  the  conclusion  of  the  prayer  they  arose,  gave  each 
other  the  kiss  of  peace,  and  received  the  eucharist.    On  the  third 

'<  Ibid. 

'*  I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  the  form  of  words,  in  which  the  marriage  contract 
was  expressed  by  the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  most  ancient  formula,  with  which  I  am 
acquainted,  occurs  in  the  constitutions  of  Richard  de  Marisco,  bishop  of  Durham,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century.  At  that  time  the  bridegroom  was  accustomed 
to  say :  "  I  take  thee,  N,  for  my  wife."  To  which  the  bride  rejoined  :  "I  take  thee,  N, 
for  my  husband."     Const.  Rich,  de  Maris,  apud  Wilk.  torn.  i.  p.  582. 

'•'  Ritual.  Dunel.  MS.  A.  iv.  19,  p.  53.  This  ritual  is  very  ancient,  and  contains  an 
interhneary  version,  which  appears  to  be  written  by  the  same  person  who  wrote  the 
interlincary  version  in  the  Durham  book  of  Gospels,  (British  Mus.  Nev.  D.  4.)  If  this 
be  true,  the  ritual  must  have  been  in  use  before  the  close  of  the  seventh  century. 

"  Ibid.  p.  52. 


CONSECRATION   OF    VIRGINS.  135 

day  they  returned  to  the  church,  assisted,  without  communicat- 
ing, at  the  mass,  and  from  that  hour  lived  together  as  liusband 
and  wife.'^ 

III.  "  He  that  giveth  his  virgin  in  marriage,  doeth  well ;  but 
he  that  giveth  her  not  in  marriage,  doeth  better,"  was  the  in- 
spired decision  of  an  apostle.^^  If  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  was 
careful  to  invoke  the  graces  of  Heaven  on  the  matrimonial  union, 
she  was  not  less  liberal  of  her  benedictions  to  the  virgins,  who 
had  preferred  an  immortal  spouse,  and  resolved  to  dedicate  their 
chastity  to  God.  The  consummation  of  their  sacrifice  was  con- 
ducted with  the  most  impressive  solemnity.  Monks  and  nuns 
might  profess  their  obedience  to  a  particular  monastic  rule  in  the 
hands  of  the  abbot  or  abbess  :  but  the  consecration  of  a  virgin 
was  considered  of  greater  importance ;  it  was  exclusively  re- 
served to  the  ministry  of  the  bishop,^"  and  attached  to  the  princi- 
pal festivals  of  the  year ;  and  at  Easter,  the  Epiphany,  and  on 
the  feasts  of  the  apostles,  in  the  presence  of  the  people,  before 
the  altar,  and  at  the  feet  of  the  chief  pastor,  the  voluntary  victim 
renounced  the  pleasures  of  the  world,  that  she  might  obtain  a 
future  but  immortal  crown. ^^  The  eagerness  of  youth  was,  how- 
ever, repressed  by  the  wisdom  of  the  church ;  the  votary  was 
commanded  to  wait  till  the  stability  of  her  determination  had 
been  proved  by  experience ;  and,  that  she  might  not  afterwards 
accuse  her  caprice  or  temerity,  her  solemn  vow  was  retarded  till 
she  had  reached  her  twenty-fifth  year.^^  On  the  appointed  day, 
the  habit  appropriated  to  her  profession  was  blessed  by  the 
bishop.  When  he  commenced  the  office  of  the  mass,  she  dressed 
herself  in  a  private  room ;  and,  at  some  period  before  the  offer- 
tory, was  introduced  into  the  church,  and  led  to  the  foot  of  the 
altar.  Turning  towards  her,  in  a  short  address  he  explained  the 
nature  of  the  sacrifice,  which  it  was  her  intention  to  make,  and 
admonished  her  of  the  obligations  which  it  imposed.  If  she  still 
persisted,  he  inquired  whether  her  determination  had  been  sanc- 
tioned by  the  consent  of  her  parents ;  and  having  received  a 
satisfactory  answer,  placed  his  bands  upon  her  head,  and  pro- 
nounced the  prayer  of  consecration.^^  "  Be  thou  blessed  by  the 
Creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  Father,  God  omnipotent,  who 
has  chosen  thee  like  the  holy  Mary,  mother  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  to  preserve  pure  and  immaculate  the  virginity,  which 
thou  hast  promised  before  God,  and  his  holy  angels.  Persevere 
therefore  in  thy  resolution ;  preserve  thy  chastity  with  patience  ; 
and  keep  thyself  worthy  to  receive  the  crown  of  virginity." 

"  Be  thou  blessed  with  every  spiritual  blessing  by  God,  the 

'»  Wilk.  p.  131,  xxi.  '3  1  Cor.  vii.  38. 

20  Mart.  1.  ii.  c.  vi,  p.  111.     Spicil.  torn.  ix.  p.  54, 

21  Excerp.  Egb.  apud  Wilk.  p.  106,  xcii. 

22  Id.  Ibid,  xciii. 

23  Marteae  de  Rit.  1.  ii.  c.  6,  p.  112. 


136  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  that  thou  may  remain  pure, 
chaste,  and  immaculate.  May  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  under- 
standing, the  spirit  of  counsel  and  fortitude,  the  spirit  of  know- 
ledge and  piety,  the  spirit  of  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  rest  upon 
thee.  May  lie  strengthen  thy  weakness,  and  confirm  thy 
strength.  May  he  govern  all  thy  actions,  purify  thy  thoughts, 
and  enrich  thee  with  every  virtue.  Have  always  before  thy 
eyes  Him  whom  one  day  thou  wilt  have  for  thy  judge.  Make 
it  thy  care,  that  when  thou  shalt  enter  the  chamber  of  thy  spouse, 
he  may  meet  thee  with  joy  and  kindness ;  that  when  the  dread- 
ful day  shall  come,  which  is  to  reward  the  just  and  punish  the 
wicked,  the  avenging  flame  may  find  nothing  in  thee  to  burn, 
but  the  divine  mercy  may  find  much  to  reward.  Serve  thy  God 
with  a  pure  heart,  that  thou  may  hereafter  be  associated  to  the 
one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  virgins,  who  follow  the  Lamb, 
and  sing  a  new  canticle :  and  may  he  bless  thee  from  heaven, 
who  vouchsafed  to  descend  upon  earth  and  redeem  mankind  by 
dying  on  a  cross,  Christ  Jesus,  our  Lord." 

The  bishop  then  placed  the  consecrated  veil  on  her  head  with 
these  words :  "  Receive,  daughter,  this  covering,  which  thou 
mayest  carry  without  stain  before  the  tribunal  of  Christ,  to  whom 
bows  every  knee  of  things  in  heaven,  on  earth,  and  under  the 
earth."  As  he  finished,  the  church  rang  with  the  acclamations 
of  the  people,  who  cried,  amen.  The  mass  was  continued,  she 
received  the  holy  communion,  and  at  the  conclusion  the  bishop 
once  more  gave  her  his  benediction.  "  Pour  forth,  0  Lord,  thy 
heavenly  blessing  on  this  thy  servant,  our  sister,  who  has  hum- 
bled herself  under  thy  hand.  Amen.  Cover  her  with  thy  pro- 
tection. Amen.  May  she  avoid  all  sin,  know  the  good  things 
prepared  for  her,  and  seek  the  reward  of  thy  heavenly  kingdom. 
Amen.  May  she  obey  thy  commandments,  by  thy  grace  resist 
the  impulse  of  passion,  and  bear  in  her  hand  the  lamp  of  holi- 
ness. Amen.  May  she  deserve  to  enter  the  gates  of  the  hea- 
venly kingdom,  in  the  company  of  the  wise  and  chaste.  Amen. 
May  he  grant  this,  whose  empire  remains  for  eternity.  Amen. 
The  blessing  of  God,  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  remain 
with  thee  here,  and  forever.     Amen."^'* 

By  this  ceremony  she  was  said,  in  the  language  of  the  time, 
to  have  been  wedded  to  Christ.^*  She  was  called  the  bride  of 
Christ,^^  and  as  her  spouse  could  not  die,  the  engagement  which 

2'  This  account  is  taken  from  the  pontifical  of  Archbishop  Egbert,  transcribed  by 
Martene,  ibid.  p.  116.  The  original  MS.  is  now  in  the  library  of  St.  Genevieve  at 
Paris.  It  is  described  in  nearly  the  same  manner  in  Rit.  Dunel.  MS.  p.  50:  and 
in  the  Anglo-Saxon  pontifical  which  was  preserved  at  Jumiege,  Mart.  p.  120.  The 
consecration  of  a  widow  was  performed  with  less  ceremony.  The  veil  was  placed  on 
her  head  privately  by  a  priest,  with  the  same  words  as  above,  ibid,  and  Martene,  p.  146. 

25  Lobe  j-ylpum  bepebbob.      Pitnit.  Egb.  p.  136. 

2e  Mynecene  be  Dobe]-  bpyb  hi}'  jehacen.     Id.  ibid.  p.  131 


<  ORDINATIONS.  137 

she  had  contracted  was  deemed  irrevocable  by  the  laws  both  of 
the  church  and  the  state.  Each  violation  of  chastity  subjected 
her  to  a  course  of  penance  during  seven  years  r^  and  if  she  pre- 
sumed to  marry,  the  marriage  was  declared  invalid  ;  and  the 
parties  were  excommunicated,  ordered  to  separate,  and  to  do 
penance  during  the  remainder  of  their  lives.^^  Should  they  elude 
the  execution  of  this  regulation,  another  law  deprived  her  of  her 
dower  after  the  death  of  her  reputed  husband,  pronounced  her 
children  illegitimate,  and  rendered  them  incapable  of  inheriting 
the  property  of  their  father.^^ 

IV.  Under  the  Mosaic  dispensation,  God  himself  had  conde- 
scended to  describe  the  various  rites,  by  which  Aaron  and  his 
sons  should  be  consecrated  to  his  service :  in  the  infancy  of  the 
Christian  church,  a  more  simple  ceremony  appears  to  have  been 
taught  by  Christ  to  his  apostles,  and  the  dignity  and  grace  of  the 
priesthood  were  conferred  by  prayer  and  the  imposition  of 
hands.^°  While  the  number  of  the  converts  was  small,  a  single 
minister  was,  in  many  places,  sufficient  to  perform  all  the  duties 
of  religious  worship :  but  with  the  increase  of  the  faithful,  and 
the  influx  of  wealth,  a  more  numerous  and  splendid  establish- 
ment was  adopted ;  and  a  regular  gradation  of  office  conducted 
the  young  ecclesiastic  from  the  humble  station  of  porter  to  the 
more  honourable  rank  of  deacon,  priest,  or  bishop.  In  each 
order  his  fidelity  underwent  a  long  probation:  but  his  persever- 
ance was  rewarded  with  promotion  ;  and  at  each  step  a  new 
ordination  reminded  him  of  his  additional  obligations,  and  in- 
voked in  his  favour  the  benediction  of  Heaven.  In  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  church  the  clergy  was  constituted  after  the  Roman  model  : 
and  the  hierarchy  consisted  of  porters,  lectors,  exorcists,  acolythists, 
subdeacons,  deacons,  and  priests.  The  seventh  order  (that  of  the 
priesthood)  was  subdivided  into  two  classes,  of  bishops,  who  pos- 
sessed it  in  all  its  plentitude,  and  of  priests,  whose  ministry  was 
restricted  to  the  exercise  of  those  functions,  which,  from  their 
importance  and  frequent  recurrence,  demanded  the  assistance  of 
numerous  co-operators.  "  The  bishop  and  the  priest,"  says 
.^Ifric  in  his  charge  to  the  clergy, "  both  belong  to  the  same  order : 
but  one  is  superior  to  the  other.  Besides  the  functions  which 
are  common  to  both,  it  is  the  oflice  of  the  bishop  to  ordain,  to 
confirm,  to  bless  the  holy  oils,  and  to  dedicate  churches :  for  it 
would  be  too  much  if  these  powers  had  been  communicated  to 
all  priests."'^' 

«?  Id.  p.  118,  xiii.  2s  IJ.  p.  131,  xviii.   Cone.  Calcuith.  p.  149,  xvi. 

29  Leg.  eccles.  JEUnd.  p.  192,  vi.       3o  1  Tim.  iii.  14. 

3'  ^Ifric.  ep.  ad  Wulfsin.  inter  Leg.  Sax.  p.  155.  Ep.  ad  Wolstan.  p.  167.  The 
distinction  between  bishops  and  priests  is  thus  drawn  in  the  pontificals : — Presbyterum 
oportet  beneJicere,  offerre,  et  bene  prseesse,  prtedicare,  et  baptizare,  atque  communicare. 
Episcopuni  oportet  judicare,  et  interpretari,  consecrare  et  consummare,  quin  et  ordinare, 
offerre,  et  baptizare :  omnia  debet  prospicere  et  ordinare.  Pont.  Egb.  p.  346.  Pont. 
Gemet.  p.  356,  357. 

IS  M  2 


138  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

In  the  choice  and  promotion  of  the  inferior  ministers,  the  judg- 
ment of  the  bishops  was  guided  by  the  wisdom  of  preceding  ages. 
Whatever  regarded  the  time  and  rite  of  ordination,  the  age,  per- 
sonal merit,  and  mental  endowments  of  the  candidates,  had  been 
foreseen  and  determined  by  the  decrees  of  councils,  and  the 
usage  of  antiquity.  The  time  was  fixed  to  the  four  ember  weeks 
Avhich  regularly  returned  with  the  four  seasons  of  the  year ;  and 
on  the  evening  of  the  Saturday,  the  bishop  commenced  the  sacred 
ceremony,  the  length  of  which  frequently  encroached  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning.^^  The  lower  orders,  which  imposed  no  irrevo- 
cable obligation,  might  be  lawfully  conferred  even  on  children : 
for  the  others  a  greater  maturity  of  age  and  judgment  was  re- 
quired; and  the  deacon  was  expected  to  have  reached  liis  twenty- 
fifth,  the  priest  his  thirtieth  year,  the  time  of  life  at  which  Jesus 
was  believed  to  have  commenced  his  evangelical  labours.^'^  But 
this  regulation  was  not  strictly  enforced  :  and  a  proper  latitude 
was  granted  to  the  discretion  of  the  bishop,  who  might  lawfully 
dispense  in  favour  of  superior  merit,  or  the  wants  of  a  numerous 
people.^''  A  severe  scrutiny  preceded  admission  to  the  higher 
degrees  of  the  hierarchy.^^  A  competency  of  learning,  and  the 
reputation  of  virtue,  were  necessary  qualifications.  Idolatry, 
witchcraft,  nuu'der,  fornication,  perjury,  and  theft,  though  time 
and  repentance  might  be  supposed  to  have  obliterated  the  former 
scandal,  opposed  insuperable  impediments  to  the  pretensions 
of  the  candidate :  and  if  he  succeeded  in  concealing  these 
crimes  at  the  time  of  his  ordination,  yet,  the  moment  they 
were  known,  he  was  deposed  from  his  rank,  and  condemned 
to  fast  and  pray  in  the  number  of  public  penitents.^"  It  was  also 
required,  that  he  wore  free  from  every  stain  which  might  de- 
preciate him  in  the  estimation  of  the  public,  deformity  of  body, 
illegitimacy  of  birth,  and  servile  descent :  and  if  he  had  been 
married,  he  was  compelled  to  prove  that  his  wife  was  already 
dead,  or  had  voluntarily  embraced  a  life  of  perpetual  continency." 
To  these  was  added  a  third  requisite,  which  showed  the  high 
importance  attached  to  clerical  chastity.  A  second  marriage  was 
deemed  to  imply  a  weakness  of  mind,  and  a  secret  propensity  to 
pleasure,  incompatible  with  the  austerity  of  the  levitical  or  sacer- 
dotal character :  and  the  bigamist,  though  he  were  a  widower,  and 
possessed  of  every  other  qualification,  was  excluded,  without  the 
hope  of  indulgence,  from  the  rank  of  bishop,  priest,  or  deacon.^' 

"  Pont,  Egb.  p.  344.     Wilk.  Con.  p.  107,  xcix. 

^'  Wilk.  p.  106,  xciii. ;  107,  xcvii.  Fifty  years  was  the  age  which  the  canons  re- 
quired for  a  bishop,  according  to  St.  Boniface :  but  this  regulation  was  seldom  observed. 
Vit.  St.  Bonif.  apud  Serrar.  p.  267. 

^*  Ep.  Zach.  ad  Bonif.  p.  214.  Thus  Bede  was  ordained  deacon  at  nineteen,  I.  v. 
c.  24 :  the  Abbot  Esterwin  received  priest's  orders  at  twenty-nine.  Ceolfrid  at  twenty- 
seven.     Bed.  Hist.  Abbat.  p.  296.  302.  35  vVilk.  p.  95.  147. 

36  Ibid.  p.  85.     Ep.  Zach.  ad  Bonif.  p.  215.  =7  jj_  j^id. 

=8  Id.  ibid.  p.  103,  xxxii.     Pontif.  Egb.  p.  350. 


ORDINATION    OF    DEACONS.  139 

In  the  Anglo-Saxon  pontificals  are  accurately  described  the 
various  rites  by  which  the  ministers  of  the  church  were  invested 
with  their  respective  dignities.  The  collation  of  the  inferior 
orders  I  shall  neglect,  as  of  inferior  importance  :^^  that  of  the 
higher  may  be  compressed  within  the  compass  of  a  few  pages, 
and  will  not,  perhaps,  appear  uninteresting  to  the  pious  or  the 
curious  reader. 

1.  Previously  to  the  ordination,  the  candidates  were  intrusted 
to  the  custody  of  the  archdeacon,  who  inquired  into  their  respect- 
ive qualifications,  and  instructed  them  in  the  nature  and  exercise 
of  the  offices  to  which  they  aspired.  At  the  appointed  hotir,  he 
introduced  them  into  the  church,  and  in  answer  to  a  question 
from  the  bishop  replied,  that  he  bore,  as  far  as  human  frailty 
might  presume,  a  willing  testimony  to  their  merit  and  capacity. 
The  bishop  then  addressed  the  congregation.  He  requested  the 
assistance  of  their  prayers  for  the  important  function  which  it 
was  his  duty  to  perform :  exhorted  them  not  to  permit  the  sanc- 
tity of  the  hierarchy  to  be  polluted  by  the  adoption  of  improper 
characters;  and  commanded  them,  if  they  were  acquainted  with 
a  canonical  impediment  in  any  of  the  candidates,  to  step  forward, 
and  declare  it  with  modesty  and  freedom.  If  no  accusation  was 
preferred,  he  lay,  while  the  litany  was  chanted,  prostrate  at  the 
foot  of  the  altar;  and  the  clerks,  who  were  to  be  ordained, ranged 
themselves  in  the  same  posture  behind  him.  Rising,  he  first 
conferred  the  degree  of  deacon,  with  the  following  ceremonies. 
Having  placed  the  stole  across  the  left  shoulder  of  each,  as  they 
successively  knelt  before  him,  he  put  in  his  hand  the  book  of  the 
gospels,  saying,  "Receive  this  volume  of  the  gospel;  read  and 
understand  it ;  teach  it  to  others,  and  fulfil  it  thyself"  Then 
holding  his  hands  over  their  heads,  he  thus  continued :  "  0  Lord 
God  Almighty,  the  giver  of  honours,  distributor  of  orders,  and 
disposer  of  functions,  look  with  complacency  on  these  thy  ser- 
vants, whom  we  humbly  ordain  to  the  office  of  deacons,  that 
they  may  always  minister  in  thy  service.  We,  though  ignorant 
of  thy  judgment,  have  examined  their  lives,  as  far  as  we  are  able. 
But  thou,  0  Lord,  knowest  all  things ;  the  most  hidden  things 
are  not  concealed  from  thy  eyes.  Thou  art  acquainted  with  all 
secrets,  thou  art  the  searcher  of  hearts.  But  as  thou  canst  ex- 
amine their  conduct  by  thy  celestial  light,  so  canst  thou  also 
purify  their  souls,  and  grant  them  the  graces  necessary  for  their 
functions.  Send,  therefore,  on  them,  0  Lord,  thy  Holy  Spirit, 
that,  in  the  execution  of  their  ministry,  they  may  be  strengthened 
by  the  seven-fold  gift  of  thy  grace.  May  thy  precepts  shine  in 
their  conduct;  may  thy  people  learn  to  imitate  the  chastity  of 
their  lives ;  and  may  their  fidelity  in  their  present  station  raise 
them  to  a  higher  dignity  in  thy  church."     He  then  completed 

33  It  differed  very  little  from  the  form  in  the  present  Roman  pontifical,  and  may  be 
seen  in  Martene,  p.  346. 


l40  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

the  ordination  by  anointing,  their  hands  with  oil  and  chrism, 
pray  ins:,  "that  tli  rough  the  merits  of  Christ,  whatever  they  should 
bless,  might  be  blessed,  and  whatever  they  should  hallow,  might 
be  hallowed."-'" 

2.  After  the  ordination  of  the  deacons,  followed  that  of  the 
priests.  The  preparatory  ceremonies  were  the  same ;  but  the 
stole,  which  before  had  been  placed  on  the  left  shoulder,  was 
now  hung  over  the  neck,  and  permitted  to  fall  down  before  the 
breast.  The  bishop  then  pronounced  aloud  the  name  of  the 
church  for  which  each  candidate  was  to  be  ordained,  and  holding 
his  hands  over  their  heads,  in  which  he  was  imitated  by  the  as- 
sistant priests,  read  or  chanted  the  prayer  of  consecration.  He 
began  by  observing,  that  as  Moses  in  the  desert  had  chosen 
seventy  rulers  to  assist  him  in  governing  the  people ;  as  Eleazar 
and  Ithamar  were  selected  to  participate  with  ti':eir  father  Aaron 
in  the  functions  of  the  sacred  ministry;  as  the  apostles  had  em- 
ployed the  zeal  of  their  most  virtuous  disciples  in  the  conversion 
of  nations ;  so  he,  their  unworthy  successor,  required  the  aid  of 
numerous  and  faithful  co-operators.  "  Give,  therefore,"  he  con- 
tinued, "we  beseech  thee.  Almighty  Father,  to  these  thy  servants, 
the  dignity  of  the  priesthood;  renew  in  their  bowels  the  spirit  of 
holiness :  make  them  the  zealous  assistants  of  our  order,  and 
grant  them  the  form  of  all  justice."  Here  he  interrupted  his 
prayer,  and  requested  the  congregation  to  join  with  him  in  so- 
liciting the  blessing  of  Heaven  on  those  who  had  been  chosen  to 
labour  for  their  salvation.  He  then  resumed  the  consecration  in 
the  following  words:  "  0  God,  the  author  of  all  sanctity,  impose 
the  hand  of  thy  benediction  on  these  thy  servants,  whom  we 
ordain  to  the  honour  of  the  priesthood.  Instructed  by  the  lessons 
which  Paul  gave  to  Timothy  and  Titus,  may  they  meditate  day 
and  night  on  thy  law  :  may  they  believe  what  they  read,  teach 
what  they  believe,  and  practise  what  they  teach.  May  their 
conduct  be  an  example  of  all  virtue,  that  they  may  preserve  pure 
and  unsullied  the  gift  of  thy  ministry,  transform  by  an  immacu- 
late benediction  the  body  and  blood  of  thy  Son,  and,  growing  to 
the  measure  of  the  age  of  the  fulness  of  Christ,  appear  at  the 
day  of  judgment  with  a  pure  conscience,  a  perfect  faith,  and  the 
plenitude  of  the  Holy  Spirit."  He  then  clothed  them  with  the 
chasuble,  the  garment  appropriated  to  the  priests,  blessed  their 
hands,  "  that  they  might  consecrate  the  sacrifices  which  were 
offered  for  the  sins  of  the  people ;"  and  anointed  their  heads, 
praying  that  "they  might  be  consecrated  with  the  celestial  bless- 
ing in  the  order  of  priesthood,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  the 
Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost. "•**  The  latter  ceremony  seems,  origi- 
nally, to  have  been  peculiar  to  the  Anglo-Saxons  :  from  them  it 
passed  to  a  few  churches  in  Gaul ;  but  was  at  last  abolished  by 

""  Martcne,  Pontif.  Egb.  p.  351.     Pont.  Gemet.  p.  3G2. 
11  Mart.  ibid.  p.  352.  364. 


ORDINATION    OP    BISHOPS.  141 

the  opposition  of  the  bishops,  who  were  iinwilhng  that  the  priests 
should  be  honoured  with  a  rite,  which  tlie  Roman  churcii  had 
exdusively  attached  to  the  episcopal  consecration.*^ 

3.  In  a  preceding  chapter  has  been  described  the  gradual 
transition  of  the  privilege  of  nominating  bishops,  from  the  pro- 
vincial bishops,  and  the  suffrage  of  the  clergy  and  people,  to  the 
more  venal  and  interested  choice  of  the  prince.  Still  a  shadow 
of  the  ancient  discipline  was  respectfully  preserved :  from  th^ 
pulpit  of  the  cathedral  the  name  of  the  clergyman  who  had  been 
nominated  to  the  vacant  see, was  announced  to  the  congregation:^^ 
and  their  acclamations  of  "  many  years  may  he  live,  may  he  be 
pleasing  to  God,  may  he  be  dear  to  men,"  were  assumed  as  suf- 
ficient evidence  of  their  assent.'**  A  public  instrument  of  his 
election  was  composed,  and  confided  to  a  deputation  of  the 
chapter,  who  presented  it  to  the  metropolitan,  and  solicited  him 
to  consecrate  the  object  of  their  choice.*^  He  appointed  the  day 
for  the  performance  of  the  ceremony.  But  previously  the  bishop 
elect  appeared  before  him,  answered  his  interrogations,  and  sub- 
scribed a  declaration  of  his  faith,  and  profession  of  obedience.'*^ 
He  then  retired  to  the  church,  and  passed  the  night  before  the 
altar,  sometimes  employed  in  private  prayer,  at  others  reciting  or 
chanting  the  office  with  his  chaplains. 

A  single  bishop,  attended  by  his  priests,  might  ordain  the  infe- 
rior ministers:  the  presence  of  at  least  three  prelates  was  required 
at  the  consecration  of  a  bishop.  From  this  obligation,  Gregory 
the  Great  had  exempted  St.  Augustine,  and  permitted  him  to 
perform  the  ceremony  without  any  assistants:  but  he  added,  that 
this  indulgence  was  to  expire  with  the  circumstances  which  ren- 
dered it  necessary,  and  that  the  ancient  discipline  was  then  to  be 
strictly  observed."*^  The  consecration  was  performed  in  the 
church,  and  during  the  mass.  At  the  appointed  time,  the  bishop 
elect  placed  himself  on  his  knees  before  the  prelates,  who  had 
assembled  for  the  occasion.  Two  of  them  held  the  book  of  the 
gospels  on  the  crown  of  his  head,  the  others  touched  it  with  their 
hands,  and  the  metropolitan  pronounced  the  form  of  consecration. 

"•2  The  delivery  of  the  gospel  to  the  deacons,  and  the  unction  of  their  hands,  were  also 
ceremonies  peculiar  to  the  Anglo-Saxons,  though  both  the  pontificals  profess  to  derive 
the  rites  of  ordination  from  the  customs  of  Rome.  Mart.  p.  314,  315.  The  first  of 
these  is  now  found  in  the  Roman  pontifical. 

^^  Angl.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  107.  198. 

**  Vivat,  clamitant,  episcopus  annis  innumeris,  vivat  Deo  gratus,  vivat  hominibus 
chafus.     Vit.  St.  Elpheg.  Ang.  Sac.  p.  127. 

"i*  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  107.  A  copy  of  this  instrument  may  be  seen  in  the  same 
work,  vol.  i.  p.  82.  Harpsfield  has  published  that  which  was  presented  for  the  ordina- 
tion of  ^^Ifric,  (Hist.  p.  198.)     It  is  expressed  in  the  same  words  as  the  former. 

■">  The  profession  of  St.  Swithin  has  already  been  mentioned ;  that  of  St.  Boniface 
may  be  read  in  Serrarius,  (Ep.  St.  Bonif.  p.  163.)  It  was  written  with  his  own  band, 
and  placed  by  him  on  the  tomb  of  St.  Peter.  Ibid.  Several  other  professions  are  printed 
in  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  78.  The  first  has  an  erroneous  title.  Eadulf  was  bishop,  not 
of  York,  but  of  Sydnacester,  as  appears  from  the  next  profession,  p.  79. 

4'  Bed.  Hist.  I.  i.  c.  27. 


142  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Having  observed,  that  ihc  consecration  of  Aaron  was  a  type  of 
that  of  tlie  l)ishops  in  the  new  law,  he  prayed  tliat  God  would 
grant  to  his  servant  the  virtues  prefigured  by  the  habit  appro- 
priated to  the  high  priest  in  the  Jewish  temple  r'^^  tliat  he  would 
impart  to  him  the  plenitude  of  the  holy  ministry,  and  give  him 
the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven :  that  whatever  he  should 
bind  or  loose  on  earth, might  be  bound  or  loosed  in  heaven:  that 
■whose  sins  he  should  retain,  they  might  be  retained;  and  whose 
sins  he  should  forgive,  they  should  be  forgiven  :  that  he  might 
never  give  to  evil  the  appellation  of  good,  or  to  good  the  appella- 
tion of  evil :  that  he  might  receive  an  episcopal  chair  to  rule  the 
church;  that  God  would  be  his  strength  and  authority,  and  that 
his  prayer  might  be  heard  as  often  as  he  implored  the  mercy  of 
the  Almighty .••^  His  hands  and  head  were  then  anointed  with 
oil ;  the  crosier  was  delivered  into  his  hand,  and  the  ring  put  on 
his  finger.  Each  ceremony  was  accompanied  with  a  prayer 
expressive  of  its  meaning;  and  at  the  conclusion  he  was  placed 
on  the  episcopal  throne,  with  these  words:  "0  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
who  didst  choose  thy  apostles  to  be  our  masters,  vouchsafe  to 
teach,  instruct,  and  bless  this  thy  bishop,  that  lie  may  lead  a  holy 
and  immaculate  life.     Amen."^° 

V.  The  inauguration  of  princes  was  originally  a  civil  rite. 
The  emperors  of  the  Romans,  and  the  kings  of  the  barbarians, 
were  alike  elevated  on  a  shield,  and  saluted  by  the  acclamations 
of  the  army.  But  when  they  had  embraced  the  knowledge  of  the 
gospel,  they  deemed  the  examples  recorded  in  the  Jewish  Scrip- 
tures worthy  of  their  imitation ;  even  the  splendour  of  royalty 
might  receive  addition  from  the  ceremonies  of  religion  ;  and  an 
anointed  king  would  appear  with  still  greater  majesty  in  the  eyes 
of  his  subjects.  Theodosius  the  younger  was  the  first,  who  is 
recorded  to  have  solicited  the  royal  insignia  from  the  ministers 
of  the  church :  but  his  successors  appreciated  the  policy  of  his 
conduct,  and  were  careful  to  receive,  with  the  imperial  crown, 
the  benediction  of  the  Byzantine  patriarch.  In  Britain  this  cere- 
mony was  imitated  at  an  early  period.  No  sooner  had  the  em- 
peror Honorius  recalled  the  legions  from  the  island,  than  the  de- 
scendants of  the  ancient  kings  assumed  the  sceptre  ;  and  their  in- 
auguration, as  we  learn  from  a  native  writer,  was  performed 

^8  In  this  part  of  the  prayer,  the  following  passage,  accoriling  to  the  Anglo-Saxon 
pontificals,  was  inserted  at  the  ordination  of  the  Roman  pontiff,  Idcirco  hunc  famulum 
tuum,  ill.  quern  npostolicaj  sedis  prffisulem  et  primatem  omnium,  qui  in  orbe  sunt, 
sacerdotum,  ac  universalis  ecclesise  ture  doctorem  dedisti,  et  ad  summi  sacerdotii  minis- 
terium  elegisti,  &c.     Pont.  Egb.  p.  342.     Pont.  Gcmet.  p.  368. 

■"  As  the  book  of  the  gospels  was  now  raised  from  his  head,  it  was  customary  for  the 
rnetropolitan  to  open  it,  and  read  the  first  passage  which  presented  itself.  It  was  con- 
sidered as  a  projjhecy  respecting  the  future  conduct  of  the  new  bishop.  Numerous 
examples  occur  after  the  compiest ;  I  recollect  but  one  before  it,  in  the  life  of  St.  Wul- 
8tan.     Aug.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  2.'J2. 

5"  Pont.  Egb.  p.  340. 


CORONATION    CEUEMONY.  143 

With  the  regal  unction/*  From  Britain  it  seems  to  have  been 
transmitted  to  the  Christian  princes  of  Ireland :  the  book  of  the 
ordination  of  kings  was  in  the  library  of  the  abbot  St.  Columba; 
and  according  to  its  directions  he  blessed  and  ordained  Aidan, 
king  of  the  Scots."  It  has  been  said  that  the  Anglo-Saxons  were 
indebted  for  tliis  right  to  the  poUcy  of  an  usurper,  Eardulf,  of 
Northumbria  :"  but  the  ceremony  of  the  coronation  occupied  a 
distinguished  place  in  the  pontifical  of  Archbishop  Egbert,  whicii 
was  written  many  years  before  the  reign  of  that  prince.*"* 

The  ceremony  began  with  the  coronation  oath.  Its  origin 
may  be  traced  to  Anthemius,  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
whose  zeal  refused  to  place  the  crown  on  the  head  of  Anastasius, 
a  prince  of  suspicious  orthodoxy,  till  he  had  sworn  to  make  no 
innovation  in  the  established  religion."  But  the  oath  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons  was  more  comprehensive :  it  was  a  species  of 
compact  between  the  monarch  and  the  people,  which  the  bishop, 
as  the  representative  of  Heaven,  ratified  with  his  benediction. 
"  I  promise,"  said  the  king,  "  in  the  name  of  the  most  holy  Tri- 
nity, first,  that  the  church  of  God,  and  all  Christian  people,  shall 
enjoy  true  peace  under  my  government.  Secondly,  that  I  will 
prohibit  every  kind  of  rapine  and  injustice,  in  men  of  every  con- 
dition. Thirdly,  that  in  all  judgments  I  will  command  equity  to 
be  united  with  mercy,  that  the  most  gracious  and  clement  God 
may,  through  his  eternal  mercy,  forgive  us  all.  Amen."*^  A 
portion  of  the  gospel  was  then  read:  three  prayers  were  recited 

5'  Ungebantur  reges,  says  Gildas,  et  paulo  post  ab  unctoribus  trucidabantur.  Gild, 
p.  82,  edit.  Bertram. 

"  From  Cuminius,  who  wrote  in  607,  we  learn  that  St.  Columba  took  with  him 
ordinationis  regum  librum,  et  Aidanum  in  regem  ordinavit.  Cum.  vit.  Colum.  p.  30, 
edit.  Pinkerton.  Adomnan,  who  wrote  thirty  years  later,  adds,  imponens  manum  super 
caput  ejus.     Adom.  vit.  Colum.  p.  IGI. 

'3  Carte,  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  293.     See  note  (O.) 

*''  This  is  the  most  ancient  ordo  ad  benedicendum  regem,  which  is  known.  From  a 
MS.  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Mr.  Turner  has  translated  the  description  of  the  ceremony, 
as  it  was  performed  at  the  coronation  of  Ethelred,  in  978.  (Turner,  vol.  iv.  p.  250.)  It 
is  different  from  that  contained  in  the  pontifical  of  Egbert,  but  the  same  as  was  pub- 
lished by  Martene,  under  the  title  of  ordo  ad  benedicendum  regem  Francorum,  from  a 
MS.  written  by  order  of  Ratold,  abbot  of  Corbie,  in  980.  Was  this  Anglo-Saxon  ordo 
borrowed  from  the  French,  or  the  French  from  the  Anglo-Saxon  1  The  latter  seems 
to  be  the  truth.  In  the  French  ordo,  England  is  several  times  mentioned ;  and  the 
transcriber,  who  appears  to  have  carefully  preserved  every  word  of  the  original,  adds, 
that  by  England  must  be  understood  France.  Thus  the  king  is  said  to  be  chosen  in 
regnum  N.  Albionis  totius,  (videlicet  Francorum.)     Mart.  1.  ii.  p.  192. 

'5  Evagrius,  1.  iii.  c.  32. 

55  This  oath  is  translated  from  that  which  St.  Dunstan  exacted  from  Ethelred  at  his 
coronation.  Hicks.  Gram,  prtef.  But  it  is  much  more  ancient,  and  is  thus  expressed 
in  Egbert's  pontifical.  "  Rectitudo  est  regis  noviter  ordinati,  et  in  solium  sublevati, 
hffic  tria  prsecepta  populo  Christiano  sibi  subdito  pra;cipere :  in  primis  ut  ecclesia  Dei, 
et  omnis  populus  Christianus  veram  pacem  servent  in  omni  tempore.  Amen.  Aliud 
est,  ut  rapacitates  et  omnes  iniquitates  omnibus  gradibus  interdicat.  Amen.  Tertium 
est,  ut  in  omnibus  judiciis  sequitatem  et  misericordiam  praecipiat,  ut  per  hoc  nobis  in- 
dulgeat  misericordiam  suam  clemens  et  misericors  Deus.  Amen."  Mart.  1.  ii.  p.  188. 
The  same  oath  occurs  in  the  ancient  French  pontificals.     Ibid.  p.  197.  199.  211. 


144  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

to  implore  tlic  blessing  of  God ;  and  the  consecrated  oil  was 
poured  on  the  head  of  the  king.  While  the  other  prelates  anoint- 
ed him,  the  archbishop  read  the  prayer:  "0  God,  the  strength 
of  the  elect,  and  the  exaltation  of  the  humble,  who,  by  the  unc- 
tion of  oil,  didst  sanctify  thy  servant  Aaron,  and  by  the  same 
didst  prepare  priests,  kings,  and  prophets,  to  rule  thy  people 
Israel ;  sanctify.  Almighty  God,  in  like  manner  this  thy  servant, 
that  like  them  he  may  be  able  to  govern  the  people  committed 
to  his  charge." 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  prayer,  the  principal  thanes  approach- 
ed, and,  in  conjunction  with  the  bishops,  placed  the  sceptre  in  his 
hand.  The  archbishop  continued  :  "  Bless,  0  Lord,  this  prince, 
thou  who  rulest  the  kingdoms  of  all  kings.     Amen." 

"  May  he  always  be  subject  to  thee  with  fear :  may  he  serve 
thee :  may  his  reign  be  peaceful :  may  he  with  his  chieftains  be 
protected  by  thy  shield  :  may  he  be  victorious  without  blood- 
shed.    Amen." 

"  May  he  live  magnanimous  among  the  assemblies  of  the  na- 
tions :  may  he  be  distinguished  by  the  equity  of  his  judgments. 
Amen." 

"  Grant  him  length  of  life  for  years :  and  may  justice  arise  in 
his  days.     Amen." 

"  Grant  that  the  nations  maybe  faithful  to  him:  and  his  nobles 
may  enjoy  peace,  and  love  charity.     Amen." 

"  Be  thou  his  honour,  his  joy,  and  his  pleasure ;  his  solace 
in  grief,  his  counsel  in  difficulty,  his  consoler  in  labour. 
Amen." 

"  May  he  seek  advice  from  thee,  and  by  thee  may  he  learn  to 
hold  the  reins  of  empire  ;  that  his  life  may  be  a  life  of  happiness, 
and  he  may  hereafter  enjoy  eternal  bliss.     Amen." 

The  rod  was  now  put  into  his  hand,  with  a  prayer,  that  the 
benedictions  of  the  ancient  patriarchs,  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
Jacob,  might  rest  upon  him.  He  was  then  crowned,  and  the 
archbishop  said,  "  Bless,  0  Lord,  the  strength  of  the  king  our 
prince,  and  receive  the  work  of  his  hands.  Blessed  by  thee  be 
his  land,  with  the  precious  dew  of  the  heavens,  and  the  springs 
of  the  low-lying  deep ;  with  the  fruits  brought  forth  by  the  sun, 
and  the  fruits  brought  forth  by  the  moon ;  with  the  precious 
things  of  the  aged  mountains,  and  the  precious  things  of  the 
eternal  hills,  with  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  the  fulness  thereof. 
May  the  blessing  of  Him  who  appeared  in  the  bush,  rest  on  the 
head  of  the  king.  May  he  be  blessed  in  his  children,  and  dip  his 
foot  in  oil.  May  the  horns  of  the  rhinoceros  be  his  horns ;  with 
them  may  he  push  the  nations  to  the  extremities  of  the  earth. 
And  be  He  who  rideth  on  the  heavens,  his  helper  forever."  " 

''  These  benedictions  are  selected  from  Deuteronomy,  c.  xxxiii. 


DEDICATION   OP   CHURCHES.  145 

Here  the  people  exclaimed  tlirice,  "Live  the  king  forever.  Amen. 
Amen.  Amen."  They  were  then  admitted  to  kiss  him  on  his 
throne.  The  ceremony  concluded  with  this  prayer.  "  0  God, 
the  author  of  eternity,  leader  of  the  heavenly  host,  and  conqueror 
of  all  enemies,  bless  this  thy  servant,  who  humbly  bends  his  head 
before  thee.  Pour  thy  grace  upon  him  :  preserve  him  wiih  health 
and  happiness  in  the  service  to  which  he  is  appointed,  and 
wherever  and  for  whomsoever  he  shall  implore  thy  assistance, 
do  thou,  0  God,  be  present,  protect  and  defend  him,  through 
Christ  our  Lord.    Amen."  ^* 

VI.  Of  the  manner  in  which  the  first  Christian  oratories  were 
consecrated  to  the  service  of  God,  we  are  ignorant.  The  offices 
of  religion  were  carefully  concealed  from  the  notice  of  the  pro- 
fane ;  and  the  converts  were  too  prudent  to  alarm  the  jealousy 
or  provoke  the  avarice  of  the  infidels,  by  an  unnecessary  splen- 
dour. But  as  soon  as  the  sceptre  had  been  placed  in  the  hands 
of  Constantino,  religious  edifices  of  considerable  magnificence 
arose  in  every  province,  and  the  Christian  emperor  aspired  to 
equal  the  fame  of  David  and  Solomon.  The  dedication  of  the 
temple  of  Jerusalem,  served  as  a  model  for  the  dedication  of  the 
Christian  churches :  the  bishops  eagerly  assembled  to  perform 
the  sacred  ceremony ;  and  their  ministry  was  joyfully  attended 
by  the  presence  of  the  great,  and  the  acclamations  of  the  people. 
Succeeding  generations  preserved  with  fidelity  the  practice  of 
their  predecessors ;  and  among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  no  solemnity 
was  celebrated  with  greater  pomp  than  the  dedication  of  a 
church.  Egfrid,  king  of  Northumbria,  his  brother  ^Iwin,  their 
ealdormen  and  abbots,  attended  St.  Wilfrid,  when  he  consecrated 
the  basilic,  which  he  had  erected  at  Rippon  :^^  to  the  dedication 
of  the  church  at  Ramsey,  all  the  thanes  of  the  six  neighbouring 
counties  were  invited  by  St.  Oswald  :^°  and  when  the  same  cere- 
mony was  performed  in  the  cathedral  of  Winchester,  after  its 
restoration  by  St.  Ethelwold,  it  was  honoured  with  the  presence 
of  King  Ethelred  and  his  court,  and  of  the  metropolitan  and  eight 
other  bishops.^^ 

The  night  preceding  the  ceremony  was  spent  in  watching  and 
prayer.  On  the  morning,  the  prelates,  dressed  in  their  pontificals, 
repaired  to  the  porch  of  the  church ;  and  the  principal  conse- 
crater  struck  the  door  thrice  with  his  crosier,  repeating  the  verse  : 
"  Lift  up  your  gates,  0  ye  princes,  and  be  ye  lifted  up,  0  eternal 
gates,  and  the  king  of  glory  shall  enter  in."  At  the  third  stroke 
it  was  opened  :  the  choir  sung  the  twenty-fourth  psalm  ;  and  the 
bishops  entered,  crying :  "  Peace  to  this  house,  and  all  who  dwell 

58  Pontif.  Egb.  p.  186. 

59  Edd,  Vit.  St.  Wilf.  c.  xvii. 

60  Hist.  Ram.  p.  422. 

6'  Wolst.  Carmen  in  Act.  SS.  Bened.  sac.  v.  p.  629. 
19  N 


146  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH 

in  it :  peace  to  those  who  enter,  peace  to  those  who  go  out."  "^ 
They  proceeded  to  the  foot  of  the  principal  ahar,  and  lay  pros- 
trate before  it,  while  the  litany  was  sung."  At  its  conclusion 
they  arose,  and  one  of  the  bishops,  with  the  end  of  his  crosier, 
wrote  two  Roman  alphabets  on  the  floor,  in  the  form  of  a  cross. 
He  then  sprinkled  the  altar,  the  walls,  and  the  pavement  with 
holy  water,  and  standing  in  the  middle  of  the  church,  chanted 
the  following  prayer.  "  0  blessed  and  holy  Trinity,  who  puri- 
fiest,  cleansest,  and  adornest  all  things ;  0  blessed  majesty  of  God, 
who  fillest,  governest,  and  disposest  all  things ;  0  blessed  and 
holy  hand  of  God,  who  sanctifiest,  blessest,  and  enrichest  all 
things ;  0  God,  the  holy  of  holies,  we  humbly  implore  thy  cle- 
mency, that  by  our  ministry  thou  wouldst  purify,  bless,  and  con- 
secrate this  church  to  the  honour  of  the  holy  and  victorious  cross, 
and  the  memory  of  thy  blessed  servant,  N.^'*  Here  may  thy 
priests  offer  to  thee  sacrifices  of  praise ;  here  may  thy  faithful 
people  perform  their  vows ;  here  may  the  burden  of  sins  be 
lightened,  and  those  who  have  fallen  be  restored  to  grace. 
Grant  that  all  who  shall  enter  this  temple  to  pray,  may  obtain 
the  effect  of  their  petition,  and  rejoice  forever  in  the  bounty  of 
thy  mercy.  Amen."  ^*  The  bishops  then  separated  to  conse- 
crate the  different  altars,  and  other  ornaments  of  the  church ; 
mass  was  celebrated  with  every  demonstration  of  joy  ;  and  the 
more  distinguished  visiters  retired  to  the  episcopal  palace,  where 
they  partook  of  a  plentiful  and  splendid  banquet.'^'* 

*2  Wolstan,  in  his  poem  on  the  dedication  of  the  cathedral  of  Winchester,  has  con- 
trived to  shape  these  words  into  the  form  of  Latin  verse,  and  hitch  them  into  rhyme : 
Incipiunt  omnes  modulata  voce  canentes. 
Pax  sit  huic  domui,  pax  sit  et  hie  fidei. 
Pax  fiat  intranti,  pax  et  fiat  egredienti ; 

Semper  in  hocque  loco,  laus  sit  honorque  Deo. —  Wolst.  ib.  p.  632. 
^'  The  litany  was  very  short.  After  the  usual  beginning,  followed  the  invocations 
of  the  saints.  Three  apostles,  three  martyrs,  three  confessors,  and  three  virgins,  were 
called  on  by  name :  and  the  following  petitions  were  added  :  "  Ab  inimicis  nostris  de- 
fende  nos,  Christe.  Dolorem  cordis  nostri  benignus  vide.  Afflictionem  nostram  respice 
Clemens.  Peccata  populi  tui  pius  indulge.  Orationes  nostras  exaudi,  Christe.  Hie 
et  in  perpetuum  nos  custodire  digneris,  Christe.  Fili  Dei  vivi,  miserere  nobis.  Agnus 
Dei,  &c."     Pont.  Egb.  apud  Martene,  c.  xiii.  p.  251. 

^<  From  this  passage  may  be  collected,  in  what  sense  churches  were  said  to  be  dedi- 
cated to  saints.  The  prayer  which  was  then  made  to  the  patron  of  the  church,  suffi- 
ciently indicates  the  doctrine  of  the  time.  Tibi  commendamus  banc  curam  templi 
hujus,  quod  consecravimus  Domino  Deo  nostro,  ut  hie  intercessor  existas ;  preces  et 
vota  ofTerentium  hie  Domino  Deo  offeras ;  odoramenta  orationum  plebis  Christians  in 
libatorio  vasis  aurei  ad  patris  thronum  conferas,  precerisque,  quatenus  jugi  Dominus 
Deus  noster  intuitu  hie  ingredientes  et  orantes  tueri  et  gubernare  dignetur.  Pontif. 
Anglo-Sax.  Gemet.  apud  Mart.  p.  271. 

«  Pont.  Egb.  p.  253.     Pont.  Gemet.  p.  262. 

^•5  The  reader  may  perhaps  be  amused  with  the  account  of  the  dinner  which  St 
thelwold  had  on  one  of  these  occasions  prepared  for  his  guests. 

Fercula  sunt  admixta  epulis,  cibus  omnis  abundat, 

Nullus  adest  tristis,  omnis  adest  hilaris. 
Nulla  fames,  ubi  sunt  cunctis  obsonia  plenis. 
Et  remanet  vario  mensa  referta  cibo. 


DEDICATION    OF    WINCHELCOMB    CHURCH.  147 

These  ceremonies,  attended  by  such  numbers  of  distinguished 
personages,  afforded  the  clergy  favourable  opportunities  of  ob- 
taining the  confirmation  of  their  property  and  privileges.  At  the 
dedication  of  the  church  of  Rippon,  St.  Wilfrid  read  from  the 
altar  a  schedule  of  the  lands  belonging  to  the  abbey,  and  called 
on  the  assembly  to  bear  witness  to  the  legality  of  the  titles."  At 
Ramsey,  the  ealdorman  Ahvin,  the  founder  of  the  monastery, 
assembled  at  an  early  hour  the  thanes  of  the  neighbouring 
couuties,  read  to  them  the  charters  of  King  Edgar  and  the  other 
benefactors,  and  invited  those  who  conceived  themselves  entitled 
to  any  of  the  lands  possessed  by  the  monks,  to  corne  forward  and 
advance  their  claim.  As  no  one  appeared,  "I  call  then  on  you 
all,"  continued  the  ealdorman,  "to  bear  witness  before  God  and 
his  saints,  that  on  this  day  we  have  offered  justice  to  every  adver- 
sary, and  that  no  man  has  dared  to  dispute  onr  right.  Will  you 
after  this  permit  any  new  claim  to  be  preferred  against  us  ?" 
Several  members  delivered  their  sentiments,  and  the  assembly 
decided  unanimously  in  favour  of  Alwin.  A  volume  of  the  gos- 
pels was  immediately  placed  in  the  middle  :  and  the  ealdorman 
putting  his  right  hand  on  the  book,  swore  that  he  would  main- 
tain, till  his  death,  the  monks  of  Ramsey  in  the  rightful  pos- 
session of  their  property.  He  was  followed  by  his  sons ;  and 
their  example  was  imitated  by  every  other  person  in  the  assem- 
bly.«» 

At  the  dedication  of  the  church  of  Winchelcomb,  a  more 
splendid  scene  was  exhibited.  Kenulf,  king  of  Mercia,  the 
founder  of  the  abbey,  had  invited  to  the  ceremony  all  the  thanes 
of  the  kingdom,  ten  ealdormen,  thirteen  bishops,  the  captive  king 
of  Kent,  and  the  tributary  king  of  Essex.  At  the  conclusion, 
Kenulf  mounted  the  steps  of  the  principal  altar,  and  calling  for 
his  royal  prisoner,  liberated  him  without  ransom,  in  the  presence 
of  the  assembly.  He  then  displayed  his  magnificence  in  dis- 
tributing presents  to  those  who  had  obeyed  his  invitation.  To 
the  bishops  and  the  nobility  he  gave,  in  proportion  to  their  rank, 
vessels  of  gold  or  silver,  and  the  fleetest  horses ;  to  those,  who 
possessed  no  land,  a  pound  of  silver ;  to  each  priest,  a  marc  of 
the  purest  gold  ;  to  every  monk  and  clergyman,  a  shilling;  and 
a  smaller  sum  to  each  of  the  people.  All  these  particulars  he 
enumerates  in  the  charter  which  he  gave  on  the  occasion,  and 

Pincernaeque  vagi  cellaria  saepe  frequentant, 

Convivasquc  rogant,  ut  bibere  incipiant. 
Crateras  magnos  statuunt,  et  vina  coronant, 

Miscentes  potus  potibus  innumeris. 
Foecundi  calices,  ubi  rusticus  impiger  hausit 

Spumantem  pateram  gurgite  mellifluam, 
Et  tandem  pleno  se  totum  proluit  auro, 

Setigerum  mentum  concutiendo  suum. —  Wolstan,  p.  629. 
6?  Ed.  vit.  St.  Wilf.  c.  xvii. 
68  Hist.  Ram.  p.  422,  423. 


148  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

declares  that  he  has  selected  the  church  of  Winchelcomb  for  the 
sepulchre  of  himself  and  his  posterity  forever.^^  But  the  revo- 
lutions of  a  few  years  defeated  the  projects  of  his  vanity.  In  the 
next  generation  his  family  was  extinguished :  and  within  less 
than  a  century,  the  church  of  Winchelcomb  was  reduced  to  a 
heap  of  ruins. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Origin  of  Prayers  for  the  Dead — Associations  for  that  purpose — Devotions  performed 
for  the  Dead — Funeral  Ceremonies — Places  of  Sepulture. 

Br  the  philosophers  of  antiquity,  the  immortality  of  the  human 
soul  was  but  faintly  descried  :  revelation  has  withdrawn  the  veil, 
and  unfolded  that  system  of  retribution,  which  reserves  to  a 
future  life  the  rewards  of  virtue,  and  the  chastisement  of  vice. 
But  in  the  scale  of  merit  and  demerit,  there  are  numerous  de- 
grees :  and,  if  every  stain  be  excluded  from  the  celestial  paradise, 
if  the  flames  of  vengeance  be  kindled  for  none  but  deadly  offences, 
what  fate,  the  inquisitive  mind  will  anxiously  demand,  is  allotted 
to  him  who,  though  he  presume  not  to  claim  the  meed  of 
unsullied  virtue,  has  not  deserved  the  severest  punishment  of 
vice  ?  To  this  interesting  question  our  ancestors  unequivocally 
replied,  that  such  imperfect  Christians  neither  enjoyed  the  bliss 
of  heaven,  nor  suffered  the  misery  of  hell :  that,  during  a  limited 
period,  they  were  detained  in  an  intermediate  state  of  purgation  : 
and  that  their  deliverance  might  be  accelerated  by  the  pious 
solicitude  and  devotion  of  their  friends.  This  was  an  opinion 
which  interested  in  its  favour,  no  less  the  feelings  than  the  judg- 
ment of  men.  The  religion  which  teaches  that  death  removes 
the  soul  beyond  the  influence  of  human  exertion,  teaches,  at  the 
best,  a  cold  and  cheerless  doctrine.  The  mind  quits  with  re- 
luctance the  object  of  its  affections ;  it  follows  the  spirit  of  its 
departed  friend  into  the  regions  of  futurity ;  and  embraces  with 
real  consolation  the  means  which  religion  may  offer  of  meliorat- 
ing its  lot.*    The  practice  of  praying  for  the  dead  remounts  to 

^9  Monast.  Ang.  torn.  i.  p.  189. 

•  Here  I  cannot  refuse  to  transcribe  a  part  of  the  beautiful  prayer,  which  St.  Augustine 
cornposed  after  the  death  of  his  mother.  "  Ego  itaque  laus  mea,  et  vita  mea,  Deus  cordis 
mei,  sepositis  paulisper  bonis  ejus  actibus,  proquibus  tibi  gaudens  gratias  ago,  nunc  pro 
peccatis  matris  meae  deprecor  te  :  exaudi  me,  per  medicinam  vulnerum  nostrorum,  quse 
pependit  in  ligno.  Scio  misericorditer  operatam,  et  ex  corde  dimisisse  debitoribus  suis : 
dimitte  illi  et  tu  debita  sua,  si  qua  etiam  contraxit  per  tot  annos  post  aquam  salutis. 

Namque  ilia,  imminente  die  resolutionis  sua;,  non  cogitavit  sumptuose  contegi 

Won  ista  mandavit  nobis,  sed  tantummodo  memoriam  sui  ad  altare  tuum  fieri  desideravit, 
unde  sciret  dispensari  victimam  salutis  ....  Sit  igitur  in  pace  cum  viro,  ante  quem 


PRAYERS    FOR    THE    DEAD.  149 

the  origin  of  Christianity.  That  it  had  been  universally  adopted 
before  the  fourth  century, is  not  denied  by  the  most  violent;  that 
it  was  in  general  use  during  the  second,  is  admitted  by  the  more 
candid  of  its  adversaries.^  To  the  Anglo-Saxons  it  was  taught 
with  the  other  practices  of  religion,  by  the  Roman  and  Scottish 
missionaries :  and  the  docility  of  the  converts  cherished  it  as  an 
institution  acceptable  to  God,  and  profitable  to  man.  Its  influence 
on  their  manners  was  powerful  and  extensive :  and  this  chapter 
will  describe — I.  Their  anxious  endeavours  to  secure  the  prayers 
of  the  faithful  after  their  decease ;  II.  The  religious  practices  which 
they  adopted  for  the  consolation  of  the  dying,  and  the  interment 
of  the  dead. 

I.  From  the  severity  of  the  penitential  canons,  they  had  learned 
to  form  the  most  exalted  notion  of  the  justice  of  God,  and  of  his 
hatred  for  sin :  compensation  they  considered  as  necessary  to 
atone  for  the  transgression  of  the  divine,  as  well  as  of  human 
laws ;  and,  while  they  trembled  lest,  at  the  hour  of  death,  their 
satisfaction  should  be  deemed  incomplete,  they  indulged  a  con- 
soling hope,  that  the  residue  of  the  debt  might  be  discharged  by 
the  charity  of  those  who  survived  them.  To  secure  the  future 
exertions  of  his  friends,  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the  devout  Saxon,  an 
object  of  high  importance :  and  with  this  view  numerous  asso- 
ciations were  formed,  in  which  each  individual  bound  himself 
to  pray  for  the  souls  of  the  deceased  members.^  Nor  were  these 
engagements  confined  to  the  communities -of  the  monks  and 
clergy  :  they  comprehended  persons  of  every  rank  in  society,  and 
extended  to  the  most  distant  countries.  Gilds  were  an  institu- 
tion of  great  antiquity  among  the  Anglo-Saxons ;  and  in  every 
populous  district  they  existed  in  numerous  ramifications.  They 
were  of  dilferent  descriptions.  Some  were  restricted  to  the  per- 
formance of  religious  duties  ;  of  others  the  professed  object  was 
the  prosecution  of  thieves,  and  the  preservation  of  property :  but 
all  were  equally  solicitous  to  provide  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of 

nulli,  et  post  quern  nulli  nupta  est.  Et  inspira,  Domine  Deus  meus,  inspira  servis  tuis 
fratribus  meis,  ut  quotquot  hsec  legerint,  meminerint  ad  altare  tuura  Monies  famulae 
tuae,  cum  Patricio  quondam  ejus  conjuge."     Confes.  1.  ix. 

2  The  Catholic  may  smile,  the  Protestant  may  sigh,  at  the  miserable  evasions,  to 
which  the  spirit  of  system  has  degraded  such  writers  as  Mosheim  and  Bingham.  The 
former  derives  the  custom  of  praying  for  the  dead  from  the  impure  source  of  the  Platonic 
philosophy :  (Hist.  p.  144.  300.  393  :)  the  latter  has  expended  much  learning  to  esta- 
blish the  incredible  hypothesis,  that  when  the  ancient  Christians  besought  the  mercy  of 
God  to  pardon  the  sins  of  the  dead,  they  believed  them  to  be  already  in  a  state  of  rest 
and  happiness.  (Antiq.  of  the  Christ.  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  758,  vol.  ii.  p.  440.)  The  fact 
was,  indeed,  too  evident  to  be  denied ;  but  the  theological  Proteus  could  assume  every 
shape  to  elude  the  grasp  of  an  adversary.  The  learned  translator  of  the  Saxon  councils 
has  been  more  candid,  or  less  cautious.     See  Johnson,  pref.  p.  xix.  xlvi. 

3  See  Hicks,  Dissert,  epis.  p.  18.  Wanley,  MSS.  p.  280.  With  the  history  of  St. 
Cuthbert,  which  he  had  composed,  Bede  sent  the  following  petition  to  the  monks  of  Lin- 
disfarne.  "  Sed  et  me  defuncto,  pro  redemptione  animae  mese  quasi  familiaris  et  vernaculi 
vestri  orare,  et  missas  facere,  et  nomen  meum  inter  vestra  scribere  dignemini."  Bed. 
Vit.  St.  Cuth.  p.  228. 

n2 


150  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

the  departed  brethren.  As  a  specimen  of  their  engagements,  I 
may  be  allowed  to  translate  a  part  of  the  laws  established  in  the 
gild  at  Abbotsbury.  "  If,"  says  the  legislator,  "  any  one  belong- 
ing to  our  association  chance  to  die,  each  member  shall  pay  one 
penny  for  the  good  of  the  soul,  before  the  body  be  laid  in  the 
grave.  If  he  neglect  it,  he  shall  be  fined  in  a  triple  sum.  If  any 
of  us  fall  sick  within  sixty  miles,  we  engage  to  find  fifteen  men, 
who  may  bring  him  home  ;  but  if  he  die  first,  we  will  send  thirty 
to  convey  him  to  the  place  in  which  he  desired  to  be  buried. 
If  he  die  in  the  neighbourhood,  the  steward  shall  inquire  where 
he  is  to  be  interred,  and  shall  summon  as  many  members  as  he 
can  to  assemble,  attend  the  corpse  in  an  honourable  manner, 
carry  it  to  the  minister,  and  pray  devoutly  for  the  soul.  Let  us 
act  in  this  manner,  and  we  shall  truly  perform  the  duty  of  our 
confraternity.  This  will  be  honourable  to  us  both  before  God 
and  man.  For  we  know  not  who  among  us  may  die  first :  but 
we  believe  that,  with  the  assistance  of  God,  this  agreement  will 
profit  us  all,  if  it  be  rightly  observed.""  The  same  sentiments 
are  frequently  expressed  in  the  numerous  letters  addressed  to 
St.  Boniface,  the  apostle  of  Germany,  and  to  LuUus,  his  successor 
in  the  see  of  Mentz,  by  abbots,  prelates,  thanes,  and  princes. 
Of  many,  the  sole  object  is  to  renew  their  former  engagements, 
and  to  transmit  the  names  of  their  departed  associates.  "  It  is 
our  earnest  wish,"  say  the  king  of  Kent  and  the  bishop  of  Ro- 
chester, in  their  common  letter  to  Lull  us,  "to  recommend  our- 
selves and  our  dearest  relatives  to  your  piety,  that  by  your 
prayers  we  may  be  protected  till  we  come  to  that  life  which 
knows  no  end.  For  what  have  we  to  do  on  earth  but  faithfully 
to  exercise  charity  towards  each  other  ?  Let  us  then  agree,  that 
when  any  among  us  enters  the  path  which  leads  to  another  life, 
(may  it  be  a  life  of  happiness  !)  the  survivors  shall,  by  their  alms 
and  sacrifices,  endeavour  to  assist  him  in  his  journey.  We  have 
sent  you  the  names  of  our  deceased  relations,  Irmige,  Norththry, 
and  Dulicha,  virgins  dedicated  to  God :  and  beg  that  you  will 
remember  them  in  your  prayers  and  oblations.  On  a  similar 
occasion  we  will  prove  our  gratitude  by  imitating  your  charity."* 
2.  With  the  same  view,  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  anxious  to 
obtain  a  place  of  sepulture  in  the  most  frequented  and  celebrated 
churches.  The  monuments  raised  over  their  ashes  would,  they 
fondly  expected,  recall  them  to  the  memory,  and  solicit  in  their 
behalf  the  charity  of  the  faithful.^  The  earnestness  whh  which 
they  solicited  this  favour,  and  the  numerous  benefactions,  with 
which  they  endeavoured  to  secure  it,  from  the  gratitude  of  the 

*  Monas.  Ang.  torn.  i.  p.  278. 

*  Ep.  St.  Bonif.  77,  p.  108.     See  also  Ep.  74.  95.  103.  109. 

^  That  such  was  their  expectation  is  clearly  expressed  by  Bede.  "  Postulavit  eum 
possessionem  terra  aliquam  a  se  ad  construendum  monasteriuin  accipere,  in  quo  ipse 
rex  defunctus  sepeliri  deberet:  nam  et  seipsum  fidcliter  credidit  multum  juvari  eorum 
orationibus,  qui  ilio  in  loco  Domino  servirejit."     Bed.  Hist.  1.  iii.  c.  33,  iv.  c.  5. 


HISTORY    OP    BRITHNOD.  151 

clergy,  testify  the  importance  in  which  it  was  held.  Among  the 
many  instances  which  crowd  the  Saxon  annals,  I  shall  select  one 
from  the  history  of  Ely.  Brithnod,  a  warrior  whose  reputation 
had  been  earned  in  many  a  well-fought  battle,  was  ealdorman 
of  Essex,  perhaps  of  Northumbria.^  In  a  great  victory  at  Mai- 
den he  had  taught  the  Danes  to  respect  his  valour.  The  van- 
quished invaders  sailed  back  to  Denmark,  recruited  their  num- 
bers, and  returned  in  search  of  revenge.  They  again  advanced 
to  Maiden,  that  the  place  which  had  witnessed  their  defeat, 
might  be  the  theatre  of  tlieir  future  triumph.  A  challenge  was 
sent  to  Brithnod,  which  found  him  unprepared,  and  attended  by 
few  of  his  retainers.  But  the  high-spirited  ealdorman  preferred 
the  probability  of  an  honourable  death  to  the  disgrace  of  a  refu- 
sal. As  he  passed  by  Ramsey,  Wulsig,  the  abbot,  a  prelate  as 
parsimonious  as  he  was  rich,  invited  him  to  dinner  with  seven 
of  his  officers.  "  Go,  tell  thy  master,"  replied  the  chief  to  the 
messenger,  "  that  as  I  cannot  fight,  so  neither  will  I  dine,  with- 
out my  brave  companions."  From  Ramsey  he  proceeded  to 
Ely,  where  his  little  army  was  hospitably  received,  and  banished, 
over  a  plenteous  repast,  their  recollection  of  past  fatigue,  and  the 
thought  of  future  danger.  In  the  morning  he  entered  the  chap- 
ter-house, returned  thanks  to  the  monks  for  their  liberality,  and 
offered  them  several  valuable  manors,  on  condition  that,  if  it 
were  his  lot  to  fall  in  battle,  they  should  bury  his  body  within 
their  church.  The  condition  was  accepted,  and  he  marched  to- 
wards the  enemy.  Within  the  short  space  of  a  fortnight,  four- 
teen battles  were  fought  with  the  most  obstinate  valour.  In  the 
last  the  men  of  Essex  rushed  with  impetuosity  into  the  midst  of 
the  barbarians  :  but  it  was  the  combat  of  despair  against  over- 
powering numbers.  Brithnod  was  slain  :  his  head  was  conveyed 
by  the  invaders  to  Denmark  as  the  trophy  of  their  victory :  the 
trunk  was  discovered  among  the  dead  by  the  monks,  and 
solemnly  interred,  according  to  their  promise,  in  the  church  of 
the  abbey.  To  honour  the  memory  of  her  husband,  his  widow 
Ethelfleda  embroidered  in  silk  the  history  of  his  exploits,  and 
gave  it,  with  several  other  presents,  to  the  monastery,  which 
contained  his  ashes.^ 

The  number  of  those  who  were  thus  interred  in  the  churches, 
multiplied  so  fast,  as  at  length  to  provoke  the  severity  of  the 
bishops.  Churches,  they  observed,  were  erected  to  accommodate 
the  living,  not  to  become  the  repositories  of  the  dead  ;  the  privi- 
lege of  burial  within  the  consecrated  walls  was  reserved  for  the 
bodies  of  the  saints ;  and  the  public  service  was  ordered  to  be 
discontinued  in  the  churches  which  had  been  polluted  by  the 


7  He  is  styled  ealdorman  of  Essex  by  most  of  the  chroniclers,  of  Northumbria  by 
the  monk  of  Ely,  p.  493. 

8  Hist.  Elien.  p.  494. 


152  ANTIQUITIES    OP  THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

promiscuous  interment  of  all  who  had  requested  it.^    This  pro- 
hibition might  repress,  but  it  did  not  abohsh  the  custom. 

3.  But  the  more  opulent  were  not  content  to  rest  their  hopes 
of  future  assistance  on  the  casual  benevolence  of  others.  They 
were  careful  to  erect  or  endow  monasteries,  with  the  express  ob- 
ligation, that  their  inhabitants  should  pray  for  their  benefactors. 
Of  these  an  exact  catalogue  was  preserved  in  the  library  of  each 
church ;  the  days  on  which  they  died  were  carefully  noticed ; 
and,  on  their  anniversaries,  prayers  and  masses  were  performed 
for  the  welfare  of  their  souls. ^°  To  men  of  timid  and  penitent 
minds  this  custom  aflbrded  much  consolation.  However  great 
might  be  their  deficiencies,  yet  they  hoped  their  good  works 
would  survive  them :  they  had  provided  for  the  service  of  the 
Almighty  a  race  of  men,  whose  virtues  they  might  in  some  re- 
spects call  their  own,  and  who  were  bound,  by  the  strongest  ties, 
to  be  their  daily  advocates  at  the  throne  of  divine  mercy."  Such 
were  the  sentiments  of  Alwyn,  the  ealdorman  of  East-Anglia, 
and  one  of  the  founders  of  Ramsey.  Warned  by  frequent  in- 
firmities of  his  approaching  death,  he  repaired,  attended  by  his 
sons  Edwin  and  Ethelward,  to  the  abbey.  The  monks  were 
speedily  assembled.  "  My  beloved,"  said  he,  "  you  will  soon 
lose  your  friend  and  protector.  My  strength  is  gone :  I  am 
stolen  from  myself.  But  I  am  not  afraid  to  die.  When  life  grows 
tedious,  death  is  welcome.  To-day  I  shall  confess  before  you  the 
many  errors  of  my  life.  Think  not  that  I  wish  you  to  solicit  a 
prolongation  of  my  existence.  My  request  is,  that  you  protect 
my  departure  by  your  prayers,  and  place  your  merits  in  the  ba- 
lance against  my  defects.  When  my  soul  shall  have  quitted  my 
body,  honour  your  father's  corpse  with  a  decent  funeral,  grant 
him  a  constant  share  in  your  prayers,  and  recommend  his  me- 
mory to  the  charity  and  gratitude  of  your  successors."  At  the 
conclusion  of  this  address,  the  aged  thane  threw  himself  on  the 
pavement  before  the  altar,  and,  with  a  voice  interrupted  by  fre- 
quent sighs,  publicly  confessed  the  sins  of  his  past  years,  and 
earnestly  implored  the  mercies  of  his  Redeemer.     The  monks 

9  Wilk.  Con.  p.  267,  ix.  The  prohibition  of  burials  in  churches  was  very  severe  in 
Italy.  When  the  pope  granted  a  written  permission  for  the  dedication  of  such  places, 
it  was  customary  to  insert  the  following  clause :  "  si  nullum  corpus  ibi  constat  huma- 
tum."  See  many  examples  in  the  liber  diurnus  Komanorum  pontificum,  written  in 
the  eighth  century,  and  published  by  Garner,  p.  93.  97.  99. 

'"  In  the  Cotton  Library  (Dom.  A.  7)  is  a  manuscript  of  the  reign  of  Athelstan,  in 
which  the  names  of  the  principal  benefactors  of  the  church  of  Lindisfarne  are  inscribed 
in  letters  of  gold  and  silver.  The  list  was  afterwards  continued,  but  with  less  elegance, 
till  the  reformation.  Wanl.  p.  249.  In  every  monastery  they  also  preserved  the 
names  of  their  deceased  members,  and  were  careful  to  pray  for  them  on  the  anniver- 
saries of  their  death.     Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  14. 

"  Thus  Lcofric  established  canons  at  Exeter,  and  made  them  several  valuable  pre- 
sents, on  condition  that,  in  their  prayers  and  masses,  they  should  always  remember  his 
soul,  "  that  it  might  be  the  more  pleasing  to  God  :  j5  hip  paple  bco  50b  e  ft 
anpen^pe."    Monas.  Ang.  torn.  i.  p.  222. 


WORKS    OF    CHARITY.  153 

Avere  dissolved  in  tears.  As  soon  as  their  sensibility  permitted 
them  to  begin,  they  chanted  over  him  the  seven  psalms  of  peni- 
tence, and  the  prior  Germanus  read  the  prayer  of  absolution. 
With  the  assistance  of  Edwin  and  Ethelward  he  arose  ;  and,  sup- 
porting himself  against  a  column,  exhorted  the  brotherhood  to  a 
punctual  observance  of  their  rule,  and  forbade  his  sons,  under 
their  father's  malediction,  to  molest  them  in  the  possession  of  the 
lands  which  he  had  bestowed  on  the  abbey.  Then  having  em- 
braced each  monk,  and  asked  his  blessing,  he  returned  to  his 
residence  in  the  neighbourhood.  This  was  his  last  visit.  Within 
a  few  weeks  he  expired :  his  body  was  interred  with  proper  so- 
lemnity in  the  church ;  and  his  memory  was  long  cherished  with 
gratitude  by  the  monks  of  Ramsey.*^ 

4.  The  assistance  which  was  usually  given  to  the  dead,  con- 
sisted in  works  of  charity  and  exercises  of  devotion.  To  the 
money  which  the  deceased  had  bequeathed  for  the  relief  of  the 
indigent,'^  his  friends  were  accustomed  to  add  their  voluntary 
donations,  with  a  liberal  present  to  the  church,  in  which  the  ob- 
sequies were  performed.  Freedom  was  granted  to  a  certain  num- 
ber of  slaves ;  and  to  render  the  benefit  more  valuable,  their 
poverty  was  relieved  by  a  handsome  sum  of  money.  In  the 
council  of  Calcuith,  the  prelates  unanimously  agreed,  that  at  their 
deaths  the  tenth  part  of  their  property  should  be  distributed  to 
the  poor;  that  all  the  English  bondsmen  whom  the  church  had 
acquired  during  their  administration,  should  be  set  at  liberty ; ''' 
and  that  each  of  the  survivors,  and  every  abbot  in  their  dioceses, 
should  manumit  three  slaves,  and  divide  among  them  nine  shil- 
lings of  silver.^* 

The  devotions  performed  in  behalf  of  the  dead,  consisted  in  the 

12  Hist.  Rames.  p.  427- 

15  In  the  gild  at  London,  when  any  of  the  members  died,  each  of  the  survivors  gave 
to  the  poor  a  loaf  for  the  good  of  his  soul.  (Leg.  Sax.  p.  68.)  This  was  the  origin 
of  doles,  of  which  some  instances  still  remain. .  Before  the  distribution,  the  following 
prayer  was  pronounced.  "  Precamur  te,  Domine,  clementissime  pater,  ut  eleemosyna 
ista  fiat  in  misericordia  tua,  ut  acceptus  sit  cibus  iste  pro  anima  famuli  tui.  ill.  et  ut  sit 
benedictio  tua  super  omnia  dona  ista."  Wanley,  MSS.  p.  83.  Alfred  the  Great,  in  his 
testament,  bequeathed  two  hundred  pounds  to  one  of  his  officers  to  be  distributed  to 
the  poor ;  to  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  bishops  of  Sherburne,  London,  and 
Worcester,  four  hundred  marks  for  the  same  purpose :  two  hundred  pounds  to  be  di- 
vided among  fifty  priests;  fifty  shillings  to  every  clergyman  in  his  dominions  ;  fifty  shil- 
lings to  the  church  in  which  his  body  should  be  buried,  and  fifty  shillings  to  the  poor 
of  the  neighbourhood.  Test.  ^Ifredi,  apud  Walker,  p.  195.  Wilfrid,  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  by  his  will,  left  funds  for  the  perpetual  support  and  clothing  of  twenty- 
one  paupers,  and  ordered  a  loaf,  some  cheese  or  bacon,  and  one  penny  to  be  given  to 
twelve  hundred  poor  persons  on  the  anniversary  of  his  death.  Evidentiae  Ecc.  Cant. 
p.  2017.     Also  Brihtric's  will,  apud  Stevens,  p.  121, 

n  With  this  regulation  Archbishop  ^Ifric  faithfully  complied  in  his  testament. 
Anb  he  pyle  p  man  7peo  je  aepceji  hip  bseje  aelcne  man.  ]>e  on 
hif  cimen  popjylc  paepe.  Testam.  vElfric,  apud  Mores,  p.  63.  Similar  di- 
rections are  given  in  Ihe  will  of  Athelstan,  published  at  the  end  of  Lye's  Saxon  Dic- 
tionary. 

"  Wilk.  Con.  171,  X. 
2Q 


154  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

frequent  repetition  of  the  Lord's  prayer,  which  was  generally 
termed  a  belt  of  pater-nosters  :'"  in  the  chanting  of  a  certain  num- 
ber of  psalms,  at  the  close  of  which  the  congregation  fell  on  their 
knees,  and  intoned  the  anthem,  "  0  Lord,  according  to  thy  great 
mercy  give  rest  to  his  soul,  and,  in  consideration  of  thy  infinite 
goodness,  grant  that  he  may  enjoy  eternal  light  in  the  company 
of  thy  saints;"*^  and  in  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  which  was 
always  ofl'ered  on  the  third  day  after  the  decease,  and  afterwards 
repeated  in  proportion  to  the  solicitude  of  the  friends  of  the 
dead.'^  As  soon  as  St.  Wilfrid  had  expired,  Tatbert,  to  whom 
he  had  intrusted  the  government  of  his  monastery  at  Rippon,  or- 
dered a  mass  to  be  said,  and  a  certain  quantity  of  alms  to  be  dis- 
tributed every  day,  for  the  soul  of  his  benefactor.  To  celebrate 
his  anniversary,  the  abbots  of  all  the  monasteries  which  he  had 
founded,  were  summoned  to  attend.  The  preceding  night  was  spent 
in  watching  and  prayer ;  on  the  following  day  a  solemn  mass 
was  performed  ;  and  the  tenth  part  of  the  cattle  belonging  to  the 
abbey  was  divided  among  the  poor  of  the  neighbourhood.*^ 

During  the  controversial  war,  which  sprung  from  the  great 
event  of  the  reformation,  when  the  prejudice  of  party  eagerly 
accepted  every  accusation  against  the  clerical  and  monastic 
orders,  writers  were  strongly  tempted  to  sacrifice  the  interest  of 
truth  at  the  shrine  of  popularity.  They  then  discovered,  or  pre- 
tended to  discover,  that  the  practice  of  praying  for  the  dead 
originated  in  the  interested  views  of  the  clergy,  who,  while  they 
applauded  in  public,  ridiculed  in  private,  the  easy  faith  of  their 
disciples.^"  The  idea  may  be  philosophic,  but  it  is  pregnant  with 
difficulties.  The  man  who  first  detected  the  imposture,  should 
have  condescended  to  unfold  the  mysteries  by  which  it  had  been 
previously  concealed.  He  should  have  explained  by  what  ex- 
traordinary art  it  was  effected,  that  of  the  thousands  who,  during 
so  many  ages,  practised  the  deception,  no  individual  in  an  un- 

'^1(1.  ibid.  Hence  Mabillon  (Act.  Bened.  ssbc.  v,  praef.  p.  Ixxx.)  has  kindly  inform- 
ed us,  tiiat  the  English  word  beads  is  a  corruption  of  belt.  But  a  foreigner  might  be 
allowed  to  be  ignorant  that  head  is  the  Anglo-Saxon  fox  prayer,  a  word,  for  which  we 
are  indebted  to  the  Normans.  The  verb  to  bid  is  still  used  in  the  sense  of  to  pray, 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern  countries. 

'■^  Id.  p.  99,  xxvii.  Anno  747.  When  St.  Guthlake  died,  his  sister  Pega  recom- 
mended his  soul  to  God,  and  sung  psalms  for  that  purpose  during  three  days.  Trium 
dierum  spatiis  fraternum  spiritum  divinis  laudibus  Deo  commendavit.  Vit.  St.  Guth. 
in  Act.  SS.  April,  torn.  iii.  p.  49. 

'8  Pcrnit.  Egb.  apud  W^ilk.  p.  122, 

'9  Edd.  vit.  Wilf.  c.  62.  We  have  been  told  that  the  object  of  these  prayers  and 
alms,  was  to  return  thanks  to  God  for  the  happiness  enjoyed  by  the  souls  of  the  dead, 
( Whclock,  p.  297.  Inett,  Hist,  vol,  i.  p.  227.)  The  prelates  in  the  council  of  Calcuith 
appear  to  have  been  of  a  different  opinion.  They  command  prayers  to  be  said  for  them 
alter  their  deaths,  ut  communis  intercessionis  gratia,  commune  cum  Sanctis  omnibus 
regnum  percijwre  mereantur  seternum,     Wilk.  Con.  p.  171, 

'-'o  Sec  Whelock's  preface  to  the  Archaionomia,  post  Bedam,  and  in  Wilkins,  Leges 
Saxon,  prtef.  Whcl.  p.  xxi. ;  Tillotson's  sermon  on  1  Cor.  iii.  15.  Mosheim,  saec.  10, 
par.  ii.  c.  3. 


PREPARATION    FOR    DEATH.  155 

guarded  moment,  no  false  brother  in  the  peevishness  of  discon- 
tent, revealed  the  dangerous  secret  to  the  ears  of  a  misguided 
and  impoverished  people.'^^  He  should  have  shown  why  the 
conspirators  preserved,  even  among  themselves,  the  language  of 
hypocrisy ;  why,  in  their  private  correspondence,  they  anxiously 
requested  from  each  other  the  prayers  which  they  mutually 
despised ;  and  why  they  consented  to  make  so  many  pecuniary 
sacrifices  during  life,  merely  to  obtain  what  they  deemed  an 
illusory  assistance  after  death.  Till  these  difficulties  can  be  re- 
moved, we  may  safely  acquit  the  Anglo-Saxon  clergy  of  the 
charges  of  imposture  and  hypocrisy.  The  whole  tenor  of  their 
history  deposes,  that  they  believed  the  doctrine  which  they 
taught :  and  if  they  erred,  they  erred  with  every  Christian  church 
which  then  existed,  and  with  every  Christian  church  which  had 
existed  since  the  first  publication  of  the  gospel. 

II.  Of  the  customs  observed  by  our  Anglo-Saxon  ancestors  at 
the  death  and  interment  of  their  friends,  many  have  disappeared 
with  the  general  exercise  of  their  religion :  the  existence  of 
others,  after  the  lapse  of  almost  eight  centuries,  may  still  be 
traced  in  those  districts  in  which  the  practices  of  antiquity  have 
not  been  entirely  eradicated  by  the  refinement  of  modern  times. 
At  the  first  appearance  of  danger,  recourse  was  had  to  the  minis- 
try of  the  parish  priest,  or  of  some  distinguished  clergymen  in 
the  neighbourhood.  He  was  bound  to  obey  the  summons  ;  and 
no  plea  but  that  of  inability  could  justify  his  negligence.  Attend- 
ed by  his  inferior  clergy,  arrayed  in  the  habits  of  their  respective 
orders,  he  repaired  to  the  chamber  of  the  sick  man,  offered  him 
the  sacred  rites  of  religion,  and  exhorted  him  to  prepare  his 
soul  to  appear  before  the  tribunal  of  his  Creator.  The  first  duty, 
which  he  was  bound  to  require  from  his  dying  disciple,  was  the 
arrangement  of  his  temporal  concerns.  Till  provision  had  been 
made  for  the  payment  of  his  debts,  and  the  indemnification  of 
those  whom  he  had  injured,  it  was  in  vain  to  solicit  the  succours 
of  religion  :  but,  as  soon  as  these  obligations  had  been  fulfilled, 
the  priest  was  ordered  to  receive  his  confession,  to  teach  him  to 
form  sentiments  of  compunction  and  resignation,  to   exact  a 

2' The  Anglo-Saxon  homilists  leach  in  different  passages,  that  after  the  general  judg- 
ment, the  wicked  will  suffer  everlasting  punishment,  and  the  virtuous  be  rewarded  with 
everlasting  happiness.  This  doctrine  has  been  willingly  received  by  controversial  writers, 
and  ingeniously  converted  into  a  positive  denial  of  any  place  of  purgation  after  death. 
Whelock,  prsef.  Archaion.  Wanley,  MSS.  p.  13S.  How  far  this  inference  would  have 
been  admitted  by  the  homilists  themselves,  we  may  judge  from  the  following  passage  ia 
the  sermon  on  the  dedication  of  <i  church.  "  There  are  also  many  places  of  punish- 
ment, in  which  souls  suffer  in  proportion  to  their  guilt,  before  the  general  judgment, 
and  in  which  some  are  so  far  purified,  as  not  to  be  hurt  by  the  fire  of  the  last  day." 
Fela  j'lnb  eac  picnienblice  j^copa  %e  manna  paple  pop  heopa 
jymleapte  on  ?)popiaJ'.  Oe  heopa  jilca  majfe.  sep  %am  jemaene- 
hcum  borne,  ppa  p  hi  punie  beo]>  piiUice  jeclaenpobe.  -^  ne 
^uppon  nahc  J'popian  on  Jjara  popepaeben  pyne.  Apud  Whel.  p. 
386. 


156  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

declaration  that  he  died  in  peace  with  all  mankind,  and  to  pro- 
nounce over  him  the  prayer  of  reconciliation.^^  Thus  prepared, 
he  might  with  confidence  demand  the  sacrament  of  the  extreme 
unction.  With  consecrated  oil  the  principal  parts  of  the  body- 
were  successively  anointed  in  the  form  of  a  cross ;  each  unction 
was  accompanied  with  an  appropriate  prayer ;  and  the  promise  of 
St.  James  was  renewed,  "  that  the  prayer  of  faith  should  save  the 
sick  man,  and  if  he  were  in  sins,  they  should  be  forgiven  him."" 
The  administration  of  the  eucliarist  concluded  these  religious 
rites :  at  the  termination  of  which  the  friends  of  the  sick  man 
ranged  themselves  round  his  bed ;  received  the  presents  which 
he  distributed  among  them  as  memorials  of  his  affection ;  gave 
him  the  kiss  of  peace,  and  bade  him  a  last  and  melancholy  fare- 
welL^-' 

The  infidel  may  deride  the  solicitude  which  thus  dedicates  the 
last  moments  of  life  to  the  exercises  of  devotion,  but  to  the  faith- 
ful Christian,  who  trusts  in  the  promises  of  his  Redeemer,  they 
afford  the  truest  consolation  at  an  hour  when  every  earthly 
resource  deserts  him.  It  was  then  that  the  minister  of  religion 
was  commanded  to  exert  all  his  zeal  and  charity  in  behalf  of  his 
dying  brother ;  to  soothe  his  sufl'erings  by  the  motives  of  revela- 
tion, and  to  elevate  his  hopes  with  the  prospect  of  eternal  happi- 
ness. The  care  of  the  sick  was  numbered  among  the  most 
important  of  the  priestly  functions :  and  when  the  personal 
attendance  of  the  pastor  was  prevented  by  his  other  duties,  his 
absence  was  supplied  by  the  presence  of  some  of  the  inferior 
clergy.=^^  At  the  bedside  they  recited  the  service  of  the  day; 
watched  each  favourable  opportunity  of  inspiring  sentiments  of 
devotion,  and  recommended  with  fervent  prayer  the  object  of 
their  solicitude  to  the  protection  of  Heaven.  As  the  fatal  moment 
advanced,  they  read  the  gospel  of  St.  John,  and  chanted  the 
office  of  the  dying.*^^    As  soon  as  he  expired,  the  bell  was  tolled. 

22  PoTitif.  Angl.  Gemet.  apud  Martene,  p.  117. 

-^  St.  Jam.  c.  V.  V,  14.  The  different  unctions  were  made  on  the  eyelids,  ears, 
nostrils,  hps,  neck,  shoulders,  breast,  hands,  feet,  and  tlie  part  principally  affected  with 
pain.  After  each  unction  a  psalm  was  sung.  Pontif.  Ang.  ibid.  The  prelates 
frequently  admonished  the  parish  priests  to  be  diligent  in  the  administration  of  this  rite. 
(Wilk.  Con.  p.  127.  229.  254.)  They  considered  it  as  a  sacrament,  to  which  were 
attached  the  most  valuable  graces.  JElc  baepa  manna  ^e  %af  jepihco 
haepft.  hip  papl  bij>  jelice  clsene  JEpcep  hip  popbppibe.  eal  ppa 
P  cilb  bi}>  be  ffipcep  hip  piilluhce  pona  jepic.  Pcenit.  Egb.  p.  127, 
XV.  It  appears,  however,  to  have  been  sometimes  received  with  reluctance  by  the 
illiterate,  from  an  idea  that  it  was  a  kind  of  ordination,  which  induced  the  obligation  of 
continency  and  abstinence  from  flesh  on  those  who  afterwards  recovered.  The  clergy 
were  ordered  to  preach  against  this  erroneous  notion.     Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  170. 

^'  In  Cuthbert's  letter  may  be  read  the  account  of  the  presents  which  Bede  made 
before  his  death  to  the  priests  of  his  monastery,  with  a  request  that  they  would  remem- 
ber him  in  their  prayers  and  masses.      Smith's  Bed.  p.  793, 

"  Martene,  de  ant.  Kit.  1.  iii.  p.  543. 

"  Bed.  vit.  Abbat.  p.  299.  In  the  monasteries  the  monks  assembled  in  the  church, 
and  spent  sometimes  both  the  day  and  night  in  recommending  the  soul  of  their  expiring 
brother  to  the  mercy  of  God.  Bed.  ibid,  et  vit.  St.  Cuth.  c.  xxxvii.  Edd.  vit.  St.  Wilf. 
c.  Ixii. 


MANNER    OP    BURIAL.  157 

Its  solemn  voice  announced  his  departure  to  the  neighbourhood, 
and  exhorted  his  Christian  brethren  to  deprecate  in  his  favour 
the  justice  of  the  Almighty.  Some  were  content  to  perform  in 
private  this  charitable  office  ;  others  repaired  to  the  church,  and 
joined  in  the  pubhc  service." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  friends  of  the  deceased  were  busily  em- 
ployed in  preparing  the  body  for  burial.  The  Greek  and  Roman 
Christians  had  not  scrupled  to  retain  many  of  the  customs  of  their 
ancestors;  and  from  them  they  had  descended  to  the  Anglo-Saxon 
converts.  The  corpse  was  first  carefully  washed,  and  then  clothed 
in  decent  garments.^^  Many  were  solicitous  to  prepare,  during 
their  health,  the  linen  in  which  they  wished  to  be  buried :  by 
others,  the  richest  presents  which  they  had  received  from  the 
affection  of  their  friends,  were  destined  for  the  performance  of 
this  last  office  ;2^  and  it  frequently  happened  that  the  magnificence 
of  the  dead  surpassed  that  of  the  living.  The  distinctions  of 
society  were  preserved  on  the  bier  and  in  the  grave :  and  the 
remains  of  kings  and  ealdormen,  of  bishops,  abbots,  priests,  and 
deacons  were  interred  in  the  ornaments  of  their  respective  digni- 
ties.^" To  satisfy  affection  or  curiosity,  the  face  and  neck 
remained  uncovered;  and,  till  the  hour  of  burial,  the  corpse  was 
constantly  surrounded  by  its  attendants.  In  the  monasteries  the 
monks  divided  themselves  into  different  bodies,  which,  in  rota- 
tion, entered  the  chamber  of  the  deceased,  and  either  watched  in 
silent  prayer,  or  chanted  the  service  of  the  dead :  but  in  the 
houses  of  the  laity,  this  solemn  ceremony  degenerated  into  a 
scene  of  riot  and  debauchery,  which  provoked  and  defied  the 
severity  of  the  bishops.  By  ^Ifric,  in  his  charge  to  the  clergy, 
the  4isedifying  custom  is  described  as  a  remnant  of  the  super- 

27  The  bell  on  these  occasions  appears  to  have  been  tolled  in  a  particular  manner. 
"  Audivit,"  says  Bede,  "  subito  in  aere  notum  campante  sonum,  quo  ad  orationes  exci- 
tari  vel  convocari  solebant,  cum  quis  eorum  de  siBcuIo  fuisset  evocatus."  Hist.  1.  iv.  c. 
23.  This  has  been  considered  as  the  most  ancient  passage  (anno  674)  in  which  the 
word  campana  occurs :  but  it  is  used  by  Cuminius,  abbot  of  Icolmkille,  who  wrote 
before  Bede.  Vit.  S.  ColumbfB,  c.  22.  25.  Alfred  translates  it  clu^ja,  a  clock,  (p. 
695 ;)  and  the  same  term,  with  the  Latin  terminations,  is  frequently  used  by  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  missionaries  in  Germany,  (Ep.  St.  Bonif.  9.  89.)  It  is  also  to  be  found  in  the 
French  and  German  writers  of  these  ages.  See  the  lives  of  St.  Liudger,  and  St.  Angil- 
bertus.  Act.  SS.  Bened.  Scec.  iv.  torn.  i.  p.  33,  57.  116.  Also  in  Adomnan,  I.  i.  c.  8. 
I.  iii.  c.  23,  Ethelwold,  an  Anglo-Saxon  poet,  mentions  the  materials  of  which  the 
bells  were  made : 

Nee  minus  ex  cipro  sonitant  ad  gaudia  fratrum 
.^nea  vasa,  cavis  crepitant  quis  (quae)  pendula  sistris. 

Ethel,  c.  xiv.  p,  314. 

28  Bed,  Vit.  St.  Cuth.  c.  xliv.  Edd.  Vit.  St.  Wilf.  c.  xliii.  The  body  was  dressed 
honorifice,  in  linteis.  Ibid.  Wilk.  Con.  p.  229,  Ixv.  They  even  put  shoes  on  the  feet. 
Bed.  Vit.  St.  Cuth.  c.  xlv.     Anon.  Vit.  St.  Cuth.  apud  BoUan.  20  Mart. 

29  Bed.  Vit.  St.  Cuth.  c.  xxxvii. 

30  Anon.  Vit.  St.  Cuth.  apud  Bollan.  20  Martii.  Edd.  Vit.  St.  Wilf.  c,  xliii.  When 
the  tomb  of  Archbishop  Theodore  was  opened  in  1091,  the  body  appeared  to  have  been 
dressed  in  the  pontifical  ornaments,  with  the  pallium,  and  the  cowl  of  a  monk.  Got* 
selin,  cit.  Smith,  p.  189. 

0 


160  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

zation,  the  only  one  practised  at  that  period,  numerous  instances 
occur  in  the  works  of  our  more  early  writers.    It  was  generally, 
perhaps  always,  preceded  by  a  petition  to  the  bishop,  and  sanc- 
tioned by  his  approbation.     Ten  or  twenty  years  after  the  death 
of  the  man,  the  object  of  their  veneration,  when  it  might  be  pre- 
sumed that  the  less  solid  parts  of  the  body  had  been  reduced  to 
dust,  the  monks  or  clergy  assembled  to  perform  the  ceremony 
of  his  elevation.     A  tent  was  pitched  over  the  grave.     Around 
it  stood  the  great  body  of  the  attendants,  chanting  the  psalms  of 
David  :  within,  the  superior,  accompanied  by  the  more  aged  of 
the  brotherhood,  opened  the  earth,  collected  the  bones,  washed 
them,  wrapped  them  carefully  in  silk  or  linen,  and  deposited 
them  in  a  mortuary  chest.'*"     With  sentiments  of  respect,  and 
hymns  of  exultation,  they  were  then  carried  to  the  place  destined 
to  receive  them ;  which  was  elevated  above  the  pavement,  and 
decorated  with  appropriate  ornaments.    Of  the  shrines,  the  most 
ancient  that  has  been  described  to  us  contained  the  remains  of 
St.  Chad,  the  apostle  of  Mercia :  it  was  built  of  wood,  in  form 
resembled  a  house,  and  was  covered  with  tapestry."*^     But  this 
was  in  an  age  of  simplicity  and  monastic  poverty :  in  a  later 
period,  a  greater  display  of  magnificence  bespoke  the  greater 
opulence  of  the  church  ;  and  the  shrines  of  the  saints  were  the 
first  objects  which  invited  the  rapacity  of  the  Danish  invaders. 

To  conclude  this  chapter,  I  shall  present  the  reader  with  an 
extract  from  a  curious  document.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
twelfth  century,  four  hundred  and  eighteen  years  after  the  death 
of  St.  Cuthbert,  the  monks  of  Durham  opened  his  sepulchre.  A 
narrative  of  the  discoveries  made  on  this  occasion,  has  been 
transmitted  to  posterity  by  the  pen  of  an  eyewitness,  probably 
the  historian  Simeon :  and  his  work  is  interesting,  as  it  serves  to 
illustrate  the  ancient  customs  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  the  inter- 
ment of  the  dead. 

William,  the  second  bishop  of  Durham  after  the  conquest, 
had  collected  for  the  service  of  his  cathedral  a  society  of  monks, 
and,  dissatisfied  with  the  low  and  obscure  church  of  his  prede- 
cessors, had  laid  the  foundations  of  a  more  spacious  and  stately 
fabric.  In  the  year  one  thousand  one  hundred  and  four,  it  was 
nearly  completed  :  and  the  twenty-ninth  of  August  was  announced 
as  the  day  on  which  the  incorrupt  body  of  St.  Cuthbert  would 
be  transferred  from  the  old  to  the  new  church.  The  nobility  and 
clergy  of  the  neighbouring  counties  were  invited  to  the  ceremony  ; 
and  Richard,  abbot  of  St.  Alban's,  Radulfus,  abbot  of  Seez  in 
Normandy,  and  Alexander,  brother  to  the  king  of  Scots,  had  ar- 

""  Bed,  Hist.  I.  iv.  c.  19. 30.  Vit.  St.  Cuth.  c.  xlii.  Act  SS.  Bened.  Saec.  iv.  torn.  i. 
p.  310.     Sfcc.  V.  p.  735. 

^' Bed.  1.  iv.  C.3.  Coopcrtus.  mib  hpfFjele  ^ejeappob.  ^If.  ibid.  p.  570. 
Over  the  torab  of  St.  Oswald  was  suspended  his  standard  of  purple  and  gold.     Bed.  L 


OPENING  OF  THE  TOMB  OP  ST.  CUTHBERT.        161 

rived  to  honour  it  with  their  presence.  But  among  this  crowd  of 
learned  and  noble  visiters  the  whispers  of  increduhty  were  heard ; 
the  claim  of  the  monks  was  said  to  rest  on  the  faith  of  a  vague 
and  doubtful  tradition  ;  and  it  was  asked,  where  were  the  proofs 
that  the  body  of  the  saint  was  entire,  or  even  that  his  ashes  re- 
posed in  the  church  of  Durham?  Who  could  presume  to  assert 
that,  at  the  distance  of  four  centuries,  it  still  remained  in  the  same 
state  as  at  the  time  of  Bede  ?'^  or  that,  during  its  numerous  re- 
movals, and  the  devastations  of  the  Danes,  it  had  never  perished 
by  the  negligence  or  flight  of  its  attendants  ?  These  reports 
alarmed  the  credulity  of  the  monks ;  and  that  alarm  was  con- 
siderably increased  by  the  intelligence  that  the  bishop  himself 
was  among  the  number  of  the  skeptics.  With  haste  and  secrecy 
the  brotherhood  was  summoned  to  the  chapter-house  ;  the  advice 
of  the  more  discreet  was  asked  and  discussed  ;  and,  after  a  long 
and  solemn  consultation,  it  was  determined  that  Turgot,  the  prior, 
with  nine  associates,  should  open  the  tomb  in  the  silence  of  the 
night,andmake  a  faithful  report  concerning  the  state  of  itscontents. 
As  soon  as  their  brethren  were  retired  to  rest,  the  ten  visiters 
entered  the  church.  After  a  short  but  fervent  prayer  that  God 
would  pardon  their  temerity,  they  removed  the  masonry  of  the 
tomb,  and  beheld  a  large  and  ponderous  chest,  which  had  been 
entirely  covered  with  leather,  and  strongly  secured  with  nails 
and  plates  of  iron.  To  separate  the  top  from  the  sides,  required 
their  utmost  exertions;  and  within  it  they  discovered  a  second 
chest,  of  dimensions  more  proportionate  to  the  human  body,  and 
wrapped  in  a  coarse  linen  cloth,  which  had  previously  been 
dipped  in  melted  wax.  That  it  contained  the  object  of  their 
search,  all  were  agreed  :  but  their  fears  caused  a  temporary  sus- 
pension of  their  labours.  From  the  tradition  of  their  predecessors 
they  had  learned,  that  no  man  had  ever  presumed  to  disturb  the 
repose  of  the  saint,  and  escaped  the  instantaneous  vengeance  of 
Heaven.  The  stories  of  ancient  times  crowded  on  their  imagina- 
tions :  engaged  in  a  similar  attempt,  they  expected  to  meet  each 
moment  with  a  similar  punishment ;  the  silence  of  the  night,  the 
sacredness  of  the  place,  the  superior  sanctity  of  their  patron, 
aided  these  impressions,  and  at  last  an  almost  general  wish  was 
expressed  to  abandon  so  dangerous  an  experiment.  But  Turgot 
was  inflexible.  He  commanded  them  to  proceed  ;  and,  after  a 
short  struggle,  the  duty  of  obedience  subdued  the  reluctance  of 
terror.  By  his  direction  they  conveyed  the  smaller  chest  from 
behind  the  altar,  to  a  more  convenient  place  in  the  middle  of  the 
choir ;  unrolled  the  cloth ;  and  with  trembling  hands  raised  up 
the  lid.  But  instead  of  the  remains  of  the  saint,  they  found  a 
copy  of  the  gospels,  lying  on  a  second  lid,  which  had  not  been 
nailed,  but  rested  on  three  transverse  bars  of  wood.   By  the  help 

"2  See  Bede  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  30,     Vit.  St.  Cuth.  c.  xlii. 
21  0  2 


162  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

of  two  iron  rings,  fixed  at  the  extremities,  it  was  easily  removed ; 
and  disclosed  the  body  lying  on  its  right  side,  and  apparently 
entire.  At  the  sight,  they  gazed  on  each  other  in  silent  astonish- 
ment ;  and  then,  retiring  a  few  paces,  fell  prostrate  on  the  floor, 
and  repeated  in  a  low  voice  the  seven  psalms  of  penitence. 
Gradually  their  fears  were  dispelled  :  they  arose,  approached  the 
body,  lifted  it  up,  and  placed  it  respectfully  on  a  carpet  spread 
on  the  floor.  In  the  coffin  they  found  a  great  number  of  bones 
wrapped  in  linen,  the  mortal  remains  of  the  other  bishops  of 
Lindisfarne,  which,  to  facilitate  the  conveyance,  the  monks  had 
deposited  in  the  same  chest,  when  they  were  compelled  to  leave 
their  ancient  monastery.  These  they  collected,  and  transferred 
to  a  diff'erent  part  of  the  church ;  and,  as  the  hour  of  matins  ap- 
proached, hastily  replaced  the  body  in  the  coflin,  and  carried  it 
back  to  its  former  situation  behind  the  altar. 

The  next  evening,  at  the  same  hour,  they  resumed  the  investi- 
gation ;  and  the  body  was  again  placed  on  the  floor  of  the  choir. 
They  discovered  that  it  had  been  originally  dressed  in  a  linen 
robe,  a  dalmatic,  a  chasuble,  and  a  mantle.  With  it  had  been 
buried  a  pair  of  scissors,  a  comb  of  ivory,  a  silver  altar,  a  patine, 
and  a  small  chalice,  remarkable  for  the  elegance  and  richness  of 
its  ornaments.''^  Having  surveyed  the  body  till  their  veneration 
and  curiosity  were  satisfied,  they  restored  it  to  the  tomb  in  which 
it  had  formerly  reposed,  and  hastened  to  communicate  the  joyful 
intelligence  to  their  anxious  and  impatient  brethren. 

The  following  morning,  the  monks  were  eager  to  announce 
the  discovery  of  the  preceding  nights,  and  a  solemn  act  of  thanks- 
giving was  performed,  to  publish  their  triumph,  and  silence  the 
doubts  of  the  incredulous.  But  their  joy  was  soon  interrupted 
by  the  rational  skepticism  of  the  abbot  of  a  neighbouring  monas- 
tery. Why,  he  asked,  was  the  darkness  of  the  night  selected  as 
the  most  proper  time  to  visit  the  tomb  ?  Why  were  none  but 
the  monks  of  Durham  permitted  to  be  present  ?  These  circum- 
stances provoked  suspicion.  Let  them  open  the  coffin  before  the 
eyes  of  the  strangers  who  had  come  to  assist  at  the  translation 
of  the  relics.  To  grant  this,  would  at  once  confound  their  ad- 
versaries :  but  to  refuse  it,  would  be  to  condemn  themselves  of 
imposture  and  falsehood.  This  unexpected  demand,  with  the 
insinuations  by  which  it  was  accompanied,  roused  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  monks.     They  appealed  to  their  character,  which  had 

"■^  The  very  ancient  and  anonymous  author  of  the  life  of  St.  Cuthbert  published  by 
the  Bollandists,  says  that  the  eucharist  was  enclosed  in  the  chalice,  oblatis  super  sanctum 
pectus  posilis.  Apud  BoUan.  20.  Martii.  The  altar  was  a  flat  plate  of  silver,  on  which  it 
was  customary  to  consecrate  the  eucharist.  A  similar  altar  made  of  two  pieces  of  wood, 
fastened  with  silver  nails,  and  bearing  the  inscription,  Alme  trinitati.  agie.  sophie. 
SanctJB  Marire.  was  found  on  the  breast  of  Acca,  bishop  of  Hexham,  when  his  tomb 
was  opened  about  the  year  1000.  Sim.  Dunel.  de  gestis  regum,  p.  101.  The  scissors 
and  comb  buried  with  the  body,  were  probably  those  which  had  been  used  at  the  bishop's 
consecration. 


INVOCATION    OF    THE    SAINTS.  163 

been  hitherto  unimpeached :  they  offered  to  confirm  their  testi- 
mony with  their  oaths :  they  accused  their  opponent  of  a  design 
to  undermine  their  reputation,  and  then  to  seize  on  their  property. 
The  ahercation  continued  till  the  day  appointed  for  the  ceremony 
of  the  translation  :  when  the  abbot  of  Seez  prevailed  on  the  prioi 
Turgot  to  accede  to  so  reasonable  a  demand.  To  the  number  of 
fifty  they  entered  the  choir :  the  chest  which  enclosed  the  re- 
mains was  placed  before  them,  and  the  lid  was  removed ;  when 
Turgot  stepped  forward,  and,  stretching  out  his  hand,  forbade  any 
person  to  touch  the  body  without  his  permission,  and  commanded 
his  monks  to  watch  with  jealousy  the  execution  of  his  orders. 
The  abbot  of  Seez  then  approached,  raised  up  the  body,  and 
proved  the  flexibility  of  the  joints,  by  moving  the  head,  the  arms, 
and  the  legs.  At  the  sight  every  doubt  vanished ;  the  most  in- 
credulous confessed  that  they  were  satisfied  ;  the  Te  Deura  was 
chanted,  and  the  translation  of  the  relics  was  immediately  per- 
formed with  the  accustomed  ceremonies.** 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Veneration  and  invocation  of  the  Saints — Relics — Miracles — Pictures  and  Images — 
Pilgrimages — Travels  of  St.  Willibald — Ordeals. 

The  invocation  of  the  saints  is  a  rehgious  practice,  which  may 
be  traced  back  to  the  purest  ages  of  Christianity.  The  first 
proselytes  to  the  gospel  were  wont  to  revolve  with  pride  and 
exultation,  the  virtues,  the  sufierings,  and  the  heroism  of  their 
apostles.  To  celebrate  their  memory,  was  to  celebrate  the 
triumph  of  religion  :  hymns  were  composed,  churches  dedicated, 
and  festivals  established  in  their  honour.  From  the  veneration 
of  their  virtues  the  transition  was  easy  to  the  invocation  of  their 
patronage.  When  the  pious  Christian,  in  the  fervour  of  devotion, 
cast  an  eye  towards  his  heavenly  country,  he  beheld  it  inhabited 
by  men  who,  like  himself,  had  been  forced  to  struggle  with  the 
difficulties  of  life.  They  were  still  his  brethren :  could  they  be 
indifferent  to  his  welfare?  They  were  the  favourites  of  God; 
could  he  refuse  to  grant  their  petitions?*  Such  was  the  reason- 
ing of  ancient  piety :  that  reasoning  was  justified  by  the  testimony 

''4  Translat.  St.  Cuth.  in  Act.  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iv.  torn.  2,  p.  294.  Nobis,  says  the 
historian  Simeon,  speaking  of  this  translation,  incorruptura  corpus  ejus,  quadringen- 
tesimo  et  octavo  decimo  dormitionis  ejus  anno,  quamvis  indignis  divina  gratia  videre  et 
manibus  quoque  contrectare  donavit.  Hist.  Eccl.  Dunel.  p.  53,  The  festival  of  St. 
Cuthbert,  formerly  kept  on  the  fourth  of  September,  refers,  not  to  this,  but  to  a  more 
ancient  translation,  made  by  order  of  the  bishop  Aldhune  in  the  year  999. 

'  St.  Hieron.  adver.  Vigil,  torn.  ii.  p.  159.     Colon.  1616. 


164  ANTIQUITIES  OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

of  the  inspired  writings :  and  throughout  the  whole  Christian 
church,  from  the  western  coast  of  Ireland,  to  the  farthest  moun- 
tains of  Persia,  the  faithful  confidently  solicited  the  patronage 
and  intercession  of  the  saints.^ 

Amon^  those  who  claimed  the  peculiar  veneration  of  the 
Anglo-Saxons,  a  high  pre-eminence  was  given  to  the  virgin 
mother  of  the  Messiah.  That  her  influence  with  her  son  was 
unrivalled,  might  be  justly  inferred  from  her  maternal  dignity; 
and  the  honours  which  were  paid  to  her  memory,  had  been 
sanctioned  by  her  own  prediction.^  Her  praises  were  sung  by 
the  Saxon  poets;"*  by  their  preachers  her  prerogatives  were 
extolled;*  and  the  principal  incidents  of  her  life  were  commemo- 
rated by  the  four  solemn  festivals  of  the  nativity,  the  annunciation, 
the  purification,  and  the  assumption.^  After  the  virgin,  the  next 
rank  was  occupied  by  St.  Peter.  The  belief  that  he  had  been 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  prince  of  the  apostles,  and  that  to  his 
custody  was  intrusted  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  was 
deeply  impressed  on  their  minds,  and  strongly  influenced  their 
conduct.  Clergy  and  laity  were  equally  solicitous  to  secure  his 
patronage.  Altars  and  churches  were  dedicated  to  his  memory;^ 
pilgrimages  were  made  to  his  tomb;  and  presents  were  annually 
transmitted  to  the  church  which  had  been  enriched  with  his 
earthly  remains.  Particular  honours  were  also  paid  to  the  saints, 
Gregory  and  Augustine.  To  the  charitable  zeal  of  the  former, 
and  the  laborious  exertions  of  the  latter,  the  Anglo-Saxons  were 
principally  indebted  for  their  conversion  to  Christianity :  the 
affection  which  these  prelates  had  formerly  testified  for  the  na- 
tives, could  not  be  extinguished  by  their  removal  to  a  better 
world  :  they  were  therefore  revered  as  the  patrons  of  England  ; 
their  festivals  were  celebrated  with  extraordinary  solemnity,  and 
the  aid  of  their  intercession  was  confidently  implored.^    Equally 

'  Consult  Du  rill,  cent.  iii.  p.  182. 

3  Luke  c.  i.  v.  48. 

^  St.  Adhel.  de  Virg.  in  Bib.  Pat.  torn.  viii.  p.  14.  Alcuin,  Ant.  Lect.  Canis.  torn.  ii. 
par.  ii.  p.  471.  A  hymn  was  sung  in  her  honour  every  evening.  Bed.  oper.  torn.  vii. 
col.  148.  In  the  Anglo-Saxon  pontificals  are  preserved  the  same  hymns  as  occur  at 
present  in  the  Roman  breviary.     See  Wanley,  MSS.  p.  184.  244.  280. 

'  In  the  collections  of  Saxon  homilies  are  several  for  the  festivals  of  the  blessed  vir- 
gin. Wanley,  p.  11.  17.  35.  59,  &c.  Some  extracts  from  them  have  been  published 
by  VV^helock,  p.  314.  448,  449.     See  also  Bede,  tom.  vii.  col.  147.  212.  468. 

6  Bede's  Martyrology,  edit.  Smith,  p.  340.  352.  407.  419.  Dachery,  Spicil.  tom.  x. 
p.  126.  St.  Boniface,  in  his  Constitutions,  omits  the  annunciation.  Spicil.  tom.  ix, 
p.  67. 

<■  Of  the  first  .\nglo-Saxon  churches  a  great  number  were  dedicated  in  honour  of  St. 
Peter.  Bed.  1.  ii.  c.  14;  iii.  6.  17;  iv.  3.  18;  v.  1.  17.  His  festival,  with  that  of  St.  Paul, 
Was  celebrated  during  eight  days;  the  last  of  which  was  kept  with  great  solemnity. 
Bed.  Marty rol.  p.  39.  Ritual.  Uunel.  MS.  A.  iv.  19,  p.  27.  It  was  a  day  of  public 
communion:  nub  Teninum.     Martyrol.  apud  Wanley,  p.  110. 

8  Their  festivals  were  ordered  to  be  kept  as  holidays  on  the  12th  of  March  and  26th 
of  May,  by  the  synod  of  Cloveshoe  in  747.  (Wilk.  Cone.  p.  97.)  Soon  after,  St.  Boni- 
face was  added  as  the  third  patron  of  England.     In  generali  synodo  nostra,  ejus  diern 


NATIVE    SAINTS.  165 

prompted  by  hope  and  gratitude,  each  particular  nation  honoured 
the  memory  of  its  apostle  ;  and  the  bishops  Aidan,  Birinus,  and 
Felix  were  severally  venerated  as  tlie  protectors  of  the  countries 
which  had  been  the  theatres  of  their  piety,  their  labours,  and  their 
success. 

From  saints  of  foreign  extraction,  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  soon 
encouraged  to  extend  their  devotion  to  men  who  had  been  born 
and  educated  among  them.  Of  the  converts,  many  had  deeply 
imbibed  the  spirit,  and  faithfully  practised  the  precepts  of  the 
gospel.  To  that  ferocity  which  formerly  marked  their  character, 
had  succeeded  the  virtues  of  meekness,  humility,  and  patience  ; 
the  licentiousness  of  desire  they  had  learned  to  repress  by  the 
mortification  of  the  passions ;  and  their  labours  in  propagating 
the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  had  been  pushed  with  the  zeal  and 
perseverance  which  formed  a  striking  feature  in  the  national 
character.  Their  contemporaries  applauded  the  virtues  which 
they  had  not  the  resolution  to  imitate ;  and  the  preternatural 
cures  which  were  believed  to  have  been  wrought  at  their  tombs, 
augmented  their  reputation.  By  the  voice  of  the  public,  and  the 
authority  of  the  bishops,  they  received  the  honours  of  sanctity  f 
the  respect  which  their  countrymen  paid  to  their  virtues,  was 
quickly  imitated  by  foreign  nations;  and  England  was  distin- 
guished with  the  flattering  title  of  the  island  of  the  saints. 

But  the  reputation  of  the  dead  is  frequently  aifected  by  the 
vicissitudes  to  which  human  opinion  is  subject.  The  men  whom 
our  ancestors  revered  as  the  glory  and  pride  of  their  country,  are 
generally  considered  by  modern  writers  as  objects  of  contempt 
or  abhorrence.  Their  fame  had  withstood  the  shock  of  the  Nor- 
man revolution,  and  the  conquerors  joined  with  the  conquered  in 
celebrating  their  memory :  but  at  the  reformation,  a  race  of  in- 
novators arose,  who,  considering  them  as  the  patrons  of  their 
adversaries,  were  eager  to  tear  the  laurel  from  their  temples,  and 
to  apologize  by  calumny  for  the  brutality  which  violated  their 
sepulchres,  and  scattered  their  ashes  to  the  winds.  From  the 
altar  that  witnessed  the  unhallowed  union  of  Luther  with  his 

natalitii  statuimus  annua  frequentatione  solemniter  celebrare :  utpote  quern  specialiter 
nobis  cum  beato  Gregorio  et  Augustino  et  patronum  quarimus,  et  habere  indubitanter 
credimus  coram  Christo  Domino.  See  the  epistle  of  Cuthbert,  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, to  Lullus,  the  successor  of  St.  Boniface.     Ep.  St.  Bonif.  70,  p.  94. 

9  During  the  period  of  which  I  am  writing,  the  power  of  canonizing  saints  was  exer- 
cised by  the  provincial  bishops  and  national  councils.  The  first  instance  of  a  solemn 
canonization  by  the  pope,  (the  opposite  arguments  of  Benedict  XIV.  do  not  appear 
convincing,  De  Canon.  I.  i.  c.  7,)  occurs  in  the  year  993,  when  John  XV.,  after  a  dili- 
gent inquiry  into  the  life  and  virtues  of  Ulric,  bishop  of  Augsburgh,  enrolled  him  among 
the  saints.  (Bullar.  torn.  i.  p.  44.)  It  was  not,  however,  till  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth 
century,  that  the  privilege  of  canonization  was  reserved  to  the  Roman  see,  by  Alexander 
III.  (Bull.  torn.  i.  p.  67.)  From  that  period  to  the  accession  of  Clement  XIII.  in  1758, 
one  hundred  and  fifteen  persons  had  been  solemnly  canonized.  See  the  catalogue  iii 
Sandini,  Vit.  Pontif.  vol.  ii.  p.  760. 


166  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

beloved  Catharine,'"  a  strong  ray  of  religious  light  seems  to  have 
burst  on  this  island.  It  was  then  discovered  that,  during  nine 
centuries,  our  ancestors  had  been  plunged  in  the  thickest  dark- 
ness, unable  to  distinguish  vice  from  virtue,  insanity  from  devo- 
tion :  and  from  that  period  to  the  present,  the  Saxon  sain  is  have 
repeatedly  been  described,  either  as  fanatics,  who  owed  their 
canonization  to  the  ignorance  of  the  age,  or  as  profligates,  who 
by  their  benefactions  had  purchased  that  honour  from  the  policy 
or  the  gratitude  of  the  monks."  Of  fanaticism  we  are  accustomed 
to  judge  from  the  notions  which  we  have  previously  imbibed. 
With  different  persons  the  term  assumes  different  significations, 
and  what  to  one  seems  the  pure  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  by  an- 
other is  deemed  folly  and  superstition.^''  To  appreciate  the  merit 
of  those  whom  the  Anglo-Saxons  revered  as  saints,  we  should 
review  their  sentiments  and  their  conduct.  The  former  may  be 
learned  from  their  private  correspondence,  the  latter  from  the  nar- 
ratives of  contemporary  historians.  Their  letters  (of  which  some 
hundreds  are  extant)"  uniformly  breathe  a  spirit  of  charity, 
meekness,  and  zeal ;  a  determined  opposition  to  the  most  fashion- 
able vices ;  and  an  earnest  desire  of  securing  by  their  virtue  the 
favour  of  Heaven.  Of  their  conduct  the  general  tendency  was, 
to  soften  the  ferocity  of  their  countrymen,  to  introduce  the  know- 
ledge of  the  more  useful  arts,  to  strengthen  by  religious  motives 
the  peace  of  society,  to  dispel  the  darkness  of  paganism,  and  to 
diffuse  the  pure  light  of  the  gospel.  If  this  be  fanaticism,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  saints  must  abandon  their  defence,  and  plead 
guilty. 

Their  adversaries,  however,  have  not  been  content  with  strip- 
ping them  of  their  virtues,  they  have  even  accused  them  of 
several  vices.  But  to  me  the  very  arguments,  by  which  the 
charge  has  been  supported,  appear  the  fairest  evidence  of  their 

">  In  his  forty-fifth  year,  Luther  married  Catharine  Boren,  a  professed  nun.  He  was 
at  no  loss  to  justify  his  conduct.  Ut  non  est  in  meis  viribus  situm,  ut  vir  non  sim  ;  tarn 
non  est  etiam  mei  juris,  ut  absque  tnuliere  sim.  Nee  eniin  libera  est  electio  aut  consi- 
lium, sed  res  natura  necessaria.     Serm.  de  Matrim.  tom.  v.  p.  119. 

"  See  Sturges,  Reflections,  p.  7.  27.  31 ;  Rapin,  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  80.  116. 

'^Itis  probably  to  their  austerities  that  the  charge  of  fanaticism  is  attached.  But 
they  must  share  the  reproach  with  the  first  Christians,  whom  they  endeavoured  to  fol- 
low in  the  path  of  mortification,  though  at  a  considerable  distance.  To  excuse  their 
inferiority,  they  were  accustomed  to  allege  the  severity  of  a  northern  climate,  which  was 
incompatible  with  a  life  of  rigorous  abstinence.  Da'r  eapb  nir  eac  ealler 
f  pa  majjenpaepc  hep  on  ucepeapban  J>appe  eop)?an  bpabnyppe. 
rpa  ppa  heo  ly  co  mibbep  on  maejenpa-pcum  eapbum.  ]>?eji  man 
maej  paepcan  ppeoplicop  }>onne  hep.  Homil.  34,  apud  Whel.  p.  228.  Seo 
also  Bede,  Vit.  St.  Cuthb.  c.  vi. 

'3  Those  of  St.  Boniface  and  his  correspondents,  are  published  by  Serrarius,  (Ep.  St 
Bonif.  MoguntitE,  (1629,)  and  Martene,  (Thesaur.  Anecdot.  tom.  ix. ;  )  of  Bede,  in 
different  parts  of  his  works;  and  of  Alcuin,  by  Duchesne,  (Opera  Ale.  par.  iii.,)  Canisius, 
(Ant.  lect.  tom.  ii.,)  and  Mabillon,  (Anal.  vet.  p.  398.)  See  also  Leland's  Collectanea, 
vol.  i.  p.  392. 


FESTIVALS    OP    THE    SAINTS.  167 

merit.  Though  the  records  of  antiquity  have  been  searched 
with  the  Iceen  eye  of  criticism  and  suspicion,  curiosity  has  been 
defeated ;  and  no  fact  has  hitherto  been  adduced  which,  in  its 
natural  shape,  can  impeach  the  purity  of  their  morals.'*  They 
have  passed  through  the  dangerous  ordeal  without  a  stain  ;  and 
their  innocence  has  compelled  their  calumniators  to  descend  to 
the  unworthy  artifice  of  imputing  virtuous  conduct  to  vicious 
motives,  and  of  describing  every  Saxon,  whose  piety  excited  ad- 
miration, as  indebted  for  his  reputation  to  his  hypocrisy.  But 
the  reader  will  pause  before  he  assents  to  so  unfounded  an  infer- 
ence. This  hypocrisy  was  invisible  to  the  contemporaries  of 
those  to  whom  it  is  objected :  and  we  may  rationally  suspect  the 
mysteries  of  an  art  which  professes  at  the  present  day  to  unfold 
the  views  and  motives  of  men  whose  ashes  have  been,  during 
more  than  ten  centuries,  mingled  with  the  dust. 

But  were  not  the  honours  of  sanctity  bestowed  without  dis- 
crimination on  the  benefactors  of  monasteries,  as  a  lure  to  attract 
the  donations  of  opulence  and  credulity  ?  The  question  may 
excite  a  smile  or  a  sigh  in  the  uninformed  reader ;  but  the  un- 
generous insinuation  can  hardly  survive  the  test  of  inquiry.  To 
search  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  menology  for  the  most  distinguished 
patrons  of  the  monastic  profession,  will  prove  a  fruitless  labour. 
Neither  Ina,  nor  Offa,  nor  Ethelwold,  nor  Alfred,'^  were  ever 
enrolled  in  the  calendar :  even  Edgar,  though  more  than  forty 
monasteries  owed  their  existence  to  his  favour  and  liberality,  was 
left  in  the  crowd  of  uncanonized  benefactors.  His  virtues,  in- 
deed, they  praised :  but  they  were  not  blind  to  his  vices :  and 
both  have  been  transmitted,  by  the  impartiality  of  their  his- 
torians, to  the  knowledge  of  posterity.  In  the  Saxon  chronicle 
may  be  seen  his  character,  portrayed  by  the  pencil  of  a  monk, 
his  contemporary.  With  fidelity  he  describes  the  faults  as  well 
as  the  virtues  of  his  patron  ;  and  concludes  with  a  wish  that  does 
honour  to  his  gratitude  and  sincerity.  "  God  grant,"  he  exclaims, 
"  that  his  good  deeds  overbalance  his  evil  deeds,  to  shield  his  soul 
at  the  last  day."'^ 

2.  "  The  festivals  of  the  saints,"  observes  an  Anglo-Saxon 
manuscript,  "  are  established,  that  we  may  obtain  the  benefit  of 

•^  I  trust  I  shall  not  be  referred  to  Henry's  story  of  the  award  by  Edward  the  Con- 
fessor, (Henry,  vol.  iv.  p.  344,)  or  Mr.  Turner's  romance  concerning  St.  Dunstan.  (Turn, 
vol.  iii.  p.  140.)  The  former  is  a  mistake :  (See  Gale,  Hist.  Rames.  c.  113,  p.  456  :) 
the  latter  will  be  noticed  in  one  of  the  following  chapters. 

•5  Voltaire  (Hist.  Generale,  vol.  i.  p.  214)  asserts  that  Alfred  was  refused  the  honour 
of  canonization,  because  he  had  founded  no  monastery.  The  fact,  however,  is,  that  he 
built  the  abbey  of  Athelney  for  monks,  and  that  of  Shaftesbury  for  nuns,  and  annually 
made  numerous  and  valuable  donations  to  dilTerent  churches.  See  Spelman's  Life  of 
Alfred,  edit.  Hearne,  p.  164 — 171. 

16  Dob  him  jeunne  ^  hip  jobe  baeba  fpypa  peajijjan  J>onne 
mifbaeba.  hip  yaple  to  jepcylbneyj'e  on  lanjpuman  fybe. 
Chron.  Sax.  p.  116. 


168  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

their  prayers,  and  be  excited  to  the  imitation  of  their  virtues.'"^ 
These  were  the  great  objects  of  the  veneration  which  our  ances- 
tors paid  to  departed  sanctity.  J3at  in  the  creed  of  modern 
historians,  to  otfer  any  species  of  reUgioiis  honour  to  a  created 
beino-,  is  a  deadly  act  of  idolatry.  When  they  contemplate  the 
Saxon  invoking  the  patronage  of  the  saints,  their  piety  is,  or 
afiects  to  be,  alarmed :  and  they  exclaim,  in  the  language  of 
horror  and  indignation,  that  the  worship  of  the  Deity  was  sup- 
planted by  the  worship  of  his  creatures.'^  But  a  short  acquaint- 
ance with  ancient  literature  will  prove,  that  our  ancestors  were 
too  well  instructed,  to  confound  man  with  God.  They  knew 
how  to  discriminate  between  the  adoration  due  to  the  Supreme 
Being,  and  the  honours  which  might  be  claimed  by  the  most  holy 
among  his  servants :  and  while  they  worshipped  him  as  the 
author  of  every  blessing,  they  paid  no  other  respect  to  them, 
than  what  was  owing  to  those  whom  they  considered  as  his 
favourites,  and  their  advocates.  Whoever  shall  attentively 
peruse  the  works  of  the  Saxon  writers,  or  the  acts  of  the  Saxon 
councils,  from  the  era  of  their  conversion,  to  what  is  deemed  the 
darkest  period  of  their  history,  will  observe  this  important  dis- 
tinction accurately  marked,  and  constantly  inculcated.  When 
the  poet  sang  the  praises  of  his  patron,  he  sought  neither  to  in- 
terest his  mercy,  nor  deprecate  his  justice :  to  obtain  the  assist- 
ance of  his  intercession,  to  be  remembered  by  him  at  the  throne 
of  the  Almighty,  was  the  sole  object  of  his  petition.'^  If  the 
preacher  from  the  pulpit  exhorted  his  hearers  to  solicit  the  prayers 
of  their  more  holy  brethren,  he  was  careful  to  inculcate,  that  they 
should  adore  God  alone,  as  their  true  Lord  and  true  God.^°  If 
the  Christian,  when  he  rose  from  his  bed,  was  accustomed  to  beg 
the  protection  of  the  saints,  he  was  yet  commanded  in  the  first 

'7  Festivitates  sanctorum  institutse  sunt,  vel  ad  excitandam  iniitationem,  vel  ut  meritis 
eorum  consociemur,  atque  orationibus  adjuvemur.     MS.  apud  Waiiley,  p.  148. 
'8  Hume,  Hist.  c.  1,  p.  42. 
s  See  Alcuin's  address  to  the  Virgin  Mary. 

Tu  mundi  vitam,  totis  tu  gaudia  saclis, 

Tu  regem  cceli,  tu  dominum  atque  Deum 
Ventris  in  hospitio  genuisti,  virgo  percnnis, 
Tu  precibus  nobis  auxiliare  tuis. 

Alcuin.  apud  Can.  torn.  ii.  par.  ii.  p.  471. 
Also  St.  Aldhelm,  de  Virgin.  Bib.  Pat.  tom.  viii.  p.  22,  and  Bede  Vit.  St.  Cuth.  p.  291. 
20  The  Saxon  homilist  is  very  accurate  in  his  expressions.  To  him  anum  pe 
fceolan  up  jebibban.  he  ana  if  j'o]'  hlapojib  "^  yo^  Dod.  pe 
bibbaf'  finjiinja  a!C  haljiim  mannum  ^  hi  pceolan  ny  JJinjian  co 
lieopa  bpihcne  -^  co  ujiuin  bpilicne.  Ne  jebibbe  pe  na  fteah 
hpa']>epe  up  Co  him  ppa  ppa  pe  co  Liobe  bo|>.  ''Him  alone  shall  we 
adi)re.  He  alone  is  true  Lord  and  true  God.  We  beg  the  intercession  of  holy  men, 
that  they  would  intercede  for  us  to  their  Lord  and  our  Lord.  But  nevertheless  we  do 
not  pray  to  them  as  we  do  to  God."  Honiil.  Sax.  apud  Whcl.  p.  283.  "  NuUi  marty- 
rum,"  says  the  MS.  quoted  above,  "  sacrificamus,  quamvis  in  mcmoriis  martyrum  con- 
btituaiuus  allaria."     Ibid. 


RELICS.  169 

place,  to  worship  with  bended  knees  the  majesty  of  his  Creator.^i 
These  distinctions  were  too  easy  to  be  mistaken.  The  idea  of 
intercession  necessarily  inckides  that  of  dependence:  and  to  em- 
ploy the  mediation  of  his  favourites,  is  to  acknowledge  the 
superior  excellency  of  the  Deity.^^ 

3.  With  the  invocation  of  the  saints  is  naturally  connected  the 
veneration  of  their  remains.  The  man  who  had  been  taught  to 
respect  their  virtues  and  to  implore  their  patronage,  would  not 
hesitate  to  honour  their  ashes  with  a  decent  monument,  and  with 
a  distinguished  place  in  the  assembly  of  the  faithful.  In  the 
book  of  the  apocalypse,  the  martyrs  are  represented  as  reposing 
beneath  the  altar  •,^  and,  before  the  death  of  its  author,  we  behold 
the  Christians  of  Rome  offering  the  sacred  mysteries  on  the  tombs 
of  the  holy  apostles  Peter  and  Paul.^"  When  the  martyr  Ignatius 
had  been  devoured  by  the  wild  beasts  of  the  amphitheatre,  the 
fragments  of  his  bones  were  collected  by  his  disciples,  and  care- 
fully conveyed  to  the  capital  of  the  east,  where  the  Christians 
received  them  as  an  invaluable  treasure,  and  deposited  them 
with  iionour  in  the  place  appropriated  to  the  divine  worship.^^ 
Succeeding  generations  inherited  the  sentiments  of  their  fathers : 
the  veneration  of  relics  was  diffused  as  far  as  the  knowledge  of 
the  gospel ;  and  their  presence  was  universally  deemed  requisite 
for  the  canonical  dedication  of  a  church  or  an  altar.'^^  With  this 
view,  Gregory  the  Great,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  success  of 
the  missionaries,  was  careful  to  send  them  a  supply  of  relics  f 

21  Hif  pcippenbe  amim  jepeopj^obon.  he  cleopie  Co  Trobep 
haljiun.  -]  bibbe  f  hij  him  co  Dode  ^(uijien.  aepof c  co  panccan 
CDapian  ~-\  yif'l'an  co  eallum  Dobej*  haljuni.  "  Having  worshipped  his 
Creator  alone,  lei  him  invoke  God's  saints,  and  pray  ihat  they  would  intercede  for  him 
to  God  ;  first  the  Holy  Mary,  and  then  all  the  saints  of  God."  Lih.  Leg.  eccles.  apud 
Wilk.  p.  272, 

22  Thus,  in  the  Saxon  homilies,  the  preacher  points  out  the  difference  between  the 
intercession  of  the  saints,  and  the  mediation  of  Christ,  when  he  exhorts  his  auditory  to 
solicit  the  intercession  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  ivith  Christ,  hfr  Sun,  her  Creator,  and  her 
Redeemer.  Ucan  pe  bibban  nil  j5  eabije  "]  ^  jepajhje  majben 
CDapia.  j5  heo  up  jel^ingie  co  hipa  ajemim  puna.  ~]  co  hipa 
pcippenb  haelenb  EpipC.  Serm.  in  Annunc.  St.  MariiB,  apud  Wanley,  p.  11. 
See  note  (P). 

2'  Revel,  c.  iv.  v.  9. 

21  See  in  St.  Cyril,  (cont.  Julian,  p.  327.  334,)  the  testimony  of  the  emperor  Julian. 
He  probahly  possessed  more  authentic  information  than  the  modern  writers,  who  date 
the  veneration  of  relics  from  the  commencement  of  the  fourth  century. 

2s  0j,3-aupsc  cilfjtiilog.  Act.  St.  Ignat.  c.  vi.  Compare  this  passage  with  that  in  the 
Acts  of  St.  Polycarp.     Tijuiailifi.  hSiev  tto/uuIikcvv  Kat  ScKifx^l^fi.  vmf  -^(u^r.v.     Act.  c.  xviii, 

2^  Bed.  1.  V.  c.  12.     Wilk.  Con.  p.  169. 

2"  Hence  we  are  informed  by  Carte,  that  the  veneration  of  relics  was  introduced  into 
England  by  the  Roman  missionaries,  but  was  unknown  to  the  Scottish  bishops,  Aidan, 
Finan,  and  Colman,  (Carte,  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  241.)  Yet  Finan  ordered  the  bones  of  his 
holy  predecessor  to  be  taken  out  of  his  tomb,  and  placed  on  the  right  side  of  the  altar, 
juxta  venerationem  tanto  pontifice  dignam:  (Bed.  I.  iii.  c.  17:)  and  Colman,  at  his  de- 
parture, carried  with  him  into  Scotland  a  part  of  the  relics  of  the  same  saint.  (Bed.  I. 
iii.  c.  26.)  See  also  Bede  on  St.  Oswald,  1.  iii.  c.  11,  12. 
22  P 


170  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

and  scarce  a  pilgrim  returned  from  Gaul  or  Italy,  who  had  not 
procured,  by  entreaty  or  purchase,  a  portion  of  the  remains  of 
some  saint  or  martyr.  But  the  poverty  of  the  Saxon  church  was 
quickly  relieved  by  the  virtues  of  her  children ;  and  England 
became  a  soil  fertile  in  saints.  Scarcely  was  there  a  monastery 
that  did  not  possess  one  or  more  of  these  favourites  of  heaven  : 
their  bodies  lay  richly  entombed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  principal 
altar;  and  around  were  suspended  the  votive  offerings  of  the 
multitudes  who  had  experienced  the  efficacy  of  their  intercession. 
In  the  hour  of  distress  or  danger,  the  afflicted  votary  threw  him- 
self at  the  foot  of  the  shrine  with  an  avowal  of  his  unworthiness, 
but  expressed  an  humble  confidence  that  the  Almighty  would 
not  refuse  to  the  merits  of  the  patron,  what  he  might  justly  deny 
to  the  demerits  of  the  suppliant.^^  Success  often  attended  these 
petitions :  the  clergy  of  each  community  could  appeal  to  a  long 
list  of  preternatural  cures,  owing  to  the  intercession  of  the  saints, 
whose  bodies  reposed  in  their  church ;  and  the  crowds  of  visit- 
ants, whom  these  miracles  attracted,  added  to  their  reputation 
and  importance.^' 

4.  That  the  Deity  has,  on  particular  occasions,  inverted  or 
suspended  the  ordinary  laws  of  nature,  is  a  truth  unequivocally 
admitted  by  all  who  profess  to  believe  in  the  gospel.  But 
whether  these  celestial  favours  were  confined  to  the  fervour  of 
the  first  Christians,  or  continue  to  be  bestowed  on  their  less 
worthy  successors,  is  a  point  which  has  been  fiercely  argued  by 
religious  controvertists.  Without  engaging  rashly  in  the  dispute, 
I  may  be  allowed  to  observe,  that  it  must  be  extremely  difficult 
to  assign  any  period  at  which  the  gift  of  supernatural  powers 
was  withdrawn  from  the  church.  The  testimony  of  each  par- 
ticular generation  as  forcibly  claims  our  assent,  as  that  of  the 
preceding ;  and  no  argument  can  demonstrate,  that  if  miracles 
were  necessary  at  the  commencement,  they  became  inexpedient 
during  the  progress  of  Christianity.  To  have  doubted  their 
continuance  at  the  period  when  England  was  converted,  would 
have  exposed  the  skeptic  to  the  severest  censures :  the  supernatu- 
ral privilege  was  confidently  claimed  by  the  missionaries ;  and 
the  voice  of  the  people  sanctioned  the  belief  that  it  had  descended 
to  the  more  holy  among  their  successors.  The  works  of  the 
Saxon  writers  are  embellished,  and  sometimes  disfigured  with 

28  Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  31. 

23  Hence,  if  we  may  believe  Dr.  Henry,  arose  a  new  species  of  monastic  excellence, 
entirely  unknown  to  the  founders  of  the  order.  To  become  a  perfect  monk,  it  was 
necessary  to  actjuire  dexterity  in  the  art  of  stealing  relics ;  and  he  who  had  been  so 
fortunate  as  to  purloin  the  little  finger  of  a  celebrated  saint,  was  esteemed  the  greatest  and 
happiest  man  among  his  brethren.  (Henry,  vol.  p.  SO.'i.)  This  information  he  professes 
to  derive  from  the  lif(^  of  St.  Aldhelm,  by  Malmsbury.  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  39.  But 
if  the  reader  consult  the  original,  his  curiosity  will  be  disappointed.  He  will  only  learn 
that  when  the  treasures  of  Queen  Emma  were  pillaged,  one  of  her  servants  secreted  the 
head  of  St.  Owen,  and  afterwards  scrupling  to  retain  it,  deposited  it  with  his  brother,  a 
monk  of  Malmsbury,     Ang.  Sac.  ibid. 


MIRACLES.  171 

narratives  of  extraordinary  events,  which  their  piety  taught  them 
to  consider  as  evident  interpositions  of  the  Divinity.  Of  these 
there  are  many  which  it  will  require  no  small  share  of  ingenuity 
to  disprove,  and  of  incredulity  to  discredit  :^°  but  there  are  also 
many  which  must  shrink  from  the  frown  of  criticism.  Some 
may  have  been  the  efiects  of  accident  or  imagination ;  some  are 
more  calculated  to  excite  the  smile  than  the  wonder  of  the  read- 
er ;  and  some,  on  whatever  proof  they  were  originally  admitted, 
depend  at  the  present  day  on  the  distant  testimony  of  writers  not 
remarkable  for  sagacity  or  discrimination.  But  are  we  then  to 
ascribe  the  belief  of  these  miracles  to  the  policy  and  artifices  of 
the  clergy,  anxious  to  extend  their  influence  over  the  minds,  and 
to  enrich  themselves  by  nourishing  the  credulity  of  their  disci- 
ples ?  The  odious  charge  has  often  been  advanced,  but  cannot 
be  supported  by  the  authority  of  any  ancient  writer:  nor  were  it 
difficult  to  derive  the  easy  faith  of  our  ancestors  from  a  more 
natural  and  a  less  polluted  source.  Man  is  taught  by  nature  to 
attribute  every  event  to  a  particular  cause ;  and  when  an  occur- 
rence cannot  be  explained  by  the  known  laws  of  the  universe,  it 
is  assigned  by  the  illiterate,  in  every  age,  and  under  every  re- 
ligion, to  the  operation  of  an  invisible  agent.  From  this  persua- 
sion arose  the  multitude  of  deities  with  which  the  ignorance  of 
mankind  had  crowded  the  pagan  mythology.  The  principle 
was  not  extirpated,  it  was  improved  by  the  knowledge  of  the 
gospel.  From  the  doctrine  of  a  superintendent  providence  the 
converts  were  led  to  conclude  that  God  would  often  interfere  in 
human  concerns ;  to  him  they  ascribed  every  unforeseen  and 
unusual  event ;  and  either  trusted  in  his  bounty  for  visible  pro- 
tection from  misfortune,  or  feared  from  his  justice  that  vengeance 
which  punishes  guilt  before  the  great  day  of  retribution.  Men 
impressed  with  these  notions,  would  rather  expect  than  dispute 
the  appearance  of  miraculous  events.  On  many  occasions  they 
would  necessarily  prove  the  dupes  of  their  own  credulity,  and 
ascribe  to  the  beneficence  of  the  Deity,  and  the  intercession  of 

30  Even  an  adversary  must  pity  the  perplexities  into  which  the  miracles  of  St. 
Augustine  have  plunged  the  skepticism  of  Dr.  Enfield.  That  both  St.  Gregory  and  St. 
Augustine  ascribed  the  success  of  the  mission,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  miracles  which 
had  been  wrought  in  its  favour,  he  willingly  acknowledges :  that  any  miracles  had  really 
been  performed,  he  as  confidently  denies.  In  the  search  of  expedients  to  reconcile  these 
apparent  contradictions,  he  dances  from  one  unsatisfactory  hypothesis  to  another,  till  at 
last  he  rests,  though  with  some  reluctance,  in  the  idea  that  the  pontiff  and  the  mission- 
ary had  engaged  in  a  conspiracy  to  deceive  the  Saxons  by  the  artifice  of  imaginary 
miracles.  ( Aikin's  Gen.  Biog.  vol.  i.  p.  474.)  But  in  such  a  supposition,  would  not  these 
religious  jugglers  have  dropped  the  mask  in  their  private  correspondence?  Would 
Gregory  have  so  earnestly  and  pathetically  warned  his  disciple  against  the  suggestions 
of  vanity  and  presumption  ?  Was  it  necessary  that  the  deception  should  be  propagated 
as  far  as  Alexandria,  and  that  Gregory  should  acquaint  the  patriarch  of  that  metropolis 
with  the  signs  and  wonders  which  accompanied  the  preaching  of  the  missionaries  1 
Tantis  miraculis  vel  ipse  vel  hi,  qui  cum  eo  transmissi  sunt,  in  gente  eadem  coruscant, 
ut  apostolorum  virtutes  in  signis,  quse  exhibent,  imitari  videantur.     Greg,  epist.  vii.  30. 


172  ANTIQUITIKS    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

their  patrons,  those  cures  which  might  have  been  effected  by  tlie 
efforts  of  nature,  or  the  powers  of  the  imagination.  It  was  their 
misfortune,  that  their  knowledge  was  not  equal  to  their  piety : 
of  their  censors  perhaps  it  may  sometimes  be  said,  that  their  piety 
is  not  equal  to  their  knowledge. 

5,  The  mortal  remains  of  the  saints  are  necessarily  confined 
to  particular  places :  their  likenesses,  by  the  aid  of  the  pencil  or 
the  chisel,  may  be  multiplied  to  gratify  the  curiosity  and  animate 
the  piety  of  thousands.  But  the  innocence  and  utility  of  em 
ploying  paintings  and  images  in  religious  worship,  has  been 
often  doubted  and  as  often  maintained  by  hostile  controvertists. 
To  determine  with  precision  the  limits  of  that  liberty  which  should 
be  granted  or  denied  to  the  imagination  of  the  multitude,  is  cer- 
tainly a  matter  of  no  small  difficulty.  A  worsliip  which  appeals  not 
to  the  senses,  must  insensibly  sink  into  languor  and  indifference; 
and  too  studied  an  attention  to  ceremony  may  give  birth  to 
superstition  and  idolatry.  To  hold  with  a  steady  hand  the 
balance  between  deficiency  and  excess  is  the  duty  of  those  to 
whom  is  intrusted  the  government  of  the  church ;  and  their  con- 
duct should  be  guided  by  the  genius  of  the  people,  the  circum- 
stances of  the  times,  and  the  method  of  public  instruction.^^ 
During  the  three  first  centuries  of  the  Christian  era,  images  and 
paintings  were  but  sparingly  admitted  into  the  assemblies  of 
the  faithful :  and  this  caution  was  justified  by  the  apprehension 
that  the  proselytes  might  easily  revert  to  their  former  habits, 
and  trangfer  their  homage  from  the  Creator  to  the  creature.  As 
idolatry  declined,  pictures  and  statues  met  with  greater  indul- 
gence :  they  spoke  a  language  which  was  intelligible  to  the 
meanest  capacity ;  they  instructed  the  ignorant,  and  stimulated 
the  languid  :  they  preserved  the  memory  of  virtue,  and  pointed 
out  the  path  which  conducted  to  the  rewards  of  sanctity.  At  the 
period  in  which  Augustine  attempted  the  conversion  of  England, 
the  churches  of  the  east  and  the  west,  the  almost  insulated 
Christians  of  Caledonia,  no  less  than  the  immediate  disciples  of 
the  Roman  pontiff,  had  adopted  this  doctrine  :  and  the  Saxons, 
instructed  by  their  example,  hesitated  not  to  perform  their  devo- 
tions before  the  representations  of  Christ  and  his  saints.  As  the 
cross  was  the  instrument  of  their  redemption,  it  was  always 
considered  as  the  distinguishing  symbol  of  Christianity.  A  cross 
was  borne  in  the  front  of  the  missionaries,  when  they  announced 
the  doctrine  of  the  gospel  to  Ethelbert  :^^  a  cross  was  erected  by 
Oswald,  the  exiled  king  of  Northumbria,  and  venerated  by  his 

^'  Sed  illud  ante  omnia  constitiiendum,  imagines  ex  illorum  per  se  genere  esse,  quae 
aittifio^a.  nominantur :  hoc  est,  qua>  ad  substantiam  ipsam  religionis  non  altinet,  sed  in 
potestatc  sunt  ecclesijp,  ut  ea  vel  adhibeat  vel  ableget,  pro  eo  atque  satius  esse  decreverit. 
Petav.  dc  Incarn.  I.  xv.  c.  13,  n.  1. 

"  Bed.  1.  i.  c.  25. 


PICTURES    AND    lATAGES.  173 

followers,  before  they  ventured  to  face  the  numerous  and  victo- 
rious host  of  the  Britons  :^^  a  cross  in  many  districts  supplied  the 
place  of  an  oratory,  and  around  it  the  thane  and  his  retainers 
frequently  assembled  to  perform  their  devotions  :'•*  and  in  the 
principal  churches  a  cross  of  silver  was  displayed  on  the  altar, 
and  proclaimed  the  victory  of  Christ  over  the  gods  of  paganism.^* 
At  first,  few  pictures  or  statues  were  possessed  by  the  Saxons. 
They  were  ignorant  of  the  arts  of  sculpture  and  painting :  but 
the  exertions  of  the  pilgrims  supplied  the  deficiency,  and  foreign 
models  were  successfully  imitated  by  the  ingenuity  of  native 
artists.  In  the  writings  of  Bede  is  preserved  a  catalogue  of  the 
paintings  with  which  the  pious  liberality  of  Bennet  Biscop  deco- 
rated the  church  of  his  monastery.^^  The  nave  was  occupied  by 
the  portraits  of  the  Virgin  and  the  twelve  apostles:  the  southern 
aisle  exhibited  a  series  of  pictures  representing  the  most  remark- 
able facts  recorded  in  the  gospels :  while  the  northern  struck  the 
eye  with  the  terrific  visions  described  by  St.  John,  in  the  book 
of  Revelations.  "  The  most  illiterate  peasant,"  adds  the  devout 
monk,  "could  not  enter  the  church  without  receiving  the  most 
profitable  instruction.  He  either  beheld  with  pleasure  the  amiable 
countenance  of  Christ  and  his  faithful  servants ;  or  studied  the 
important  mysteries  of  the  incarnation  and  redemption ;  or,  from 
the  spectacle  of  the  last  judgment,  learned  to  descend  into  his  own 
breast,  and  to  deprecate  the  justice  of  the  Almighty."" 

3?  Bed.  1.  iii.  c.  2. 

3''  Sic  mos  est  Saxonicae  gentis,  quod  in  nonnullis  nobilium  bonorumque  hominum 
prxdiis,  non  ecclesiam  sed  sanctae  crucis  signutn  Deo  dicatum,  cum  magno  honore 
almum,  in  alto  erectum,  ad  commodam  diurnfe  orationis  sedulitatem  solent  habere.  Vit. 
St.  Willibaldi,  apud  Can.  Lect.  ant.  vol.  ii.  par.  ii.  p.  107. 
'"^  Quin  etiam  sublime  crucis  radiante  metallo 

Hie  posuit  trophffium.  Bed.  1.  v.  c.  19. 

See  also  Alcuin  de  Pontif.  lin.  1225.  1496.     Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  iii.  f.  162. 

36  Other  churches  were  adorned  in  a  similar  manner.  From  a  fragment  of  a  Latin 
poem,  composed  for  the  dedication  of  a  church  built  by  Bugge,  (she  was  daughter  to 
Centwin,  king  of  Wessex.  in  644.  Lei.  Collect,  vol.  iii.  p.  117,)  we  learn  that  the  por- 
traits of  the  three  apostles,  Peter,  Paul,  and  Andrew,  were  suspended  over  the  high 
altar. 

Hie  Petrus  et  Paulus,  quadrati  lumina  mundi, 

Absidam  gemino  tutantur  numine  lautam  ; 

Nee  non  Andreas.  Cam.  Ant.  Led.  tom.  ii.  par.  ii.  p.  181. 

3'  Bed.  Vit.  abbat.  Wirem.  p.  295.  Horn,  in  nat.  Divi  Bened.  tom.  vii.  col.  465.  It 
has  been  industriously  inculcated  that  the  respect  which  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  later  ages 
paid  to  religious  paintings,  was  an  innovation  imported  from  Rome  long  after  their 
conversion.  The  merit  or  infamy  of  the  new  doctrine  has  been  ascribed  to  Egwin, 
bishop  of  Worcester ;  and  to  give  a  colour  of  truth  to  the  story,  a  synod  has  been  de- 
scribed as  assembled  at  liondon,  and  approving  the  worship  of  images.  The  forgery 
has  even  been  honoured  with  a  place  in  both  the  editions  of  the  British  Councils. 
(Tali  modo  cultus  imaginum  Anglicanis  ecclesiis  auctoritate  antichristi  et  illusionibus 
diabolicis  est  obtrusus,  paucis  piis  frustra  gementibus  et  contradicentibus  circiter  annum 
71-2  aut  714.  Spel.  p.  216.  Wilk.  p.  73.)  The  imposture,  however,  was  soon  de- 
tected and  exposed  both  by  foreign  and  native  writers.    Spelman  abandoned  it  to  its 

P  2 


174  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Confined  to  a  remote  corner  of  the  west,  the  Anglo-Saxons 
were  scarcely  acquainted  with  the  violent  disputes  which  agi- 
tated the  eastern  Christians,  and  at  last  severed  Rome  from  the 
dominion  of  the  Byzantine  emperors.  In  the  year  seven  hun- 
dred and  twenty-five,  Leo  the  Isanrian  proclaimed  himself  the 
enemy  of  the  holy  images;  under  his  son  and  successor  Coproni- 
mns,  a  synod  of  tliree  hundred  and  thirty-eight  obsequious  pre- 
lates declared  the  will  of  the  prince  to  be  the  doctrine  of  Christ; 
and  during  thirty  years,  the  creed  of  the  Iconoclasts  was  propa- 
gated with  the  instruments  of  persecution,  the  scourge,  the 
sword,  and  the  halter.  The  inhabitants  of  Italy,  alarmed  for  the 
integrity  of  their  faith,  withdrew  themselves  from  the  obedience 
of  tlie  empire  ;  and  the  churches  of  the  east  and  the  west  appear- 
ed on  the  eve  of  an  eternal  separation,  when  the  second  council 
of  Nice  restored  to  the  images  their  ancient  honoiu's,  and 
smothered,  during  a  temporary  pause,  the  embers  of  discontent. 
But  the  revival  of  religious  concord  between  Rome  and  Constan- 
tinople, was  the  signal  of  religious  discord  among  the  lately  con- 
verted nations.  A  spurious  copy  of  the  canons  of  Nice  was 
forwarded  to  Charlemagne,  and  transmitted  by  him  to  the  pre- 

fate :  hut  he  abandoned  it  with  a  sigh,  and  to  supply  its  place  left  a  long  and  elaborate 
note.  In  this  he  acknowledges  that  the  converts  employed,  but  denies  that  they  wor- 
shipped religious  images;  and  asserts  that  no  instance  of  such  worship  is  recorded  by 
Bede  or  any  contemporary  writer.  (Spelm.  ibid.)  If  by  worship  he  mean  the  adoration 
due  to  the  Supreme  Being,  he  is  certainly  accurate ;  but  if  he  mean  an  inferior  respect, 
which  may  be  shown  to  the  likeness  for  the  sake  of  the  original,  he  has  only  proved 
that  the  most  learned  antiquaries  are  sometimes  subject  to  error.  "  No  Beda  quidem 
ipse,"  says  Spelman,  "  unius  (quod  sciam)  meminit,  qui  vel  crucem  adoravit  vel  imagi- 
nem."  Yet  Bede  expressly  says  of  Ceolfrid,  before  his  departure  from  Wearmouth, 
"crucem  adoravit,  equum  ascendit  et  abiit."  Bed.  vit.  Abbat.  p.  301.  In  other  places  he 
often  mentions  the  pilgrims,  who  travelled  "  ad  videnda  atque  adoranda  apostolorum  et 
martyrum  limina."  Bed.  1.  v.  c.  9,  p.  293.  ^0\.  To  Bede  I  may  add  several  others. 
St.  Aldhelm  wrote  before  Bede,  and  frequently  styles  the  Christians  criicicolae,  or  wor- 
shippers of  the  cross.  St.  Aldhelm  de  Laude  Virg.  p.  291.  330.  The  same  expression 
is  used  by  the  author  of  the  life  of  St.  Willibald,  who  also  observes,  that  great  honour 
was  paid  to  the  cross:  "magno  honore  almum."  Vit.  Willib.  p.  107.  Alcuin  was 
always  accustomed  to  bow  to  the  cross,  and  repeat  this  prayer :  "  Tuam  crucem  adora- 
niiis,  domine,  tuam  gloriosam  recolimus  passionem :  miserere  nostri."  Vit.  Ale.  in  Act. 
SS,  Bened.  saec.  iv.  torn.  i.  p.  156 :  and  in  his  poem  on  York,  he  puts  the  following  popish 
language  into  the  mouth  of  King  Oswald, 

"  Prosternite  vestros 
Vultus  ante  crucem,  quam  vertice  montis  in  isto 
Erexi,  rutilat  Christi  qua>  clara  trophfeo, 
Quae  uuoque  nunc  nobis  priestabit  ab  hoste  triumphum." 

Ale.  de  Pont.  1.  246. 
That  the  worship  or  respect  which  is  mentioned  in  these  passages  was  not  idolatrous, 
is  plain  from  the  prayer  composed  by  Alcuin  and  mentioned  above,  and  from  a  passage  in 
the  Saxon  homilies.  To  %a?pe  pobe  pe  up  jebibbap.  na  ppa  ?»eah  co 
%am  cpeope.  ac  co  bam  ^Elmihcijan  bpilicne  fe  on  ^a?pe  haljan 
JXobe  pop  up  liailTobe.  "We  bow  ourselves  to  the  cross:  not  indeed  to  the 
wood,  but  to  the  Almighty  Lord  who  hung  on  it  for  us."  Hom.  Sax.  apud  Wilk. 
p.  165. 


DISSENSIONS    IN    THE    CHURCH.  175 

lates  of  the  Germans,  the  Francs,  and  the  Anglo-Saxons.  Their 
piety  was  alarmed  at  the  impious  assertion  attributed  to  Constan- 
tine,  bishop  of  Cyprus,  that  the  sacred  images  were  to  be  honoured 
equally  with  the  persons  of  the  adorable  Trinity.^*  Alcuin  was 
commissioned  to  refute  the  blasphemy  of  the  Greeks  :^^  and  the 
synod  of  Frankfort  equally  condemned  the  heresy  of  the  Icono- 
clasts, and  the  supposed  decision  of  the  Nicene  fathers.*"  The 
Roman  pontiffs,  whose  legates  had  presided  in  the  council,  were 
forced  to  temporize  :  they  prudently  postponed  the  confirmation 
of  its  decrees  :  and  endeavoured,  by  successive  explanations,  to 
silence  the  murmurs,  and  to  appease  the  jealousy  of  the  northern 
prelates.  After  the  lapse  of  forty  years,  the  adversaries  of  the 
council  were  formidable  in  number  and  talents.  They  acknow- 
ledged, indeed,  the  supreme  authority  of  the  successor  of  St. 
Peter,  and  professed  their  readiness  to  obey  his  decisions :  but  at 
the  same  time  they  requested  permission  to  lay  their  difficulties 
at  his  feet;**  and  in  the  Caroline  books,  the  acts  of  the  council  of 
Frankfort,  and  the  letters  of  the  synod  of  Paris,  they  collected 
every  argument,  which  their  learning  or  ingenuity  could  suggest. 
It  was  boldly  asserted,  that  under  the  mask  of  an  orthodox  defi- 
nition,''^ the  Greeks  had  endeavoured   to  conceal  the  idolatry 

38  Suscipio  et  amplector  sanctas  et  venerandas  imagines  secundum  servitium  adora- 
tionis,  quod  consubstantiali  et  vivificatrici  trinitati  emitto.  Carol.  1.  iii.  c.  17.  That 
this  was  an  error  appears  from  the  original  acts,  in  which  the  contrary  is  asserted. 
iii'^'jfji.sioi  Kil  iLTTA^ofjiivo;  T-t;  efytst^  n-M  o-eTrlct;  UKOvac  '.  Kti  Till'  K^lx  XalpnoLV  rrpca-ituiitKTtv  /movii 
T«  vTrifiiiTiai  K2U  ^ceip^mti  TfirtSi  a.)/:t7nfji.7ra).  Binii,  Con.  torn.  5,  p.  605.  The  same  mis- 
take was  transmitted  from  France  to  England.  Carolus  rex  Francorum  raisit  librum 
synodalem  ad  Brltanniam,  in  quo  verse  fidei  multa  reperta  sunt  obviantia,  et  eo  maxime, 
quod  pene  omnium  orientalium  doctorum  unanimi  assertione  est  definitum,  imagines 
adorari  debere,  quod  omnino  ecclesia  Calholica  execratur.  Mat.  West.  p.  146,  an.  793. 
If,  in  the  time  of  Matthew  of  Westminister,  the  Catholic  church  execrated  the  adoration 
of  images,  how  are  we  to  account  for  the  general  assertion  of  modern  writers,  that  it  had 
been  established  in  England  from  the  close  of  the  eighth  century  1  Must  they  not 
have  confounded  two  things,  which  he  was  careful  to  distinguish,  religious  respect  and 
divine  worship  1 

39  Mat.  West.  ibid.  '"'  Lib.  Carol,  iii.  17. 

'"  Romana  sedes  nullis  synodicis  constitutis  cffiteris  ecclesiis  prselata  est,  sed  ipsius 

domini  auctoritate  primatum  tenet omnes  Catholicae  debent  observare  ecclesiae, 

ut  ab  ea  post  Christum  ad  muniendam  fidem  adjutorium  petant.  Lib.  Carol,  i.  6.  A 
vestra  sanctitate  petiimus,  ut  sacerdotibus  nostris  liceret  qusrere  et  coUigere,  qus  ad  ean- 
dem  rem  definiendam  veraciter  convenire  potuissent  ....  Ea  vestrae  sanctitati  legenda 

et  examinanda  mittere  curavimus Quos  (legatos)  non  ad  hoc  ad  vestrse  almi- 

tatis  prsesentiam  misimus,  ut  hie  docendi  gratia  directi  putarentur.  Ep.  Imper.  ad  Eug. 
Pap.  in  actis  synodi  Paris.  I  should  not  have  loaded  the  page  with  these  quotations, 
had  we  not  been  repeatedly  told  by  modern  writers,  that  in  this  dispute  the  northern 
bishops  bade  defiance  to  the  authority  of  the  Roman  pontiffs. 

••2  The  definition  was,  that  an  honorary  worship  might  be  given  to  images,  but  not 
that  true  worship  which  belongs  only  to  the  divine  nature :  TtixKlmttv  vfioa-Kuvxa-n, 
ou  fj-iv  7/11'  iui\-Ji  yrio'Tiv  n/Am  uk/iSivhv  K^Tpif-iv,  »  ttp^ttu  ucvh  tii  dtiat.  <fiiiTii.  Bin.  Con.  torn. 
5,  p.  198.  The  application  of  the  hand  to  the  mouth,  in  token  of  respect,  gave  birth  to 
the  two  words  Trp'^a-Kuvuv  and  adorare.  Whether  this  worship  be  such  as  should  only  be 
given  to  the  Deity,  must  depend  on  the  intention.     Otherwise,  how  are  we  to  excuse 


176  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

which  lurked  in  their  breasts  :  that  their  secret  intentions  had 
been  betrayed  by  the  indiscreet  declaration  of  the  bishop  of  Cy- 
prus; and  that  the  permission  of  tapers,  incense,  and  salutation, 
spoke,  more  forcibly  than  his  words,  the  real  tendency  of  this 
heathenisli  worship.'^^  Notwithstanding  the  authority  and  repre- 
sentations of  the  pontiffs,  their  suspicions  were  for  a  time  kept 
alive  by  the  embassies  of  the  Byzantine  emperors,  who  favoured 
the  party  of  the  Iconoclasts ;  but  in  the  lapse  of  a  few  years,  the 
Gallic  prelates  became  divided  in  sentiment ;  by  degrees  they 
consented  to  a  silent  acquiescence  in  the  doctrine  of  the  council ; 
and,  at  last,  the  ceremonies,  approved  by  the  popes,  were  adopted 
in  the  churches  of  Gaul,  Germany,  and  England.-*-* 

5.  At  the  present  day,  the  thirst  of  curiosity  prompts  the  man  of 
letters  to  visit  the  scenes  of  ancient  wisdom  and  and  ancient  glory  : 
in  former  times  it  conducted  the  pious  Christian  to  the  places 
which  had  been  consecrated  by  the  triumphs  of  religion.  To  the 
adventurous  spirit  of  the  northern  nations,  the  practice  of  pil- 
grimage offered  inestimable  attractions :  and  the  Anglo-Saxons 
were  particularly  distinguished  by  their  attachment  to  this  devo- 
tion. In  estimating  the  respective  merits  of  different  countries, 
none  could  challenge,  in  their  opinion,  an  equality  with  Palestine  : 
there  the  religious  wanderer  might  visit  the  cave  in  which  the 
Saviour  was  born,  might  follow  him  in  the  course  of  his  mission, 
might  climb  the  mountain  on  which  he  suffered,  and  kiss  the 
sepulchre  in  which  his  body  was  deposited.  But  the  perils  of 
the  enterprise  were  sufficient  to  appal  the  most  resolute  courage. 
Jerusalem  groaned  beneath  the  yoke  of  the  infidels:  it  lay  at  the 
distance  of  more  than  three  thousand  miles,"^  and  imagination 
multiplied  the  dangers  of  navigating  an  unknown  sea,  and  of 
travelling  through  nations  of  different  languages,  manners,  and 
religions.  Yet  the  bold  temerity  of  some  adventurers  was 
crowned  with  success ;  and  they  returned,  after  an  absence  of 
several  years,  to  relate  to  their  astonished  countrymen  the  won- 
ders which  they  had  witnessed.  Of  these,  the  most  ancient  re- 
corded in  history,  is  St.  Willibald,  whose  long  peregrination  has 
been  faithfully  related  by  the  pen  of  a  female  writer.^^     Her 

the  Protestant,  who  kneels  before  the  sacrament,  the  mere  symbol  of  Christ ;  or  the 
bridegroom,  who,  in  the  ceremony  of  marriage,  says  to  the  bride — with  my  body  I  thee 
worship  ■? 

^  *  These  honours  were  first  paid  by  the  Greeks  to  the  statues  of  the  emperors  :  from 
thi-m  they  passed  to  ttie  pictures  or  representations  of  Christ  and  the  saints.  See 
Mdt)illon,  Act.  SS.  Bened.  ssec.  iv.  torn.  i.  praf.  p.  xviii.  xix. 

•'  See  note  (Q). 

■"  According  to  the  Roman  Itineraries,  the  road  from  Sandwich  to  Jerusalem,  was 
3r)66  Roman,  or  3271  English  miles.     See  Gibbon's  DecHne  and  Fall,  c.  2. 

''  She  was  a  nun  of  Hcidenheim,  and  a  relation  of  St.  Willibald.  She  wrote  as  he 
dictated,  and  appeals  for  her  veracity  to  his  deacons.  "  Ab  ipso  audita  et  ex  illius  ore 
dictata  prsescripsimus,  testibus  mihi  diaconis  ejus."  Hodoep.  Will,  inter,  lect.  ant. 
Canis.  edit.  Basnage,  torn.  ii.  p.   106. 


willibald's  travels  to  the  holy  land.  177 

narrative  I  shall  abridge :  nor  will  the  reader  perhaps  refuse  to 
follow  through  a  few  pages  the  first  of  his  countrymen,  who 
ventured  to  approach  the  court  of  tlie  caliphs,  and  penetrated  as 
far  as  the  holy  city. 

„  The  father  of  WilUbald  had  determined  to  visit,  in  company 
with  his  children,  the  tombs  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  He  died 
at  Lucca ;  and  the  pilgrims,  after  paying  the  last  duties  to  their 
deceased  parent,  continued  their  journey.  At  the  sight  of  Rome 
they  experienced  emotions  to  which  hitherto  they  had  been 
strangers :  and  the  different  monuments  of  piety,  with  which 
that  capital  abounded,  successively  awakened  their  devotion  and 
admiration.  The  curiosity  of  Willibald  was  enlarged ;  his 
imagination  wandered  to  the  places  which  had  been  consecrated 
by  the  corporal  presence  of  the  Redeemer;  and  the  fearless 
pilgrim  resolved  to  visit  the  land  of  promise,  the  theatre  on 
which  God  had  displayed  the  wonders  of  his  power  and  his 
mercy.  But  the  zeal  of  Winibald  and  Walburge,  his  brother  and 
sister,  was  less  fervid,  or  more  prudent :  they  refused  to  accom- 
pany him ;  and  he  was  compelled  to  seek  among  the  other  Saxon 
pilgrims  for  associates  of  similar  views,  and  equal  resolution. 

In  the  year  721,  soon  after  the  feast  of  Easter,  Willibald  de- 
parted from  Rome  with  only  two  companions :  but  his  example 
excited  the  enthusiasm  of  his  countrymen,  and  during  his  journey 
their  number  increased  to  eight.''^  The  time  was  favourable  to 
their  design.  Though  the  Spanish  Moslems  were  constantly  at 
war  with  their  Christian  neighbours,  the  trade  of  the  Medi- 
terranean was  undisturbed,  and  the  eastern  subjects  of  the  caliphs 
occasionally  visited  the  ports  of  Greece  and  Italy.  At  Naples,  the 
good  fortune  of  the  pilgrims  conducted  them  to  an  Egyptian  mer- 
chant, who  willingly  received  them  on  board  his  vessel :  but  their 
speed  was  retarded  by  the  delays  of  commerce,  and  a  circuitous 
navigation  :  and  fourteen  months  expired  before  they  reached  the 
coast  of  Syria.  From  Naples  they  successively  sailed  to  Reggio 
in  Calabria ;  to  Catania  in  Sicily,  where  the  inhabitants  were  ac- 
customed to  oppose  the  veil  of  St.  Agatha  to  the  fiery  eruptions 
of  the  neighbouring  mountain  ;  to  Manifasia  ;  to  the"  islands  of 
Coos  and  Samos;  and,  at  last,  after  a  long  and  tedious  voyage, 
arrived  in  safety  in  the  port  of  Ephesus.  During  the  several 
weeks  which  they  spent  on  the  coast  of  Natolia,  they  had  much 
to  suffer  from  fatigue  and  hunger;  but  they  satisfied  their 
curiosity  by  visiting  the  most  celebrated  cities,  and  their  piety  by 
offering  up  their  prayers  at  the  shrines  of  the  most  celebrated 
saints.     Paphos,  in  the  island  of  Cyprus,  next  attracted  their  no- 


*'  He  left  Rome  cum  duobus  sociis,  (Hodoep.  p.  109.    Itiner.  p.  118.)    when  he 
arrived  in  Syria,  erant  cum  St  Willibaldo  septem  contribales  ipsius.  (Hodoep.  p.  110. 
Ttiner.  p.  119.) 
23 


178  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

tice.  There  they  rested  to  celebrate  .  tlie  festival  of  Easter,  and 
afterwards  repaired  to  Constantia,  the  ancient  Salamis,  to  venerate 
the  relics  of  St.  Epiphanius.  From  the  west  of  the  island,  to  the 
opposite  coast  of  Syria,  the  passage  was  short;  they  landed  at 
Tharratse,  a  port  belonging  to  the  Moslems,  and  walked  as  far 
as  Emessa,  the  residence  of  the  caliph.  At  the  entrance  of  the 
city  they  were  stopped  by  the  guard,  and  conducted  by  the  order 
of  a  magistrate  to  the  palace. 

Four  years  before  this  period,  the  Moslems  had  been  compell- 
ed to  retire  with  disgrace  from  the  siege  of  Constantinople. 
Jealous  of  the  designs  of  the  imperial  court,  the  caliph  treated 
Willibald  and  his  companions  as  spies  in  the  pay  of  the  Greeks, 
and  commanded  them  to  be  detained  in  close  confinement.  It 
was  in  vain  that  a  Christian  merchant  offered  a  considerable  sum 
for  their  ransom :  his  zeal  could  obtain  no  more  than  a  mitiga- 
tion of  their  sufferings.  With  a  handsome  present  he  purchased 
permission  to  conduct  them  twice  in  the  week  to  the  public  baths, 
and  on  the  Sundays  to  the  church  of  the  Christians.  As  they 
passed  through  the  bazaar,  the  inhabitants  assembled  to  see  the 
strangers;  and,  if  we  may  believe  the  national  vanity  of  their 
female  historian,  it  was  their  youth,  their  beauty,  and  the  elegance 
of  their  dress,  that  attracted  the  curiosity  of  the  infidels.'*^ 

The  subjugation  of  Spain,  by  the  arms  of  the  Moslems,  had 
established  a  frequent  communication  between  that  country  and 
the  court  of  Syria;  and  the  natives  were  occasionally  compelled 
to  pay  their  homage  to  the  successor  of  Mahomet.  A  Spanish 
Christian,  whose  brother  possessed  a  considerable  employment 
at  court,  listened  with  pity  to  the  history,  and  eagerly  espoused 
the  protection,  of  the  pilgrims.  Having  discovered  the  captain, 
who  had  landed  them  at  Tharratse,  he  obtained  an  audience  of 
the  caliph,  and  explained  the  real  intentions  of  the  prisoners. 
The  prince  heard  him  with  kindness ;  and,  when  he  understood, 
that  they  came  from  the  extremity  of  the  west,  from  an  island 
beyond  which  no  land  was  known  to  exist,''^  he  declared  himself 
satisfied,  ordered  them  to  be  liberated  without  paying  the  cus- 
tomary fees,  and  gave  them  a  written  permission  to  pursue  their 
journey  to  Jerusalem. 

With  lightsome  hearts  the  pilgrims  departed  from  Emessa.  A 
tedious  road  of  a  hundred  miles  conducted  them  to  Damascus ; 
and  a  week  was  spent  in  visiting  the  curiosities  of  the  royal  city. 
They  were  now  on  the  confines  of  Palestine.  After  crossing  the 
Libanus  and  the  higher  Galilee,  they  arrived  at  Nazareth,  the 
ancient  residence  of  the  parents  of  the  Messiah.   Over  the  reputed 

^8  Gives  urbium  curiosi  jugiter  illic  venire  consneverant  illos  speculari,  quia  juvenes, 
et  decori,  et  vestium  ornatu  bene  induti  erant.     Hodoep.  p.  110. 

*^  De  occidentali  plaga,  ubi  sol  occasum  habet,  isti  homines  venerunt.  Nos  autem 
nescimus  terram  ultra  illos,  et  nil  nisi  aquam.     Ibid. 


willibald's  travels  to  the  holy  land.  179 

spot,  on  which  the  archangel  announced  his  future  birth  to  the 
virgin,  the  Christians  had  built  a  magnificent  church :  but  its 
riches  tempted  the  avarice  of  the  Moslems,  and  expensive  pre- 
sents were  necessary  to  restrain  their  rapacity,'"  Cana,  distin- 
guished by  the  first  miracle  of  Jesus,  exhibited  to  their  view  six 
earthen  vessels,  ranged  under  the  altars,  which  they  were  assured 
had  been  used  at  the  marriage  feast.  Thence  thej^  cUmbed  the 
steep  mountain  of  Tliabor ;  and  a  monastery  at  the  summit 
dedicated  to  Christ,  Moses,  and  Elias,  recalled  to  their  minds  the 
glorious  mystery  of  the  transfiguration.  They  descended  to  the 
city  of  Tiberias  :  the  Christian  inhabitants  were  numerous ;  and  a 
synagogue  of  Jews  preserved  the  memory  of  the  ancient  Rabbins. 
Curiosity  led  the  travellers  to  the  sources  of  the  Jordan.  Ascend- 
ing the  Anti-libanus  they  were  shown  two  springs,  distinguished 
by  their  respective  names  of  Jor  and  Dan,  which  united  their 
streams  in  the  valley,  and  gave  their  common  appellation  to  the 
river.  On  the  declivity  of  the  mountain  were  numerous  herds 
of  cattle,  remarkable  for  their  size,  the  shortness  of  their  legs,  and 
the  length  of  their  horns.  Coesarea,  built  at  the  union  of  the  two 
streams,  was  principally  inhabited  by  Christians.  Following  the 
course  of  the  river,  they  arrived  at  the  place  where  tradition  re- 
ports that  Christ  was  baptised.  The  water  had  retired  to  a  dis- 
tance;*' but  a  small  rivulet  still  occupied  the  ancient  channel ;  and 
a  wooden  cross,  erected  in  the  middle,  pointed  out  the  spot.  A 
church  had  been  raised  over  it,  for  the  celebration  of  baptism, 
and  to  satisfy  the  devotion  of  the  crowds,  who  on  the  feast  of 
the  Epiphany  were  eager  to  wash  in  the  river.  Its  waters  were 
believed  to  confer  health  to  the  infirm,  and  fecundity  to  the 
barren.  As  they  passed  by  the  city  of  Jericho,  they  admired  the 
fertility  which  was  imparted  to  the  neighbouring  country,  bj'" 
the  fountain  of  Ehas;  and,  after  visiting  an  ancient  monastery, 
beheld  at  a  distance  the  venerable  remains  of  Jerusalem.  With 
tears  of  joy  and  gratitude,  the  pilgrims  entered  the  holy  city. 
The  first  object  which  arrested  their  attention,  was  the  basilic, 
founded  by  Constantine  the  Great,  on  the  spot  where  the  true 
cross  had  been  discovered  by  his  mother  St.  Helena.  At  the 
eastern  front  were  erected  three  crosses,  to  perpetuate  the  memory 
of  the  event.  In  the  neighbourhood  stood  the  church  of  the 
resurrection,  which  contained  the  sepulchre  of  Christ,  an  invalua- 
ble treasure  in  the  estimation  of  Christian  piety.     Originally  it 

^o  The  wealth  of  the  Christians,  or  the  forbearance  of  the  infidels,  was  at  last  exhausted. 
The  church  was  destroyed,  and  afterwards  rebuilt.     Mariti,  vol.  ii.  p.  162. 

^'  According  to  Maundrell,  (Journey  from  Aleppo,  p.  82,)  the  river  at  this  place  has 
retreated  at  least  a  furlong  from  its  ancient  boundary.  But  Mariti  informs  us,  that  in 
the  rainy  season,  its  waters  overflow  their  banks,  swell  to  the  breadth  of  four  miles,  and 
often,  on  account  of  the  inequality  of  the  ground,  divide  themselves  into  different 
streams. 


180  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

had  been  a  vault,  hewn  in  the  soUd  rock :  in  the  church  it  rose 
high  above  the  pavement,  was  of  a  square  figure,  and  terminated 
in  a  point.  The  entrance  was  on  the  eastern  side,  and  an  open- 
ing on  the  right  hand  introduced  the  pilgrim  to  the  chamber 
wliich  had  received  the  dead  body  of  the  Redeemer.  The  inside 
of  the  sepulchre  was  lighted  by  fifteen  golden  lamps ;"  and  near 
the  door  lay  a  large  stone,  in  memory  of  that  which  had  formerly 
closed  the  entrance. 

After  visiting,  with  sentiments  of  the  most  lively  devotion,  the 
other  religious  monuments  contained  within  the  walls  of  Jerusa- 
lem, they  crossed  the  valley  of  Josaphat,  and  repaired  to  the 
mount  of  Olives.  On  it  stood  two  churches,  of  which  one  mark- 
ed the  garden,  that  had  witnessed  the  agony  of  Jesus  before  his 
passion ;  the  other  occupied  the  summit,  from  which  he  ascend- 
ed into  heaven.  In  the  centre  of  the  latter,  the  spot  which  had 
received  the  impression  of  his  last  footsteps,  was  surrounded  with 
a  circular  rail  of  brass ;  in  the  roof  of  the  church  was  left  a  large 
opening,  and  two  lofty  columns  of  marble  represented  the  two 
angels,  that  attended  at  his  ascension.  A  lamp,  surrounded  with 
glass,  was  always  kept  burning  in  the  aperture." 

I  shall  not  follow  the  pilgrims  in  their  subsequent  excursions, 
which  their  historian  has  reduced  to  a  barren  catalogue  of  names. 
They  traversed  Palestine  in  every  direction,  till  their  curiosity 
was  exhausted ;  and  fatigue  and  infirmity  admonished  them  to 
return  to  Europe.  But  to  leave,  was  as  ditiicult  as  to  enter,  the 
territory  of  the  Moslems  :  and  the  companions  of  Willibald  were 
compelled  to  make  a  second  journey  to  Emessa,  to  solicit  from 
the  justice  or  caprice  of  the  caliph,  the  permission  to  revisit  their 
native  country.  The  prince  was  absent :  but  their  request  was 
granted  by  one  of  his  ministers.  When  they  had  returned  to 
Jerusalem,  they  were  joined  by  Willibald,  and  bade  a  last  fare- 
well to  the  holy  city.  Their  route  led  them  through  Sebaste,  the 
ancient  Samaria,  to  the  opulent  city  of  Tyre,  where  their  baggage 
was  strictly  examined.  The  ignorance  or  experience  of  antiquity 
had  ascribed  to  the  opobalsamum  the  most  salutary  virtues;  and 
the  exportation  of  this  valuable  medicine  was  severely  forbidden 
by  the  jealousy  of  the  caliphs.^-*  But  the  ingenuity  of  Willibald 
eluded  the  prohibition.  To  a  gourd  filled  with  the  precious 
hquid,  he  had  joined  another  gourd  filled  with  petroleum:  both 

''  Arcuulph,  a  Gallic  prelate,  had  some  time  before  visited  the  Holy  Land.  Bede 
abridged  his  narrative,  which  in  some  points  differs  from  that  of  St.  Willibald.  He  tells 
us,  that  the  sepulchre  was  round,  that  the  number  of  lamps  was  only  twelve,  and  that 
of  these,  four  burnt  in  the  inside,  and  eight  were  lixed  on  the  roof.  See  Bede  de  locis 
sac.  c.  ii.  p.  616. 

*3  When  Maundrell  visited  the  mountain,  no  part  of  the  church  remained,  except  an 
octagonal  cupola,  which  the  Turks  used  as  a  mosch,  p.  104. 

"  On  the  balsam  extracted  from  the  balm,  which  grows  in  the  plains  of  Jericho,  see 
Bede,  (de  loc.  sac.  c.  ix.  p.  320,)  and  Mariti,  (p.  344.) 


PILGRIMAGES    TO    ROME.  181 

were  so  artfully  united,  as  to  exhibit  the  appearance  of  one 
vessel :  and  the  contrivance  of  the  pilgrim  defeated  the  curiosity 
of  the  Mohammedan  ollicers.^* 

In  his  return,  Willibald  spent  two  years  at  Constantinople ; 
visited  the  volcanic  eruptions  in  the  islands  of  Lipari ;  ascertained 
the  origin  of  the  pumice  stone,  which  was  so  useful  to  the 
monastic  writers  ;  and  at  last  retired  to  the  celebrated  monastery 
of  Cassino.  At  the  request  of  his  relative,  St.  lioniface,  he  was 
drawn  from  this  retirement  by  Gregory,  the  Roman  pontitf,  and 
sent  into  Germany,  where  he  laboured  zealously  in  the  dirtusion 
of  religious  knowledge,  and  died  at  an  advanced  age,  bishop  of 
Aichstad,  in  the  year  786. 

But  it  was  given  to  few  to  display  the  courage,  and  to  ex- 
perience the  good  fortune  of  Willibald.^''  Rome  lay  at  a  shorter 
distance  than  Jerusalem ;  and  presented  numerous  attractions  to 
the  piety  of  the  pilgrims.  It  was  the  residence  of  the  sovereign 
pontiff:  its  inhabitants  boasted  that  they  were  the  descendants 
of  the  first  Christians :  the  mortal  remains  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  reposed  within  its  churches ;  and  its  catacombs  contained 
the  relics  of  innumerable  martyrs.  Yet,  to  travel  at  this  period 
from  England  to  Rome,  was  an  attempt  of  no  small  difficulty  and 
danger.  The  highways,  which  formerly  conducted  the  traveller 
in  security  to  the  capital  of  the  empire,  had  been  neglected  and 
demolished  during  the  incursions  of  the  barbarians :  and,  if  the 
constitution  of  the  pilgrim  could  bid  defiance  to  the  fatigue  of 
the  journey,  and  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,^''  he  was  still 
exposed  to  the  insults  of  the  banditti  who  infested  the  passes  of 
the  Alps,  and  of  the  marauders  who  were  kept  in  the  pay  of 
turbulent  and  seditious  chieftains.^^  Hospitality  was,  indeed,  a 
favourite  virtue  among  the  northern  nations;  and  religion  offer- 
ed her  protection  to  the  person  and  property  of  the  itinerant 

"Hodoep.  p.  113,  114. 

56  If,  as  history  assures  us,  Alfred  corresponded  with  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  and 
sent  alms  as  far  as  the  Indies,  it  is  not  improbable,  that  his  messengers  visited  the  holy- 
land.  (Chron.  Sax.  p.  86.  Malm,  de  Reg.  1.  ii.  c.  4,  f.  24.  Wise's  Asser.  p.  58.)  By 
the  conversion  of  the  Hungarians  in  the  tenth  century,  the  length  of  the  journey  was 
shortened,  and  its  danger  diminished.  Wythman,  abbot  of  Ramsey,  in  the  reign  of 
Canute,  made  a  successful  pilgrimage  to  .ferusalem  ;  (Hist.  Ram.  p.  436  :)  and  his 
example  was  followed  by  the  historian  Ingulf,  who  joined  the  retinue  of  several  German 
princes,  and  was  so  fortunate  as  to  escape  the  sword  and  the  pestilence  which  devoured 
one-third  of  his  companions.  "  Tandem  de  triginta  equitibus,  qui  de  Normannia 
pingues  exivimus,  vix  viginti  paupcres  peregrini,  et  cranes  pedites,  multa  macie 
attenuati,  reversi  sumus."     Ingul.  p.  74. 

'''  Elsine,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was  frozen  to  death  in  the  Alps.  His  companions 
had  recourse  to  the  unusual  expedient  of  ripping  open  the  belly  of  a  horse,  and  plung- 
ing his  feet  into  it.     Malms,  de  Pont.  1.  i.  f.  114.     Osbern,  Vit.  St.  Odonis,  p.  86. 

58  See  the  life  of  St.  Boniface  by  St.  Willibald,  c.  v.  St.  Elphege  was  robbed  as  soon 
as  he  entered  Italy,  (Ang.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  129:)  the  bishnp  of  York,  Wells,  and  Here- 
ford, and  the  earl  of  Northumberland,  in  their  return.  Malm.  f.  1.54.  In  the  years  921 
and  922,  two  caravans  of  Anglo-Saxon  pilgrims  were  surprised  and  massacred  in  the 
Alps.     Baron,  ex  Flodoard.  an.  921,  xiii. 

Q 


182  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

devotee :  but  the  mountaineers  respected  neither  the  dictates  of 
humanity,  nor  the  decrees  of  councils;  and  of  the  numbers,  who 
braved  the  difficulties  of  the  journey,  many  Hved  not  to  revisit 
their  homes ;  while  of  the  rest,  the  greater  part  returned  sickly, 
despoiled,  and  emaciated."  Charlemagne,  at  the  solicitation  of 
Orta  ""  Conrad,  at  that  of  Canute,"'  had  promised  protection  to 
the  English  pilgrims :  but  it  was  proved  by  experience,  that  the 
sincerity  or  the  power  of  these  princes  was  not  equal  to  their 
engagements  or  inclinations.  The  fate,  however,  of  former  ad- 
venturers, proved  a  useless  lesson  to  their  countrymen,  and  the 
objections  of  prudence  were  silenced  by  the  impulse  of  devotion 
or  curiosity.  To  behold  the  ancient  capital  of  the  world,  and 
receive  the  benediction  of  the  successor  of  St.  Peter,  kings 
abandoned  their  thrones,  and  bishops  intrusted  to  others  the  care 
of  their  flocks:  clergy  and  laity,  monks  and  nuns,  followed  their 
example  :  and  even  the  lower  classes  of  the  people  were  eager  to 
gratify  their  wishes,  by  obtaining  a  place  in  the  retinue  of  their 
superiors.**  Tiie  manners  of  the  present  age  have  branded  their 
conduct  with  the  name  of  superstition ;  but  candour  must  extort 
the  confession,  that  their  motives  were  innocent,  their  labours 
useful.  It  was  difficult  to  assign  a  reason,  why  it  should  be  more 
lawful  to  visit  the  scenes  of  ancient  literature,  than  those  of  re- 
ligious virtue  :  and  he  who  has  experienced  the  enthusiasm  which 
is  kindled  in  the  mind  by  viewing  the  former  residence  of  heroes 
and  legislators,"'  will  easily  conceive  with  what  force  the  chains, 
the  tombs,  and  the  relics  of  the  martyrs,  spoke  to  the  hearts  of 
these  foreign  Christians.  In  a  political  view,  the  travels  of  the 
pilgrims  were  highly  serviceable.  They  contributed  to  connect 
the  independent  nations,  which  had  divided  among  them  the 
fragments  of  the  empire;  to  dissipate  the  prejudices  of  national 
partiality ;  and  to  diffuse  the  knowledge  of  the  arts  and  the  sciences. 
Rome,  though  she  had  suffered  severely  from  the  ravages  of  the 
barbarians,  was  still  the  centre  of  knowledge,  and  the  repository 
of  whatever  was  elegant  in  the  west.  The  riches,  the  ruins  of 
the  imperial  city,  astonished  the  strangers :  they  returned  with 
ideas  more  enlarged,  and  views  more  elevated:  attempts  were 
made  to  imitate  at  home,  what  they  had  admired  abroad  :  and  to 

'9  In  the  ancient  life  of  St.  Winibald,  it  is  remarked,  that  strangers  were  generallj' 
subject  to  a  fever  at  their  arrival  in  Rome.  Magna  fcbris  fatigatio  advenas  illic  venientea 
visitare  seu  gravare  solet.     Vit.  St.  Winib.  apud  Canis.  p.  126. 

60  Ep.  Car.  Magni,  apud  Mat.  Par.  p.  978. 

«'  Ep.  Canut.  apud  Wilk.  p.  298. 

*2  Romam  adire  curavit,  quod  eo  tempore  magnre  virtutis  aestimabatur.  Bed.  1.  iv.  c. 
23.  Quod  his  lemporibus  piures  de  gente  Anglorum,  nobiles.  ignobles,  laici,  clerici, 
viri  ac  feminse  certatim  facere  consuerunt.  Id.  1.  v.  c.  7.  Also  West.  an.  738,  p.  140. 
St.  Bonif.  ep.  20.  40.  51.  69. 

63 11  Naturane,"  says  Cicero,  "  nobis  datum  dicam,  an  errore  quodam,  ut  cum  ea  loca 
videamus,  in  quibus  memoria  dignos  viros  acceperimus  multos  esse  vcrsatos,  magis 
moveamur,  quam  quando  eorum  ipsorum  aut  facta  audiamus  aut  scriptum  aUquod 
legamus."     De  Fin.  1.  v. 


PILGRIMAGES    TO    ROME.  183 

their  observation  and  industry  England  was  indebted  for  almos 
every  improvement  which  she  received  before  the  conquest.''* 
Yet,  even  when  pilgrimages  were  most  fashionable,  there  were 
many,  who,  though  they  dared  not  to  condemn  a  devotion  con- 
secrated by  the  practice  of  ages,  justly  contended  that  their  coun- 
trymen carried  it  to  excess.'^*  They  complained  that,  by  the  ab 
sence  of  bishops,  the  interests  of  the  church  were  abandoned ;  by 
that  of  princes,  the  tranquillity  of  the  state  was  endangered :  that 
iourneys  of  devotion  were  undertaken  to  elude  the  severity  of  the 
penitential  canons :  and  that  the  morals  of  the  travellers  were 
often  impaired,  instead  of  being  improved.  The  last  charge  is 
forcibly  corroborated  by  the  conduct  of  several  among  the  female 
pilgrims.  Their  beauty  proved  fatal  to  their  chastity :  amid 
strangers,  without  a  friend,  perhaps  without  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence, they  sometimes  fell  victims  to  the  arts  of  seduction  :  and 
the  aposde  of  Germany  confesses,  in  the  anguish  of  his  zeal,  tha* 
there  were  few  cities  in  Lombardy  or  Gaul,  which  had  not 
witnessed  ,the  shame  of  some  of  his  itinerant  countrywomen.^" 
But  his  remonstrances  were  not  more  successful  than  those  of 
St.  Jerome  and  St.  Gregory  had  been  in  preceding  ages :"''  the 
stream  of  pilgrimage  was  still  directed  towards  the  Vatican  :  the 
practice  was  defended  by  curiosity,  and  sanctioned  by  example ; 
and  during  the  existence  of  the  Saxon  dynasty,  Rome  almost 
annually  saw  a  crowd  of  English  travellers  oifer  their  devotions 
at  the  shrine  of  St.  Peter."^ 

S"*  The  improvements  introduced  by  St.  Wilfrid,  and  St.  Bennet  Biscop,  have  been 
alread}'  noticed.  The  latter,  however,  seems  to  have  disapproved  of  pilgrimages,  when 
they  were  not  justified  by  the  prospect  of  great  advantage.  He  was  careful  to  procure 
masters  and  books  for  his  monks,  that  they  might  not  be  tempted  to  make  pilgrimages, 
but  be  willing  intra  monasterii  claustra  quiescere.  Bed.  hom.  in  natal.  Bened.  abbat. 
torn.  vii.  col.  465. 

''*  The  abbess  Bugge  was  desirous  to  visit  Rome,  but  so  many  objections  were  raised 
by  her  friends,  that  she  wrote  to  St.  Boniface  for  his  advice.  "  Scimus  quod  multi  sunt, 
qui  banc  voluntatem  vituperant,  et  hunc  amorem  derogant,  et  eorum  sententiam  his 
astipulationibus  confirmant,  quod  canones  synodales  pra^cipiant,  quod  unusquisque  in 
60  loco  ubi  constitutus  fuerit,  et  ubi  voturn  suum  voverit,  ibi  maneat  et  Deo  reddat  vota 
sua."  Ep.  Bonif.  38,  p.  50.  The  archbishop  answered,  that  it  were  better  to  remain 
in  her  monasterv,  uriless  the  vexatious  exactions  of  her  enemies  compelled  her  to  leave 
it.     Ep.  20,  p.  28. 

•5«  Ep.  Bonif.  105,  p.  149.     Wilk.  p.  93. 

B'  St.  Greg.  Nys.  tom.  iii.  ap.  p.  72.     St.  Hieron.  ep.  I3< 

S3  The  Saxon  Chronicle  remarks,  as  something  extraordinary,  that  in  the  year  889, 
no  pilgrims  went  to  Rome,  and  Alfred's  letters  were  sent  by  two  messengers.  Chr.  Sax. 
p.  90.  On  the  sulject  of  pilgrimage,  Henry  has  made  an  important  discovery:  that  the 
Saxons  considered  it  as  the  only,  or,  at  least,  the  most  efficacious  method  of  securing 
their  salvation.  In  support  of  this  assertion,  he  adduces  a  letter  of  Canute  the  Great, 
in  which  he  makes  the  king  say,  that,  "  on  account  of  St.  Peter's  influence  in  heaven,  he 
thought  it  absoluleli/  necessary  to  obtain  his  favour  by  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome."  (Henry 
vol.  iv.  p.  303.)  But  Henry  could  seldom  translate  an  ancient  writer,  without  adding  a 
few  improvements.  In  the  original,  the  king  is  silent  respecting  the  necessity  of  a 
pilgrimage  to  Rome,  but  says  that  "  he  thought  if  '"■  ^  ^.  rful  to  solicit  the  patronage  of 
St.  Peter  with  God."  Ideo  specialiter  ejus  patrocinium  apud  Deum  expetere,  valde 
utile  duxi.     Ep.  Canut.  apud  Wilk.  p.  297. 


184  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

6.  Before  I  conclude  this  chapter,  I  must  notice  an  extraordi- 
nary practice,  wliich  united  the  most  solemn  rites  of  religion  with 
the  public  administration  of  justice.  To  elicit,  in  judicial  pro- 
ceedings, the  truth  from  a  mass  of  unsatisfactory  and  often 
discordant  evidence,  demands  a  power  of  discrimination,  and 
accuracy  of  judgment,  which  it  were  in  vain  to  expect  from  the 
magistrates  of  a  nation  just  emerging  from  ignorance  and  bar- 
barity. The  jurisprudence  of  an  iUiterate  people  is  generally 
satisfied  with  a  shorter  and  more  simple  process :  and,  in  doubt- 
ful cases,  an  appeal  to  the  equity  of  the  Deity  exonerates  the 
conscience  of  the  judge,  and  establishes  the  guilt  or  innocence 
of  the  accused.  While  the  Anglo-Saxons  adored  the  gods  of 
their  fathers,  the  decision  of  criminal  prosecutions  v/as  fre- 
quently intrusted  to  the  wisdom  of  Woden :  when  they  became 
Christians,  they  confidently  expected  from  the  true  God,  that 
miraculous  interposition  which  they  had  before  sought  from  an 
imaginary  deity.  He  was  a  being  of  infinite  knowledge  and 
infinite  power :  he  was  the  patron  of  virtue,  and  the  avenger  of 
crimes :  could  he  then  remain  indifferent  when  he  was  solemnly 
invoked,  and  permit  falsehood  to  triumph  over  truth ;  innocence 
to  be  confounded  with  guilt  P*^^  This  reasoning,  though  false, 
was  plausible,  and  it  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  minds  of  the 
illiterate.  By  Gregory  the  Great  it  is  said  to  have  been  con- 
demned :^°  but  if  his  disapprobation  was  known  to  the  missiona- 
ries, the  authority  of  the  pontiff  was  borne  down  by  the  torrent 
of  national  manners ;  and  during  six  centuries,  appeals  to  tlie 
judgment  of  God  were  authorized  and  commanded  by  the  juris- 
prudence of  the  Saxons. 

The  time,  the  nature,  and  the  ceremonies  of  these  appeals  were 
defined  by  the  legislature  with  the  minutest  exactitude.  To  employ 
in  judicial  trials  the  days  particularly  consecrated  to  the  Divine 
service,  was  deemed  indecorous :  and  on  festivals  and  fast-days, 
ordeals  were  strictly  prohibited.'''^  Nor  were  they  indiscrimi- 
nately permitted  in  all  cases,  or  left  to  the  option  of  the  parties. 
In  civil  suits  the  law  had  pointed  out  a  different  process :  in 
criminal  prosecutions,  when  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  accused 
could  be  proved  by  satisfactory  evidence,  they  were  unnecessa- 
ry.'^  But  if  the  arguments  on  each  side  were  nearly  balanced, 
if  the  prisoner  could  not  claim  the  privilege  of  canonical  purga- 
tion,^^ or  procure  a  competent  number  of  compurgators,  recourse 
was  had  to  the  judgment  of  God.     The  accuser  swore  to  the 

69  Missa  judicii,  apuil  Spelm.  Glos.  voce  Ordalium. 

'"  Decret.  par.  II,  caus.  11,  quaes.  5,  cap.  Men.  The  second  part  of  the  chapter, 
which  contains  the  prohibition,  does  not  occur  in  St.  Gregory's  works. 

''  Leg.  Sax.  p.  53.  188.  121.  131.  "  ibid.  p.  26.     Wilk.  Gloss,  p.  422. 

'^  If  a  clergyman  or  monk  was  accused  of  a  crime,  and  the  evidence  against  him  was 
not  conclusive,  he  was  permitted  to  exculpate  himself  by  the  eucharist,  or  by  his  oath. 
Wilk.  p.  82.  300.  "  That  we  may  not  by  a  too  great  severity  oppress  the  innocent," 
says  Archbishop  Egbert,  "  let  him  place  the  cross  on  his  head,  and  swear  by  Him  who 


ORDEALS.  185 

truth  of  the  charge,  the  accused  by  oath  attested  his  innocence, 
and  the  necessary  preparations  were  made  for  the  ordeal. 

As  the  discovery  of  the  truth  was  now  intrusted  to  the  decision 
of  Heaven,  the  intermediate  time  was  employed  in  exercises  of 
devotion.  Three  nights  before  the  day  appointed  for  the  trial, 
the  accnsed  was  led  to  the  priest:  on  the  three  following  morn- 
ings he  assisted,  and  made  his  offering  at  the  mass:  and  during 
the  three  days,  he  fasted  on  bread,  herbs,  salt,  and  water.'''*  At 
the  third  mass  the  priest  called  him  to  the  altar  before  the  com- 
munion, and  adjured  him  by  the  God  whom  he  adored,  by  the 
religion  which  he  protessed,  by  the  baptism  with  which  he  had 
been  regenerated,  and  the  holy  relics  that  reposed  in  the  church, 
not  to  receive  the  eucharist,  or  go  to  the  ordeal,  if  his  conscience 
reproached  him  with  the  crime  of  which  he  had  been  accused.^^ 
He  then  gave  iiim  the  communion,  with  these  words:  "may  this 
body  and  blood  of  our  Lord,  Jesus  Christ,  be  to  thee  a  proof  of 
innocence  this  day."  As  soon  as  the  mass  was  finished,  the 
prisoner  again  denied  the  charge,  and  took  the  following  oath  : 
"  In  the  Lord,  I  am  guiltless,  both  in  word  and  deed,  of  the  crime 
of  which  I  am  accused."     He  was  then  led  to  the  trial.^*^ 

Of  these  trials  there  were  four  different  kinds.  1.  The  corsned 
was  a  cake  of  barley  bread,  of  the  weight  of  one  ounce  ;  and 
seems  to  have  been  instituted  in  imitation  of  the  water  of  jealousy 
mentioned  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures.  Over  it  a  prayer  was  pro- 
nounced by  the  priest,  in  which  he  begged  that  God  would  mani- 
fest the  truth  between  the  accuser  and  the  accused:  that  if  the 
latter  were  guilty,  when  he  took  the  cake  into  his  hands,  he 
might  tremble  and  look  pale;  and  when  he  attempted  to  chew 
it,  his  jaws  might  be  fixed,  his  throat  contracted,  and  the  bread 
be  thrown  out  of  his  mouth.  It  was  then  given  to  him  to  eat, 
and  the  event  decided  his  guilt  or  his  innocence.^^  2.  In  the 
ordeal  of  cold  water,  the  prisoner  was  stripped  of  his  clothes,  his 
hands  and  feet  were  bound  ;  the  cross  and  the  book  of  the  gospels 
were  given  him  to  kiss,  and  blessed  water  was  sprinkled  on  his 
body.     A  cord,  of  the  length  of  two  ells  and  a  half,  was  then 

lives  forever,  anJ  who  suffered  for  us  on  the  cross,  that  he  is  not  guilty  of  the  crime  of 
which  he  is  accused."     Ibid.  p.  82. 

'4  Leg.  Sax.  p.  61. 

"To  eop  halj'i;^e  on  pisbep  nama.  "^  on  funu  nama  ^  ip  iij\e 
bpihcen  haelenbe  Epif  c.  ^  on  ]>ej'  haljan  japcep.  ^  pop  }>aepe 
cpipciieppe   ^e  je   unbeppenjan.  ^  pop   ?)e  hahjan  j^pineppe 

;p  je  CO  ^up  huple  ne  janjen  na  co  J^ain  opbele.   jip  je 

pcylb  on  eop  picen  ¥»3ep  ¥)e  eop  man  cihch  ob^e  on  jepopcum 
ob?)e  on  jepiccenyppe.      MS.  Ritual.  Dunel.  A.  iv.  19,  f.  55. 

''^  Corpus  hoc  et  sanguis  Domini  nostri  Jhesu  Christi,  sit  vobis  (vel  tibi)  ad  proba- 
tionem  hodie.     Miss.  Judic.  apud  Spelm.  voce  Ordal.     Also  Leg.  Sax.  61.  64. 

'''  Exorcism,  panis  Ordeacii,  apud  Spelm.  voce  Ordal.  Sometimes  cheese  was  sub- 
stituted.    Ibid. 

24  Q  2 


186  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

fastened  to  his  waist,  and  he  was  thrown  into  the  water.  If  he 
sunk,  he  was  immediately  hberated  ;  if  he  floated  on  the  surface, 
he  was  deUvered  to  the  otiicers  of  justice.'^^  From  these  two  trials 
it  seems  probable,  that  the  guilty  would  have  little  to  fear :  from 
the  other  two  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  the  innocent  could 
escape.  3.  For  the  ordeal  by  hot  water,  a  fire  was  kindled 
under  a  caldron  in  a  remote  part  of  the  church.  At  a  certain 
depth  below  the  surface  of  the  water,  which  was  augmented  in 
proportion  to  the  enormity  of  the  otfence,^^  was  placed  a  stone,  or 
a  piece  of  iron.  Strangers  were  excluded,  and  the  two  parties, 
each  attended  by  twelve  friends,  proceeded  to  the  trial.  These 
were  ranged  in  two  lines,  on  each  side  of  the  fire.  After  the 
litanies  had  been  said,  the  accuser  and  the  accused  deputed  one 
of  their  companions  to  examine  the  water,  and  when  they  agreed 
that  it  had  acquired  the  greatest  possible  heat,  the  latter  plunged 
his  naked  arm  into  the  caldron,  and  took  out  the  stone.  The 
priest  immediately  wrapped  the  arm  in  a  clean  linen  cloth,  and 
fixed  on  it  the  seal  of  the  church.  At  the  expiration  of  three 
days,  the  bandage  was  unfolded,  and  the  fate  of  the  accused  was 
determined  by  the  appearance  of  the  wound.  If  it  were  not  per- 
fectly healed,  he  was  presumed  to  be  guilty.^"  4.  In  the  ordeal 
by  hot  iron,  the  same  precautions  were  observed  with  respect  to 
the  number  and  position  of  the  attendants.  Near  the  fire  was 
measured  a  space  equal  to  nine  of  the  prisoner's  feet,  and  after- 
wards divided  hito  three  parts.  By  the  first  stood  a  small  stone 
pillar.  As  soon  as  the  mass  was  begun,  a  bar  of  iron,  of  the  weight 
of  one  or  three  pounds,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  accusation, 
was  laid  on  the  coals.  At  the  last  collect  it  was  taken  off,  and 
placed  on  the  pillar.  The  prisoner  instantly  took  it  in  his  hand, 
made  three  steps  on  the  lines  previously  marked,  and  threw  it 
down.  The  treatment  of  the  burn,  and  the  indications  of  guilt, 
were  the  same  as  in  the  trial  by  hot  water.**'  To  these  four 
ordeals,  a  fifth  was  added  by  most  of  the  continental  nations ; 
that  of  duel,  or  private  battle.  To  the  Anglo-Saxons  it  was  un- 
known till  after  the  Norman  conquest.  Of  all,  it  was  the  most 
absurd :  and  of  all,  is  the  only  one  which  modern  wisdom  has 
thought  proper  to  perpetuate. 

^8  Adjuratio  aquae,  ibid.     Leg.  Sax.  p.  26.  61. 

''^  In  the  ordeals  by  hot  water  and  hot  iron,  the  trial  for  greater  crimes  was  called  the 
threefold,  that  for  smaller,  the  one-fold  ordeal.  The  former  was  ordered  for  the  crimes 
of  sacrilege,  treason,  murder,  idolatry,  and  magic.  In  the  threefold  ordeal  the  depth  of 
the  stone  was  equal  to  the  distance  between  a  man's  elbow  and  the  end  of  his  finger, 
and  the  weight  of  the  hot  iron  was  three  pounds.     Leg.  Sax,  p.  27. 

8"  Leg.  Sax.  p.  26.  61.     Adjuratio  aqua;  ferventis,  apud  Spelm.  voce  Ordal. 

^'  Ibid.  I  have  not  mentioned  a  species  of  the  ordeal  by  fire,  which  consisted  in 
walking  on  the  hot  iron,  instead  of  carrying  it  in  the  hand.  I  do  not  recollect  any  men- 
tion of  it  before  the  coiKjucst,  except  in  the  story  of  Queen  Emma  :  a  story  which  de- 
serves little  credit,  as  it  appears  to  have  been  unknown  to  those  who  ought  to  have 
been  best  acquainted  with  it ;  Ingulf,  Aelred,  Malmesbury,  Hoveden,  Huntingdon,  and 
the  author  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle. 


ORDEALS.  187 

The  different  issues  which  attended  the  ordeals,  present  a  sub- 
ject of  ingenious  speculation.  That  all  were  not  proved  inno- 
cent by  tiie  corsned,  and  the  immersion;  nor  all  guilty  by  the 
hot  water,  and  the  hot  iron,  is  evident:  otherwise  these  appeals 
to  the  justice  of  God  must  have  soon  sunk  in  the  public  estima- 
tion. The  effect  of  the  corsned  may  be  ascribed  to  the  terrors  of 
a  guilty  conscience,  and  a  heated  imagination:  but  to  account 
for  that  of  the  other  three,  is  a  task  of  considerable  difficulty. 
Some  may,  perhaps,  be  inclined  to  think,  that  God  might,  on 
particular  occasions,  interpose  in  favour  of  innocence:  others, 
that  the  culprit  was  often  indebted  for  his  escape  to  his  own 
dexterity,  or  the  assistance  of  a  robust  constitution.  But  modern 
writers  generally  suppose,  that  the  clergy  were  possessed  of  a 
secret,  by  which,  as  they  saw  convenient,  they  either  indurated 
the  skin  before  the  ordeal,  or  afterwards  healed  the  wound  within 
the  space  of  three  days.  This  opinion,  however,  is  unsupported 
by  any  contemporary  voucher,  and  must  appear  at  the  best  high- 
ly improbable.  This  secret,  so  widely  diffused  through  almost 
every  nation  of  Christendom,  and  constantly  employed  during 
more  than  six  centuries,  could  not  have  been  concealed  from  the 
knowledge  of  the  public:  and  if  it  were  known,  how  can  we  be- 
lieve that  legislators  would  have  still  persisted  to  enforce  the 
trial  by  ordeal,  for  the  conviction  of  guilt,  and  the  acquittal  of 
innocence.  In  the  laws  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  princes,  it  is  re- 
peatedly approved:  and  we  are  indebted  for  its  abolition,  at  a 
later  period,  not  to  the  wisdom  of  the  legislature,  but  to  the  re- 
monstrances of  the  clergy.  By  the  Roman  pontiffs  it  was  often 
condemned  as  superstitious :  these  condemnations  were  inserted 
in  the  collection  of  the  canon  law:  and  Henry  III.,  to  satisfy 
the  scruples  of  his  bishops,  consented  to  suspend  the  use  of  the 
ordeals,  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign. ^^  Though  his  proclama- 
tion did  not  amount  to  an  absolute  prohibition,  they  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  afterwards  revived."^ 

83  See  the  rescript  of  Henry  III.  in  Selden's  Spicilegium  ad  Eadm.  p.  204. 
S3  We  must  except  the  ordeal  by  cold  water,  which  was  employed  for  the  conviction 
of  witches,  till  a  very  late  period. 


188  ANTIQUITIES    Oi-"    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Literature  of  the  Anglo-Saxons — Learning  of  Theodore  and  Adrian — Libraries- 
Theology — Classics — Logic — Arithmetic — Natural  Philosophy — Learned  Men — St 
Aldhelin— Bede— Alcuin. 

THE  conquests  of  the  northern  nations  arrested  the  progress 
of  human  knowledge,  and  replunged  the  greatest  part  of  Europe 
into  the  barbarity  and  ignorance  Ironi  which  it  had  slowly 
emerged  during  the  lapse  of  several  centuries.  If  the  fall  of 
the  empire  did  not  totally  extinguish  the  light  of  science,  it  is  to 
religion  that  we  owe  the  invaluable  benefit.  The  expiring  flame 
was  kept  alive  by  the  solicitude  of  the  churchmen :  and  their  in- 
dustry collected  and  multiplied  the  relics  of  ancient  literature. 

The  functions  of  the  priesthood  require  a  considerable  portion 
of  learning:  and  the  daily  study  of  the  sacred  writings,  and  of 
the  ecclesiastical  canons,  has  always  been  recommended  to  the 
attention  of  the  clergy.  By  the  monks,  knowledge  was  origi- 
nally held  in  inferior  estimation.  They  were  laymen,  and  pre- 
ferred the  more  humble  employments  of  agriculture  and  the 
mechanical  arts,  as  better  adapted  to  the  life  of  penitence,  to 
which  they  had  bound  themselves.  The  disciples  of  the  saints 
Anthony  and  Pachomius  spent  a  great  part  of  their  time  in  the 
manufacture  of  mats  and  baskets:  and  their  example  was  so  ap- 
proved by  the  patriarch  of  the  western  monks,  that  he  enjoined 
his  followers  to  devote  at  least  seven  hours  of  the  day  to  manual 
labour.^  The  veneration,  which  religious  orders  usually  retain 
for  the  memory  of  their  founders,  enforced  a  temporary  observ- 
ance of  this  regulation :  but  when  monasteries  were  endowed 
with  extensive  estates,  and  the  monks  could  command  the  labour 
of  numerous  families  of  slaves,  it  was  insensibly  neglected;  and 
the  study  of  the  sciences  appeared  a  more  useful  and  more 
honourable  employment.  The  propriety  of  this  innovation  was 
sanctioned  by  the  necessities  of  religion.  The  sword  of  the  bar- 
barians had  dimhiished  the  numbers  of  the  clergy:  and  the 
monks  were  invited  to  supply  the  deficiency,  as  ministers  of  the 
public  worship,  and  the  apostles  of  infidel  nations.  To  under- 
stand the  Latin  service,  it  became  necessary  to  acquire  a  <;ompe- 
tent  knowledge  of  that  language:  and  the  duty  of  instruction 
induced  them  to  peruse  the  writings  of  the  ancient  fathers. 
Under  the  influence  of  these  motives,  schools  were  opened  in  the 
monastic  as  well  as  in  clerical  communities;  and  the  rewards  of 

'  Reg.  St.  Bened.  c.  48. 


LEARNING    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXONS.  189 

reputation  and  honour  were  lavishly  bestowed  on  the  faintest 
glimmerings  of  science.  When  a  thirst  for  knowledge  is  once 
excited,  it  is  seldom  satisfied  with  its  original  object.  From  the 
more  necessary  branches  of  religious  learning,  the  students 
wandered  with  pleasure  to  the  works  of  the  poets  and  philoso- 
phers of  Greece  and  Rome:  and  their  curiosity  eagerly,  but 
often  injudiciously,  devoured  whatever  had  escaped  the  ravages 
of  their  ancestors.  In  these  literary  pursuits,  the  Saxon  clergy 
and  monks  acquired  distinguished  applause.  Their  superiority 
was,  for  more  than  a  century,  felt  and  acknowledged  by  the 
other  nations  of  Europe:  and  when  the  repeated  invasions  of 
the  Danes  had  unhappily  cut  off  every  source  of  instruction  in 
England,  the  disciples  of  the  Saxon  missionaries  in  Germany 
maintained  the  reputation  of  their  teachers,  and,  from  their 
monastery  at  Fulda,  diffused  the  light  of  knowledge  over  that 
populous  and  extensive  country.^ 

For  this  advantage  our  ancestors  were  principally  indebted  to 
the  talents  and  industry  of  Theodore,  archbishop  of  Canterbury  ; 
and  of  Adrian,  abbot  of  St.  Peter's,  in  the  same  city.  The  latter 
was  a  native  of  Africa,  the  former  of  Tarsus,  in  Cilicia :  both 
were  eminently  versed  in  the  languages  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and 
perfect  masters  of  every  science  which  was  known  at  that  period. 
Compassionating  the  ignorance  of  the  converts,  they  dedicated 
their  leisure  hours  to  the  instruction  of  youth  ;  their  lessons  were 
eagerly  frequented  by  pupils  from  every  Anglo-Saxon  kingdom ; 
and  masters  formed  under  their  inspection,  were  dispersed  among 
the  principal  monasteries.  Their  exhortations  and  example 
excited  an  ardour  for  improvement,  which  was  not  confined  to 
the  cloister,  but  extended  its  influence  to  the  castles  of  the 
nobility,  and  the  courts  of  the  kings.  The  children  of  the  thanes 
educated  in  the  neighbouring  monasteries,  imbibed  an  early 
respect,  if  not  a  passion,  for  literature  ;  and  several  of  the  princes 
condescended  to  study  those  sciences  on  which  their  barbarous, 
but  victorious  fathers,  had  trampled  with  contempt ;  others,  by 
rewards  and  donations,  endeavoured  to  distinguish  themselves  as 
the  patrons  of  the  learned.^  Even  the  women  caught  the  general 
enthusiasm  :  seminaries  of  learning  were  established  in  their 
convents :  they  conversed  with  their  absent  friends  in  the  lan- 
guage of  ancient  Rome ;  and  frequently  exchanged  the  labours 
of  the  distaff  and  the  needle,  for  the  more  pleasing  and  more 
elegant  beauties  of  the  Latin  poets.^ 

2  See  Mabillon,  Act.  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iv.  torn.  i.  p.  188.  Tom.  ii.  p.  23.  Macquer, 
Hisloire  Ecclesiastique.  vol.  i.  p.  551. 

3  Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  2,  1.  v.  c.  12.     Abbat.  Wirem.  p.  300. 

"  St.  Aldhelin  wrote  his  treatise  De  laudibus  Virginitatis,  for  the  use  of  the  abbess 
HildeUth  and  her  nuns.  The  style  in  which  it  is  composed,  shows  that,  if  he  wished 
them  to  understand  it,  he  must  have  considered  them  as  no  mean  proficients  in  the  Latin 
language.     From  this  treatise  we  learn,   that  nuns  were  accustomed   to  read  the 


190  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

In  modern  times  the  art  of  printing,  by  facilitating  the  diffusion, 
has  accelerated  the  progress  of  knowledge  :  hut,  at  the  period  of 
which  we  are  speaking,  the  scarcity  of  books  was  an  evil  deeply 
felt  and  lamented  by  these  ardent  votaries  of  science.  Literature 
declined  and  fell  with  the  power  of  Rome :  and  the  writings  of 
the  ancients  were  hut  slowly  nniltiplied  by  the  tedious  labour  of 
transcribers.  To  discover  and  obtain  these  remains  of  ancient 
knowledge,  M^ere  among  the  principal  objects  which  prompted 
so  many  Anglo-Saxons  to  visit  distant  countries  :*  by  the  acquisi- 
tion of  a  few  books,  they  considered  their  labours  as  amply  re- 
paid: and  in  their  estimation,  a  single  volume  was  often  of  equal 
value  with  an  extensive  estate.^  But  necessity  soon  taught  them 
to  adopt  a  method  by  which  the  number  of  copies  was  more 
nearly  proportioned  to  the  increase  of  readers.  In  every  monas- 
tery a  considerable  portion  of  time  was  daily  allotted  to  the  hum- 
ble, but  useful  occupation,  of  transcribing  ancient  manuscripts: 
and  so  efficient  was  the  resource,  that  when  Charlemagne 
meditated  the  revival  of  letters  in  Gaul,  he  was  advised  to  solicit 
assistance  from  the  treasures  accumulated  in  the  Saxon  libraries.'^ 
Of  these  repositories  of  science,  the  most  ancient  was  that  of 
Canterbury,  which  owed  its  establishment  to  the  provident  care 
of  Gregory  the  Great,  but  had  been  considerably  augmented 
by  the  zeal  and  industry  of  Archbishop  Theodore.^  Another 
numerous  collection  of  books  was  possessed  by  the  monastery  at 

Pentateuch,  the  books  of  the  prophets,  and  the  New  Testament,  with  the  commentaries 
of  the  ancient  fathers ;  and  to  study  the  historical,  tropological,  allegorical,  and  anago- 
gical  senses  of  the  different  passages  ;  profane  history,  chronology,  grammar,  orthogra- 
phy, and  poetry,  also  employed  their  attention.  St.  Aldhel.  de  laud.  Virg.  p.  294.  See 
also  Annal.  Bened.  vol.  ii.  p.  143.  Of  their  proficiency,  several  specimens  are  still 
extant.  The  lives  of  St.  Willibald  and  St.  Wunebald,  were  both  written  in  Latin  by 
an  Anglo-Saxon  nun.  Several  letters  in  the  same  language,  by  English  ladies,  are  pre- 
served among  the  epistles  of  St.  Boniface.  In  some  of  them  are  allusions  to  the  Roman 
poets ;  and  in  one,  a  few  verses  composed  by  Leobgytha,  who  was  then  learning  the 
rules  of  metre  from  her  mistress,  Eadburga.  Ep.  Bonif.  36,  p.  46. 
*  Thus  Alcuin  says  of  his  master,  Ecgbert : 

Non  semel  externas  peregrino  tramite  terras 

Jam  peragravit  ovans,  sophi®  ductus  amore  ; 

Si  quid  forte  novi  librorum  aut  studiorum 

Quod  secum  ferret,  terris  reperiret  in  illis. 

De  pont.  Ehor.  v.  1454. 
^  A  treatise  on  cosmography  was  sold  to  Aldfrid,  king  of  Northumbria,  for  an  estate 
of  eight  hides  of  land,  which  appears  to  have  been  considered  as  its  real  value.     Bed. 
vit.  Abbat.  p.  300. 

'•  Ale.  ep.  I.  Malm,  de  Reg.  f.  12.  Some  years  after.  Lupus,  abbot  of  Ferrieres, 
wrote  to  Altsig,  abbot  in  the  church  of  York,  to  lend  him  several  books  to  be  transcribed, 
and  promised  they  should  be  faithfully  restored.  Annal.  Bened.  torn.  ii.  p.  684.  Bib. 
Pat.  tom.  ix.  Lup.  ep.  2. 

"  Bed.  Hist.  1.  1.  c.  29.  In  the  appendix  to  Smith's  Bcde,  p.  690,  is  an  ancient 
account  of  the  books  brought  into  England  by  St.  Augustine.  One  of  them,  a  MS.  of 
the  gospels,  is  said  by  Wanley  (p.  151)  to  be  preserved  in  the  library  of  Corpus 
Christ!  college  at  Cambridge,  L.  15.     Godwin  mentions  a  MS.  of  Homer,  brought  to 


STUDY    OF    THEOLOGY.  191 

VVeremouth,  the  fruit  of  the  labours  of  St.  Bennet  Biscop,  whose 
five  journeys  to  the  continent,  and  indefatigable  exertions,  have 
been  gratefully  recorded  by  the  pen  of  the  venerable  Bede.'*  But 
of  all  the  seminaries  which  flourished  in  England,  that  belonging 
to  the  clergy  of  York  appears  to  have  enjoyed  the  most  valuable 
and  extensive  library:  and  in  the  imperfect  catalogue  of  volumes, 
which  Alcuin  has  inserted  in  his  writings,  we  find  the  names  of 
almost  every  Greek  and  Roman  writer,  who  had  distinguished 
himself  either  in  profane  or  in  sacred  literature. '° 

In  the  system  of  education  established  by  Theodore,  and 
zealously  propagated  by  his  disciples,  religious  knowledge  and 
moral  improvement  were  pronounced  the  two  great  objects  of 
study.  To  the  influence  of  the  sciences  in  softening  the  manners, 
and  multiplying  the  comforts  of  society,  they  appear  to  have  been 
indirterent  or  insensible :  but  they  endeavoured  to  rouse  the 
ardour  of  their  pupils,  by  promising  them  a  more  distinct  view 
of  the  economy  of  religion,  and  a  more  extensive  acquaintance 
with  the  works  of  the  Creator.  The  life  of  man,  they  observed, 
was  short;  his  time  too  precious  to  be  thrown  away  on  pur- 
suits unconnected  with  his  welfare  in  a  future  existence." 
Hence  of  the  various  branches  of  knowledge,  Theology  (under 

England  by  Theodore,  which  was  so  beautifully  written,  as  scarcely  to  be  equalled  by 
any  other  manuscript  or  printed  copy.  ((Jod.  de  prtes.  p.  41.) 
»  Bed.  Vit.  abbat.  Wirem.  p.  295.  29'J. 

"1  yElbert,  archbishop  of  York,  left  to  Alcuin  the  care  of  his  library,  his  caras  super 
omnia  gazas  (Ale.  de  Pont,  et  Sanct,  Ebor.  eccl.  v.  1526.)  That  writer  has  given  the 
follow 'ig  account  of  the  books  contained  in  it : 

Illic  invenies  veterum  vestigia  patrum, 
Quidquid  habet  pro  se  latio  Romanus  in  orbe ; 
GrfEcia  vel  quidquid  transmisit  clara  latinis ; 
Hebraicus  vel  quod  populus  bibit  ore  superno ; 
540  Africa  lucifluo  vel  quidquid  lumine  sparsit. 

Quod  pater  Hieronymus,  quod  sensit  Hilarius,  atque 
Ambrosius  prasul,  simul  Augustinus,  et  ipse 
Sanctus  Athanasius,  quod  Orosius  edit  avitus, 
Quidquid  Gregorius  summus  docet,  et  Leo  papa  : 
1545  Basilius  quidquid,  Fulgentius  atque  coruscant. 
Cassiodorus  item,  Chrysostomus  atque  Joannes. 
Quidquid  et  Athelmus  docuit,  quid  Beda  magister, 
Quae  Victorinus  scripsere,  Boetius,  atque 
Historic!  veteres,  Pompeius,  Plinius,  ipse 
1550  Acer  Aristoteles,  rhetor  quoque  Tullius  ingens  : 

Quid  quoque  Sedulius,  vel  quid  canit  ipse  Juvencus, 
Alcuinus  et  Clemens,  Prosper,  Paulinus,  Arator, 
Quid  Fortunatus  vel  quid  Lactantius  edunt, 
QuEB  Maro  Virgilius,  8tatius,  Lucanus,  et  auctor 
1555  Artis  grammaticEC,  vel  quid  scripsere  magistri, 

Quid  Probus  atque  Phocas,  Donatus,  Priscianusve, 
Servius,  Euticius,  Pompeius,  Comminianus. 
Invenies  alios  perplures. 

Ale.  de  Pont,  et  Sane.  Ebor.  eccl. 
>'  See  Aldhelm's  letter  to  his  pupil  Adilwald.    Malm.  1.  v.  de  Pont.  p.  340. 


192  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

that  name  were  comprised  the  dogmata  of  faith,  and  the  princi- 
ples of  morahty)  assimied  the  highest  place  in  their  estimation ; 
and  the  other  sciences  were  only  valued  as  the  humble  handmaids 
of  this  superior  acquirement.  Its  excellence  and  utility  are  the 
constant  theme  of  their  eloquence :  it  was  recommended  to  the 
attention  of  laymen  and  of  females;  and  if  the  young  student 
was  exhorted  to  learn  the  rules  of  grammar,  and  the  figures  of 
elocution,  it  was  that  he  might  understand  with  greater  facility 
the  volumes  that  contained  this  important  science.'^  Of  the 
scholastic  divinty,  which  so  universally  prevailed  in  succeeding 
ages,  they  were  ignorant ;  and  whatever  theological  learning  they 
acquired,  they  professed  to  derive  from  two  collateral  streams, 
the  inspired  writings,  and  the  works  of  the  fathers."  The 
inspired  writings  they  studied  assiduously  from  their  infancy ; 
but,  considering  them  as  a  region  overspread  with  darkness,  they 
hesitated  to  advance  a  step  without  the  aid  of  a  guide,  and 
scrupulously  pursued  the  track  which  had  been  first  opened  by 
the  labours  of  the  most  ancient  of  the  Christian  doctors.  Bede 
and  Alcuin,  the  brightest  luminaries  of  the  Saxon  church,  in  ex- 
pounding the  sacred  volumes,  shine  principally  with  borrowed 
light :  they  scarcely  presume  to  express  a  sentiment  of  their  own  ; 
their  works  are  frequently  a  chain  of  quotations  from  more  ancient 
writers ;  and  to  obviate  the  possibility  of  error,  they  anxiously 
point  out  to  the  reader  every  line  which  is  the  oflspring  of  their 
own  judgment  or  imagination. '"^ 

But  though  a  decided  preference  was  given  to  theological 
knowledge,  the  other  departments  of  science  were  not  neglected. 
The  number  of  classic  allusions  which  occur  in  their  writings 
and  private  correspondence,  demonstrate  their  acquaintance  with 
the  most  eminent  writers  of  Rome  and  Greece ;  and  we  are 
assured,  that  many  among  them  could  speak  the  languages  of 
these  two  countries,  with  no  less  fluency  than  their  native 
tongue.^*  But  experience  has  shown,  that  nations  only  acquire 
a  taste  for  elegant  literature  by  the  progressive  improvements  of 

'^Ibid.  Aldh.  de  Virg.  p.  292.  294.  Smith's  Bed.  p.  796.  Ep.  Ale.  32.  49.  In  an- 
other work  Alcuin  exhorts  his  disciples  to  study,  "  propter  Deum,  propter  puritatem 
aniniJB,  propter  veritatem  cognoscendam,  etiam  et  propter  se  ipsam,  non  propter  huma- 
nam  laudem,  vel  honores  saeculi,  vel  etiam  divitiarura  fallaces  voluptates."  Can.  Ant. 
Lect.  torn.  2,  p.  506. 

'3  Of  the  Latin  fathers,  St.  Gregory  indulges  the  most  frequently  in  allegorical  inter- 
pretations. Gratitude  taught  the  Saxons  to  admire  and  imitate  his  writings.  They 
adopted  this  mode  of  explication ;  and  as  France  and  Germany  received  from  them 
their  most  eminent  teachers,  they  introduced  it  among  the  learned  of  those  countries, 
by  whom  it  was  universally  followed  for  several  centuries.  See  Fleury's  fifth  discourse, 
(art.  xi.) 

'^  See  Ale.  prref.  in  Evan.  Joan.  Mabillon's  eulogium  of  Bede  (Smith's  Bede,  p. 
798.)  Bed.  Epis.  ad  Accam.  tom.  v.  col.  2,  177.  On  the  difl'erent  versions  of  the 
scriptures  used  by  the  Anglo-Saxons,  see  note  (R). 

'^  Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  2.     On  their  pronunciation  of  Greek,  see  note  (S). 


STUDY    OF    THE    CLASSICS.  193 

succeeding  generations.  Though  the  Anglo-Saxons,  in  the  course 
of  their  reading,  frequently  conversed  witfi  the  great  geniuses  of 
antiquity,  they  caught  few  sparks  of  the  fire  which  still  lives  in 
their  immortal  writings.  Their  attempts  at  composition  are, 
with  some  exceptions,  languid  and  incorrect ;  expressed  in  bar- 
barous language,  and  disfigured  by  low  or  turgid  metaphors. 
They  studied,  indeed,  the  laws  of  poetry  and  rhetoric ;  they  were 
acquainted  with  the  different  poetic  feet  and  their  various  com- 
binations, with  the  lessons  of  the  ancient  rhetoricians,  their 
tropes  and  figures:  but,  unassisted  by  the  taste  of  a  judicious 
master,  they  expended  their  industry  in  the  pursuit  of  unnatural 
ornaments,  while  real  elegance  was  entirely  neglected.'^  To 
have  compressed  their  language,  however  mean  or  incorrect, 
within  the  compass  of  legitimate  metre,  appears  to  have  been  the 
highest  praise  to  which  many  of  their  Latin  poets  aspired.  Even 
the  compositions  of  Bede  are  disgraced  by  this  common  defect ; 
and  can  be  considered  as  little  better  than  simple  prose,  divided 
into  hexameter  verse.  But  an  honourable  exception  must  be  ad- 
mitted in  favour  of  Alcuin,in  whose  poetic  effusions  are  passages 
which  may  be  read  with  pleasure  ;  and  of  St.  Aldhelm,  who 
assumed  a  more  lofty  and  a  more  animated  tone  than  any  of  his 
countrymen.  His  diction  is  often  pompous  ;  his  imagery  elevated  ; 
and  from  the  wild  exuberance  of  his  fancy,  now  and  then  may 
be  culled  a  flower  of  exquisite  fragrance.'^  But  all  of  them  ap- 
pear to  have  considered  difficulty  of  composition  as  a  sufficient 
apology  for  the  absence  of  every  excellence :  and  the  laborious 
trifles,  the  stultus  labor  ineptiarum,  which,  during  the  decline  of 
taste,  exercised  the  ingenuity  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  writers,  were 
seriously  cultivated  and  improved  by  the  most  eminent  of  the 
Saxon  scholars.  In  their  works  we  meet  with  acrostics  composed 
of  the  initial  and  final  letters  of  each  line,  to  be  read  sometimes 
in  a  descending,  and  sometimes  in  an  ascending  direction  :'* 

'6  Read  St.  Aldhelm's  description  of  his  studies.  Poetica  septenae  divisionis  disciplina, 
hoc  est,  acephalos,  procilos  cum  ceteris  quaiiler  varietur ;  qui  versus  monoschemi,  qui 
pentaschemi,  qui  decaschemi  certa  pedum  mensura  terminantur;  et  qua  ratione  cata- 
lectici,  et  brachycatalectici,  et  hypercatalcctici  versus  coliigantur.  Malm,  de  Pont.  p. 
341. 

17  See  his  poem  De  laude  Virginum.     Bib.  Pat.  torn.  xiii.  p.  3. 

18  See  St.  Aldhelm  De  iaude  Virgin*  p.  3-  ^niginata,  p.  13.  St.  Bouiface's  letters, 
p.  3.     I  shall  subjoin  a  double  acrostic  by  St.  Aldhelm : 

"Arbiter,  athereo  Jupiter  qui  regmine  sceptrA 
Lucifluumque  simul  coeli  regale  tribunaL 
Disponis,  moderans  feternis  Jegibus  illuD, 
Horrida  nam  mulctans  torsisti  membra  BehemotH 
Ex  alta  quondam  rueret  dum  luridus  arcE, 
Limpida  dictanti  metrorum  carmina  praesuL 
Munera  nunc  largire  :  rudis  quo  pandere  reruM 
Versibus  jenigmata  queam  clandestina  fatU, 
Si  deus  indignis  tua  gratis  dona  rependiS,"  &c. — p.  21. 
25  R 


194  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

With  couplets  in  which  the  first  half  of  the  hexameter  constantly 
forms  the  second  half  of  the  pentameter  verse  ;'^  and  with  poems 
in  which  the  natural  difficulty  of  the  metre  is  increased,  by  the 
addition  of  middle  and  final  rhymes.^"  Sometimes,  however,  they 
ventured  to  emancipate  themselves  from  the  shackles  of  their 
Roman  masters:  the  measure  of  their  verse  was  determined  by  a 
certain  number  of  syllables ;  and  their  ears  were  satisfied  with 
the  frequent  recurrence  of  alliteration,  and  the  constant  jingle  of 
rhyme.2' 

in  the  pursuit  of  eloquence,  as  of  poetry,  the  Saxon  students 
frequently  permitted  themselves  to  be  led  astray  by  a  vitiated 
taste.  Desirous  to  surprise  and  astonish,  they  transferred  to  their 
Latin  prose  all  the  gorgeous  apparatus  of  their  vernacular  poetry. 
In  their  more  laboured  compositions,  splendour  is  substituted  for 
elegance ;  a  profusion  of  extravagant  metaphors  bewilders  the 
understanding  of  the  reader ;  and,  as  if  the  Latin  tongue  possessed 
not  sufficient  beauties,  their  language  is  constantly  bespangled 

'9  Bede's  hymn  on  St.  ^dilthryda  is  of  this  description.     It  begins  thus  : 
"  Alme  Deus  Trinitas,  qufe  saecula  cuncta  gubernas, 
Adnue  jam  coeptis,  alme  Deus  Trinitas. 
Bella  Maro  resonet,  nos  pacis  dona  canamus : 
Munera  nos  Christi,  bella  Maro  resonet,"  &c. 

Bed.  Hist.  I.  iv.  c.  20. 
2"  In  the  poems  of  Bede  and  Alcuin  occur  many  verses  with  double  rhymes.    I  shall 
subjoin  an  example,  a  riddle  by  St.  Aldhelm. 

"  LEBES. 
"  Horrida,  curva,  rapax,  patulis  fabricata  metaliis, 
Pendeo,  nee  coelum  tangens,  terramve  profundam ; 
Ignibus  ardescens,  necnon  et  gurgite  fervens. 
Sic  vario  geminas  patior  discrimine  pugnas, 
Dum  lymphse  latices  tolero,  flammasque  feroces." 

Bib.  Pat.  vol.  8,  p.  28. 
2'  Of  this  species  of  composition,  several  examples  may  be  found  among  the  letters 
of  St.  Boniface,  p.  3.  44.  75.  84.  Each  verse  consists  of  eight  syllables  :  but  the  allitera- 
tion is  generally  better  supported  in  the  first  than  in  the  second  line  of  the  couplet. 
The  following  specimen  is  taken  from  a  poem  composed  by  a  disciple  of  St.  Boniface, 
in  honour  of  St.  Aldhelm : 

"  Summo  satore  sobolis 
Satus  fuisti  nobilis, 
Genorosa  progenitus 
Genetrice  expeditus, 
Statura  spectabilis. 
Statu  et  forma  agilis. 
Caput  candescens  crinibus 
Cingunt  capilli  nitidis : 
Lucent  sub  fronte  lumina 
Lati  ceu  per  culmina 
Cceli  candescunt  calida 
Clari  fulgoris  sidera. 

Ep.  St.  Bmif.  p.  91. 


On  the  vernacular  poetry  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  see  note  (T). 


STUDY    OF    LOGIC.  195 

with  expressions  from  the  Greek.  But  to  write  in  this  manner, 
demanded  leisure  and  appHcation :  and  on  ordinary  occasions, 
and  in  long  compositions,  they  were  compelled  to  adopt  a  lan- 
guage more  simple  and  intelligible.  Bede,  though  he  admired,^^ 
did  not  attempt  this  inflated  style  ;  and  his  example  was  followed 
by  the  good  sense  of  Alcuin :  but  Aldhelm  surpassed  all  his 
competitors,  though  from  the  letters  of  St,  Boniface  we  may  infer 
there  were  many  willing  to  dispute  with  him  the  palm  of  excel- 
lence.^^ 

From  the  study  of  the  languages,  the  Saxon  was  conducted  to 
that  of  philosophy,  after  having  acquired  the  preliminary  and 
necessary  sciences  of  logic  and  numbers.^^  His  acquaintance 
with  the  former,  he  was  advised  to  derive  from  the  writings  of 
Aristotle  and  his  disciples.  The  precepts  of  that  acute  philoso- 
pher were  studied  with  avidity :  they  were  thought  to  impart 
the  power  of  discovering  truth  and  detecting  falsehood  ;  and  the 
young  logician  was  initiated  in  the  art  of  disputation  by  com- 
mitting to  memory  the  categories,  the  laws  of  syllogisms,  the 
doctrine  of  inventions,  and  the  subtleties  of  the  periermeniae." 


22  Speaking  of  St.  Aldhelm's  character  as  a  writer,  he  calls  him  sermone  nitidus  ; 
(1-  V,  c.  18  ;)  which  Alfred  has  properly  translated  on  pOflbum  hluCCOfl  "]  pci- 
nenbe.  a  glowing  and  splendid  writer,  p.  636. 

23  As  a  specimen  of  Aldhelm's  style,  I  shall  subjoin  the  following  passage  from  his 
letter  to  the  monks  of  St.  Wilfrid,  in  which  he  calls  their  attention  to  the  respect  which 
bees  pay  to  their  king.  "  Perpendite  quasso,  quomodo  examina  apum,  calescente  coelitus 
caumate,  ex  alveariis  nectare  fragrantibus  certatim  emergant,  et  earum  autore  linquente 
brumalia  mansionum  receptacula,  densarum  cavernarum  cohortes,  rapido  volatu  ad 
ffithera  glomerante,  exceptis  duntaxat  antiquanim  sedium  servatricibus  ad  propagationem 
futurae  sobolis  relictis,  inquam  mirabilius  dictu,  rex  earum  spissis  sodalium  agminibus 
vallatus,  cum  hyberna  castra  gregatim  egreditur,  et  cara  stipitum  robora  rimatur,  si 
pulverulenta  sabulonis  aspergine  prsepeditus,  seu  repentinis  imbribus  cataracta  Olympi 
guttatim  rorantibus  retardatus  fuerit,  et  ad  gratam  cratem  sedemque  pristinam  revertatur, 
omnis  protinus  exercitus  consueta  vestibula  perrumpens,  prisca  cellarum  claustra  gratula- 
bundus  ingreditur."  Gale,  p.  340.  In  a  similar  style  his  disciple  J3dilwald  describes 
the  instructions  which  he  had  received  from  him,  and  then  proceeds  thus.  "  Quibus  ad 
integrum  exuberantis  ingenii  epulis  ambronibus  siticulosse  intelligentis  faucibus  avide 
absumptis,  meam  adhuc  pallentem  hebetudinis  maciem  largissima  blandae  sponsionis 
epimenia  affluenter  refocillabat,  pollicitans  omni  me  desideratas  lectionis  instrumento,  quo 
potissimum  mes  mediocritatis  industriam  satis  inhiantem  agnoverat,  libenter  edocendo 
imbuere."  St.  Bonif.  ep.  p.  76.  To  these  may  be  added  an  example  from  St.  Boniface. 
Speaking  of  misers,  he  says ;  "  Hac  de  re  universi  aurilegi  ambrones  apoton  grammaton 
agion  frustratis  afflicti  inservire  excubiis,  et  fragilia  arenarum  incassum  ceu  flatum 
tenuem  sive  pulverem  captantia  tetendisse  retia  dignoscuntur  :  quia  kata  Psalmistam, 
Thenaurizant,  et  ignorant  cui  congregent  ilia,  et  dum  exactrix  invisi  Plutonis,  mors 
videlicet,  cruentatis  crudeliter  infrendens  dentibus  in  limine  latrat,  turn  tremebundi,"  &c. 
(Ep.  Bonif.  p.  2.) 

21  According  to  Alcuin,  a  course  of  liberal  education  should  comprise  grammar, 
rhetoric,  arithmetic,  geometry,  music,  and  astrology.  Ale.  Gram,  apud  Canis.  tom.  ii. 
par.  i.  p.  508.     St.  Aldhelm  adds  the  study  of  logic.     De  laud.  Vir.  p.  331. 

"  Id.  ibid.  Ale.  de  Pont.  Ebor.  v.  1550.  Ingulf,  f.  513.  Alcuin's  treatise  on  logic 
is  divided  into  five  parts.  Isagogse,  Categorise,  Syllogismi,  Topica,  and  Periermenise. 
Canis.  ibid.  p.  488. 


196  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

The  science  of  numbers  equalled  that  of  logic  in  importance,  and 
surpassed  it  in  difficulty  of  attainment.  The  celebrated  St.  Aid- 
helm,  though  the  success  of  his  former  attempts  had  taught  him 
to  conceive  a  favourable  notion  of  his  abilities,  was  overwhelmed 
with  unexpected  difficulties,  when  he  first  appHed  himself  to  the 
different  combinations  of  numbers  ;  and  lamented  in  forcible  lan- 
guage his  disappointment  and  despondency.^^  The  reader,  per- 
haps, will  be  tempted  to  smile  at  the  pusillanimity  of  the  monk  ; 
but  let  him  pause  to  reflect  on  the  many  disadvantages,  against 
which  our  ancestors  were  condemned  to  struggle.  The  Arabic 
figures,  which  the  Christians  received  from  the  Mohammedans 
of  Spain,  about  the  close  of  the  tenth  century,  have  so  facilitated 
the  acquisition  of  this  science,  as  to  render  it  familiar  even  to 
children ;  but  the  Saxons  were  ignorant  of  so  valuable  an  im- 
provement, and  every  arithmetical  operation  was  performed  with 
the  aid  of  the  seven  Roman  letters,  C,  D,  I,  L,  M,  V,  X."  With 
them,  in  the  solution  of  long  and  tedious  problems,  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  form  the  necessary  combinations  ;  and  frequently 
the  embarrassed  calculator,  instead  of  employing  numerical  signs, 
was  compelled  to  write  at  length  the  numbers  which  he  wished 
to  employ.  But  if  he  descended  to  the  fractions  of  integers,  his 
difficulties  were  multiplied  ;  and  the  best  expedient  which  human 
ingenuity  had  hitherto  devised,  was  to  conceive  every  species  of 
quantity  divisible  into  twelve  equal  parts,  the  different  combina- 
tions of  which  were  called  by  the  same  names,  and  computed  in 
the  same  manner  as  the  uncial  divisions  of  the  Roman  As.^^  The 
inconvenience  of  these  methods  was  severely  felt  by  the  learned; 
and  an  inadequate  remedy  was  provided  by  the  adoption  of  a 
species  of  manual  arithmetic,  in  which,  by  varying  the  position 
of  the  hands  and  fingers,  the  different  operations  were  more 
readily  performed.  Meanly  as  we  may  be  inclined  to  estimate 
the  services  of  this  auxiliary,  it  deserved  and  obtained  the  praise 
of  utility  from  the  venerable  Bede,  who  condescended  to  explain 
its  nature  for  the  use  of  his  countrymen.^^ 

When  the  perseverance  of  the  student  had  conquered  the  diffi- 
culties of  this  science,  he  ventured  to  apply  to  the  study  of 
natural  philosophy.  The  guides  whom  he  was  principally  ad- 
vised to  follow,  were  Aristotle  and  Pliny ;  and  to  the  knowledge 

'^Tante  supputationis  imminens  desperatio  colla  mentis  oppressit.  See  Aldhelm's 
letter  to  Hedda,  (Malm.  p.  339.)  He  was  at  last  so  fortunate  as  to  master  every  diffi- 
culty and  understand  even  the  rules  of  fractions,  calculi  supputationes,  quas  partes 
numeri  appellant.  (Ibid.) 

2^  Bed.  oper.  Bas.  anno  1563,  torn.  i.  col.  115. 

28  Ibid.  col.  147. 

29  See  Bede's  treatise  De  Indigitatione,  (torn.  i.  col.  165.)  The  numbers  from  1  to 
100  were  expressed  by  the  fingers  of  the  left  hand  :  from  100  to  10,000  by  those  of  the 
right:  from  10,000  to  100,000  by  varying  the  position  of  the  left;  and  from  100,000 
to  1,000,000  by  varying  that  of  the  right  hand. 


BEDE  S    SYSTEM    OF    NATURE.  197 

which  he  derived  from  their  writings,  was  added  the  partial  in- 
formation that  might  be  gleaned  from  the  works  of  the  eccle- 
siastical writers.  Among  the  philosophical  treatises  ascribed  to 
Bede,  there  are  two,  commented  by  Bridferth,  the  learned  monk 
of  Ramsey,  which  are  undoubtedly  genuine,  and  from  which 
may  be  formed  a  satisfactory  notion  of  the  proficiency  of  our  an- 
cestors in  astronomical  and  physical  knowledge.^"  The  reader 
will  not,  perhaps,  be  displeased,  if  I  devote  a  few  pages  to  this 
curious  subject. 

The  origin  of  the  visible  universe  had  perplexed  and  confound- 
ed the  philosophers  of  antiquity  ;  at  each  step  they  sunk  deeper 
into  an  abyss  of  darkness  and  absurdity ;  and  the  eternal  chaos 
of  the  stoics,  the  shapeless  matter  of  Aristotle,  and  the  self- 
existent  atoms  of  Democritus,  while  they  amused  their  imagina- 
tion, could  only  fatigue  and  irritate  their  reason.  But  the  Saxon 
student  was  guided  by  an  unerring  light ;  and  in  the  inspired 
narrative  of  Moses,  he  beheld,  without  the  danger  of  deception, 
the  whole  visible  world  start  into  existence  at  the  command  of 
an  almighty  Creator.  Of  the  scriptural  cosmogony,  his  religion 
forbade  him  to  doubt :  but,  in  explaining  the  component  parts  of 
sensible  objects,  he  was  at  liberty  to  indulge  in  speculation. 
With  the  Ionic  school,  Bede  admitted  the  four  elements  ;  of  fire, 
from  which  the  heavenly  bodies  derive  their  light;  of  air,  which 
is  destined  for  the  support  of  animal  existence ;  of  water,  which 
surrounds,  pervades,  and  binds  together  the  earth  on  which  we 
dwell ;  and  of  the  earth  itself,  which  is  accurately  suspended  in 
the  centre,  and  equally  poised  on  all  sides  by  the  pressure  of  the 
revolving  universe.  To  the  different  combinations  of  these 
elements,  with  the  additional  aid  of  the  four  primary  qualities  of 
heat  and  cold,  moisture  and  dryness,  he  attributed  the  various 
properties  of  bodies,  and  the  exhaustless  fecundity  of  nature.^' 

Pythagoras  had  taught,  though  the  conclusion  was  deduced, 
not  from  the  observation  of  the  phenomena,  but  from  the  princi- 
ples of  a  fanciful  and  erroneous  theory,  that  the  centre  of  the 
world  was  occupied  by  the  sun,  round  which  the  celestial  spheres 
performed  their  revolutions.^^  But  the  truth  of  his  opinion  was 
too  repugnant  to  the  daily  illusions  of  the  senses,  to  obtain  credit ; 
and  the  majority  of  philosophers,  for  many  centuries,  adopted 
that  arrangement  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  which  forms  the  basis 


'0  De  Natura  Rerum,  torn.  ii.  p.  1.  De  Temporum  ratione,  torn.  ii.  p.  49.  These 
treatises  are  acknowledged  by  Bede  himself,  at  the  end  of  his  ecclesiastical  history,  (I.  v. 
C.24.)  Leland  highly  admired  the  commentaries  of  Bridferth  ;  veluti  avidus  helluo  totum 
profecto  devoravi.     Lei.  Comment,  de  scrip.  Brit.  edit.  Hall,  p.  171. 

3'  Bed.  de  Nat.  Rer.  c.  1—4. 

32  According  to  the  mysteries  of  his  numerical  system,  it  was  necessary  that  the  fiery 
globe  of  unity  should  be  placed  in  the  midst  of  the  elements.  See  Arist.  torn.  i.  p,  363, 
Laert.  I.  viii.  85. 

b2 


198  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

of  the  Ptolemean  system.  From  them  it  was  received  by  the 
Christians, and  adjusted,  with  a  few  modifications, to  their  rehgious 
opinions.  According  to  Bede,  the  terrestrial  atmosphere  is  im- 
mediately surrounded  by  the  orbits  of  the  seven  planets,  and  the 
firmament  of  the  fixed  stars :  on  the  firmament  repose  the  waters 
mentioned  in  the  Mosaic  cosmogony  :^^  and  these  are  again  en- 
circled by  the  highest  and  ethereal  heaven,  destined  for  the  resi- 
dence of  the  angehc  spirits.  From  the  diurnal  motion  of  the  stars, 
Avhich  describe  concentric  circles  of  a  smaller  diameter  as  they 
approach  towards  the  north,  he  infers,  that  this  immense  system 
daily  revolves  with  amazing  rapidity  round  the  earth,  on  an 
imaginary  axis,  of  which  the  two  extremities  are  called  the 
northern  and  southern  poles.^'* 

In  the  present  advanced  state  of  astronomical  knowledge,  we 
are  tempted  to  smile  at  the  idea  of  the  Grecian  philosopher,  who 
conceived  the  stars  to  be  so  many  concave  mirrors,  fixed  in  the 
firmament  to  collect  the  igneous  particles  which  are  scattered 
through  the  heavens,  and  to  reflect  them  to  the  earth.^^  From 
the  assertion  of  Bede,  that  they  borrow  their  brilliancy  from  the 
sun,  we  might  naturally  infer  that  he  had  adopted  the  opinion 
of  Epicurus :  but  his  commentator,  the  monk  of  Ramsey,  informs 
us,  that  he  considered  them  as  bodies  of  fire,  which  emitted  a 
light  too  feeble  to  affect  the  organs  of  vision,  except  when  it  was 
strengthened  by  the  denser  rays  of  the  sun.  That  they  were  not 
extinguished  in  the  morning,  and  rekindled  each  evening,  as  had 
been  taught  by  Xenophanes,  was  proved  by  their  appearance 
during  the  obscurity  of  a  solar  eclipse :  and  of  their  influence  on 
the  atmosphere  no  one  could  remain  ignorant,  who  had  remark- 
ed the  storms  that  annually  attend  the  heliac  rising  of  Arcturus 
and  Orion,  and  had  felt  the  heat  with  which  the  dog-star  scorches 
the  earth.^'' 

The  twofold  and  opposite  motions,  which  seem  to  animate  the 
planets,  could  not  escape  the  knowledge  of  an  attentive  observer: 
but  satisfactorily  to  account  for  them,  as  long  as  the  earth  was 
supposed  immoveable,  baflied  all  the  eff"orts  of  human  ingenuity. 
The  Saxons  justly  considered  the  natural  direction  of  their  orbits 
to  lie  from  west  to  east;  but  conceived  that  their  progress  was  con- 
stantly opposed  by  the  more  powerful  rotation  of  the  fixed  stars, 

S3  See  Genesis,  fc.  i.  v.  67.)  "  How,"  exclaims  Bridferth  of  Ramsey,  the  commenta- 
tor of  Bede's  philosophical  works,  "  can  the  waters  rest  on  the  firmament  without  falling 
to  the  earth  ?  "  I  know  not,"  he  replies,  "but  the  authority  of  the  Scriptures  must 
silence  the  objections  of  reason."  (Glos.  in  c.  viii.  p.  9.)  The  ancient  author  of  the 
elements  of  philosophy,  published  under  the  name  of  Bede,  is  justly  dissatisfied  with 
this  answer,  and  explains  the  passage  in  Genesis,  of  the  waters  which  are  separated  >>y 
evaporation  from  the  ocean,  and  suspended  in  the  atmosphere.  (De  elem.  1.  ii.  p.  320.) 

2^  Bed.  de  Nat.  Rer.  c.  v. — viii. 

"  This  was  one  of  the  opinions  of  Epicurus.     Laert.  1.  x.  9 1 . 

26  Bed.  de  Nat.  Rer.  c.  xi. 


THE    PLANETS    AND    FIXED    STARS.  199 

which  compelled  them  daily  to  revolve  round  the  earth,  in  a  con- 
trary direction.  In  their  explanation  of  the  other  phenomena, 
they  were  equally  unfortunate.  The  ingenious  invention  of 
epicycles  was  unknown,  or  rejected  by  them :  and  they  ascribed 
most  of  the  inequalities  observed  in  the  planetary  motions  to  the 
more  or  less  oblique  action  of  the  solar  rays,  by  which  they  were 
sometimes  accelerated,  sometimes  retarded,  and  sometimes  entire- 
ly suspended.  Yet  they  were  acquainted  with  the  important  dis- 
tinction between  real  and  apparent  motion.  Though  they  con- 
ceived the  planetary  orbits  to  be  circular,  they  had  learned  from 
Pliny  that  each  possessed  a  different  centre ;  and  thence  inferred 
that  in  the  perigeum  their  velocity  must  be  apparently  increased, 
in  the  apogeum  apparently  diminished." 

Among  the  planets,  the  first  place  was  justly  given  to  the  sun, 
the  great  source  of  light  and  heat.  They  described  this  luminary 
as  a  globular  mass  of  fiery  particles,  preserved  in  a  state  of  igni- 
tion by  perpetual  rotation.  Had  it  been  fixed,  says  Bede,  like 
the  stars  in  the  firmament,  the  equatorial  portion  of  the  earth 
would  have  been  reduced  to  ashes,  by  the  intensity  of  its  rays. 
But  the  beneficence  of  the  Creator  wisely  ordained,  that  it  should 
daily  and  annually  travel  round  the  earth;  and  thus  produce 
the  succession  of  the  night  and  day,  the  vicissitudes  of  the  seasons 
and  the  divisions  of  time.  Its  daily  revolution  is  completed  be- 
tween midnight  and  midnight :  and  is  usually  divided  into 
twenty-four  hours,  each  of  which  admits  of  four  different  sub- 
divisions, into  four  points,  (five  in  lunar  computations,)  ten 
minutes,  fifteen  parts  or  degrees,  and  forty  moments.  Its  annual 
revolution  through  the  twelve  signs  of  the  zodiac,  which  it 
divides  into  two  equal  parts,  forms  the  solar  year  ;  and  consists 
of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days.^^  As  it  recedes  towards 
the  brumal  solstice,  its  rays,  in  the  morning  and  evening,  are  in- 
tercepted by  the  convexity  of  the  equator,  and  their  absence 
prolongs  the  duration  of  darkness,  and  favours  the  cold  of  winter  : 
but  in  proportion  as  it  returns  towards  the  tropic  of  Capricorn, 
the  days  gradually  lengthen,  and  nature  seems  re-animated  by  the 
constant  accumulation  of  heat.^''  But  here  a  rational  doubt  will 
occur.  If  the  rays,  which  daily  warm  and  illuminate  the  earth, 
be  emitted  from  the  sun,  is  there  no  reason  to  fear,  that,  after  a 
certain  period,  the  powers  of  that  luminary  may  be  totally  ex- 

37  Bed.  de  Nat.  Rer.  c.  xii.  xiv. 

38  Bed.  Op.  torn.  ii.  26.  53.  208. 

Ibid.  p.  105.  121.  12.5.  As  Bede  has  been  censured  by  Feller  (Diet.  Hist.  art. 
Virgile)  for  asserting  the  earth  to  be  flat,  I  may  be  allowed  to  transcribe  a  passage, 
which  evidently  shows  this  learned  monk  to  have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  general 
figure  of  our  globe.  "  Orbera  terrae  dicimus,  non  quod  absolute  orbis  sit  forma  in  tanta 
montium  camporumque  disparilitate,  sed  cujus  amplexus,  si  cuncta  linearum  compre- 
hendantur  ambitu,  figuram  absoluti  orbis  efficiat."  De  Nat.  Rer.  c.  44,  p.  43.  De  Temp, 
rat.  p.  125.     The  work  to  which  Feller  refers,  is  not  among  the  writings  of  Bede. 


200  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

haiisted  ?  Bede  readily  answered,  that  its  losses  were  quickly 
repaired  from  the  numerous  exhalations  of  the  ocean,  situated 
under  the  torrid  zone.'"'  To  feed  the  sun  with  water,  is  an  idea 
which  will  probably  appear  ludicrous  to  the  reader:  but  it 
originated  from  the  tenets  of  Thales,  the  parent  of  the  Grecian 
philosophy ;  and  had  been  consecrated  by  the  general  adoption 
of  his  successors.'*^ 

The  regular  increase  and  decrease  of  the  moon  have  always 
called  the  attention  of  the  learned  to  the  phenomena  of  that 
planet.  Respecting  its  magnitude,  the  Saxons  followed  two 
opposite  opinions.  Some,  on  the  authority  of  Pliny,  maintained 
that  it  was  larger,  others,  with  greater  truth,  conceived  that  it 
was  smaller,  than  the  earth.''^  Its  phases  they  justly  ascribed  to 
the  ever  varying  position  of  the  illuminated  disk  ;''^  nor  were  they 
ignorant  that  its  orbit  was  subject  to  several  anomalies,  which 
defied  the  precision  of  the  most  exact  calculator.^'*  Bede  explains 
with  sufficient  accuracy  the  causes  of  the  solar  and  lunar  eclipses, 
and  observes,  that  their  recurrence  at  each  conjunction  and 
opposition,  is  prevented  by  the  obliquity  of  the  moon's  orbit.''* 

That  curiosity,  which  prompts  us  to  search  into  the  secrets  of 
futurity,  and  the  ancient  notion  that  the  heavenly  bodies  were 
animated  by  portions  of  the  divine  Spirit,  gave  birth  to  the  pre- 
tended science  of  judicial  astrology.  The  influence  of  the  sun 
and  moon  on  the  vegetable  productions  of  the  earth,  was 
universally  acknowledged:  and  the  accidental  coincidence  of 
certain  extraordinary  events  with  particular  configurations  of  the 
planets,  encouraged  the  belief  that  they  were  conscious  of  future 
events,  and  regulated  the  destinies  of  mankind.  By  the  pagan 
philosophers  the  astrological  art  was  eagerly  studied  and  prac- 
tised: and  from  them  it  was  transmitted  to  the  professors  of 
Christianity.  The  Saxon  Aldhelm  inform  us,  that  he  learnt  the 
difficult  computation  of  horoscopes  in  the  school  of  the  Abbot 
Adrian ;  and  Bede,  though  he  pronounces  the  study  to  be  false 
and  pernicious,  sufficiently  discovers  his  acquaintance  with  it  in 
different  parts  of  his  works.'**'  But  calculations  of  a  more  useful 
description  generally  occupied  the  leisure  of  literary  men.  From 
the  letters  of  Alcuin  it  appears,  that  he  spent  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  his  time  in  calculating  the  orbits  of  the  planets,  and  pre 

1"  Bed.  de  Nat.  Rer.  c.  19,  p.  26. 

■"  Arist.  Met.  1.  i.  c.  3,     Cic.  de  nat.  Deor.  I.  i.  c.  10. 

«  Bed.  de  rat.  Tein.  p.  111.     Bridferth's  comments,  p.  1 12,  11.3. 

"  De  Nat.  Rer.  c.  20,  p.  26.     De  rat.  Temp.  c.  23,  p.  107. 

<4  Ibid.  c.  39,  p.  143. 

*^  De  Nat.  Rer.  c.  22,  23,  p.  28,  29.     De  Tem.  rat.  c.  5.  p.  62, 

■•''  Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  v.  p.  339.  It  is  possible,  that  by  horoscope  in  this  passage,  St 
Aldhelm  may  mean  a  species  of  dial  formerly  known  by  that  name.  (See  Bede  de 
temp.  p.  121.)  But  there  are  many  other  passages,  which  prove  the  Anglo  Saxons  to 
have  been  acquainted  with  the  mysteries  of  astrology.     Ibid.  p.  53. 


THE    TIDES.  201 

dieting  the  phenomena  of  the  heavenly  bodies  :  and  Bede,  in  his 
treatise  De  ratione  Temporum,  accurately  explains  the  rules  for 
computing  the  age  of  the  moon,  its  longitude,  the  hours  at  which 
it  rises  and  sets,  and  the  duration  of  its  daily  appearance  above 
the  horizon.  To  satisfy  the  curiosity  of  those  who  were  ignorant 
of  the  science  of  numbers,  this  learned  monk  composed  tables, 
which  supplied  the  place  of  modern  ephemerides ;  and  his 
example  was  followed  by  other  philosophers,  who  were  accus- 
tomed to  inspect  and  revise  their  respective  calculations.  At  the 
same  time  they  were  careful  to  observe  the  heavens,  and  faith- 
fully recorded  every  new  and  unexpected  appearance.''^ 

From  their  insular  situation,  the  Saxons  could  not  be  ignorant 
of  the  interesting  phenomena  of  the  tides :  and  Bede  seems  to 
have  suspected  the  existence  of  that  cause,  the  discovery  of 
which  has  contributed  to  immortalize  the  name  of  Newton.  The 
ebb  and  flow,  he  observes,  so  accurately  correspond  with  the 
motions  of  the  moon,  that  he  is  tempted  to  believe  the  waters  are 
attracted  towards  that  planet  by  some  invisible  influence,  and, 
after  a  certain  time,  are  permitted  to  revert  to  their  former  situa- 
tion.'** He  does  not,  however,  venture  to  speculate  on  the  nature 
of  this  attraction,  but  confines  himself  to  the  following  enumera- 
tion of  the  particulars,  in  which  the  motions  of  the  moon  and  of 
the  ocean  appear  to  coincide.  As  the  moon  daily  recedes  twelve 
degrees  from  the  sun,  so,  on  an  average,  the  tides  are  daily  retard- 
ed four  points  (eight-and-forty  minutes)  in  their  approach  to  the 
shore.  Some  days  before  the  conjunction  and  opposition,  they 
begin  to  increase :  and  from  the  fifth  to  the  twelfth,  from  the 
twentieth  to  the  twenty-seventh  day,  they  continually  diminish. 
But  the  gradations  of  increase  and  decrease  are  not  perfectly 
regular,  and  these  anomalies  may  be  ascribed,  perhaps,  to  the 
impulse  or  resistance  of  the  winds,  more  probably  to  the  agency 
of  some  unknown  power.  The  Anglo-Saxon,  however,  was 
able  to  correct  an  erroneous  opinion  of  former  philosophers.  It 
had  been  pretended,  that  in  every  part  of  the  ocean  the  waters 
began  to  rise  at  the  same  moment :  but  daily  observation 
authorized  him  to  assert,  that  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Britain, 
the  tide  was  propagated  from  the  north  to  the  south,  and  that  it 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  river  Tyne,  before  it  washed  the  coast 
of  the  Deiri.^^ 

In  meteorological  science,  the  fame  of  Aristotle  was  long  un- 

^'  See  Bede  de  ratione  Temporum,  (c.  15.  23,  p.  95 — 107,)  and  the  letters  of  Alcuin. 
(Ant.  lect.  Can.  torn.  ii.  p.  394,  et  seq.)  From  them  we  learn  that  Mars  disappeared 
from  July  709  to  June  710.     (Ibid.  p.  401,  and  note.) 

^8  Tanquam  lunae  quibusdam  aspirationibus  invitus  protrahatur,  et  iterum  ejusdem  vi 
cessante  in  propriam  mensuram  refundatur.  Bed.  de  rat.  Tern.  c.  27,  p.  116.  Sim. 
Dunelm.  de  Reg.  p.  112. 

«Bed.  ibid.  p.  117. 
26 


202  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

rivalled;  and  his  four  books  on  meteors  have  deserved  the 
applause  of  modern  philosophers.  To  them  and  the  writings  of 
Pliny,  the  Saxons  were  indebted  for  the  knowledge  which  they 
possessed  on  this  subject.  Yet  it  hardly  required  the  assistance  of 
a  master  to  discover  that  the  winds  are  currents  of  air  ;  that  the 
vapours  rise  from  the  earth, coalesce  into  clouds,  and  fall  in  rain; 
and  that,  in  the  colder  regions  of  the  atmosphere,  they  sometimes 
assume  the  soft  form  of  snow,  and  at  others  are,  during  their 
descent,  congealed  into  hail  :^°  but  in  explaining  the  more  awful 
phenomena  of  lightning  and  thunder,  the  genius  of  Aristotle  had 
failed  ;  and  his  Saxon  disciples,  compelled  to  wander  from  one 
hypothesis  to  another,  attributed  their  production,  either  to  the 
sudden  generation  of  wind,  which  burst  into  fragments  the  col- 
lection of  vapours  that  enclosed  it ;  or  to  the  violent  shock  of 
clouds  meeting  in  opposite  directions ;  or  to  the  conflict  of  the 
aqueous  and  igneous  particles,  which,  in  immense  quantities, 
were  supposed  to  float  in  the  atmosphere.*^  The  brilliant  meteor 
of  the  rainbow  also  engaged  their  attention.  Aristotle  had  con- 
sidered the  drops  of  rain  as  so  many  convex  mirrors,  which 
remit  the  colours,  but  are  too  minute  to  reflect  the  image  of  the 
sun  :  and  his  explication  was  improved  by  Possidonius,  who,  to 
account  for  its  arched  appearance,  contended  that  it  could  be 
produced  only  in  the  bosom  of  a  concave  cloud.  Bede  was 
satisfied  with  this  hypothesis ;  and,  by  his  approbation,  recom- 
mended it  to  his  countrymen,  with  this  unimportant  alteration, 
that  he  ventured  to  add  the  purple  to  the  red,  the  green,  and  the 
blue,  the  three  colours  observed  by  the  Greek  philosophers.*^ 

From  this  view  of  the  state  of  science  among  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
the  reader  will  have  observed,  that  their  knowledge  was  blended 
Avith  numerous  errors ;  but  his  candour  will  attribute  the  cause, 
not  to  their  indolence,  but  to  the  ignorance  of  the  times.  From 
Thales  to  Bede,  during  the  lapse  of  more  than  twelve  centuries, 
philosophy  had  received  very  few  improvements.  It  was  re- 
served for  the  learned  of  more  modern  times,  to  interrogate 
nature  by  experiment.  Former  students  were  satisfied,  when 
they  had  observed  the  more  obvious  phenomena,  and  hazardeda 
few  conjectures  respecting  their  probable  causes.  Hence  their 
ingenuity  was  expended  in  framing  fanciful  explications ;  and 
each  hypothesis,  sanctioned  by  the  authority  of  an  illustrious 
name,  was  received  with  the  veneration  due  to  truth.  If  the 
Saxons  exercised  their  own  judgment,  it  was  only  in  adopting 
the  most  probable  among  the  contradictory  opinions  of  their  pre- 
decessors. To  invent  or  improve,  was  not  their  object.  They 
felt,  that  they  were  scarcely  emerged  from  the  ignorance  of  bar- 

M  De  Nat.  Rer.  c.  26,  p.  31,  c.  32—35,  p.  36. 

"  Ibid.  c.  28,  29,  p.  33,  34.  »« Ibid.  c.  31,  p.  35. 


STUDIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXONS.  203 

barism,  and  possessed  not  the  presumption  to  think  that  they 
could  discover  truths  which  had  escaped  the  penetration  of  their 
masters.  To  learn  whatever  had  been  formerly  known,  was 
their  great  ambition ;  and  this  they  nearly  accomplished.  Who- 
ever reads  the  treatise  of  Bede  de  ratione  Temporum,  in  which  he 
explains  the  nature  of  the  Egyptian,  Grecian,  Roman,  and 
Saxon  years,  must  view  with  astonishment  the  deep  and  exten- 
sive erudition  of  a  monk  who  never  passed  the  limits  of  his 
native  province,  but  spent  the  whole  of  his  days  among  the  half- 
civilized  inhabitants  of  Northumbria.^^ 

But  the  men  of  letters  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  did  not  confine 
their  efforts  to  the  mere  study  of  ancient  science.  The  desire  of 
diffusing  knowledge,  or  of  acquiring  reputation,  induced  several 
to  assume  the  office  of  teachers,  and  to  transmit  with  their  works 
their  names  to  posterity.     Catalogues  of  the  Saxon  writers  have 

53  Bed.  Op.  torn.  2,  p.  49.  Dr.  Henry  asserts  (vol.  iii.  p.  43)  that  the  Saxons  entire- 
ly neglected  the  study  of  natural  philosophy  and  morals,  and  insinuates  (p.  86)  that 
they  gave  very  little  attention  to  physic,  geography,  and  law.  1.  To  their  application 
to  natural  philosophy,  the  preceding  pages  have  borne  sufficient  testimony ;  and  the 
study  of  morals  was  united  with  that  of  divinity.  2.  Nor  were  they  entirely  ignorant 
of  physic.  Archbishop  Theodore  taught  the  art  of  medicine  at  Canterbury,  (Bed.  Hist, 
i.  V.  c  iii. :)  Bede  was  acquainted  with  the  works  of  Hippocrates,  whom  he  calls 
Af)^nlfo(,  and  from  whose  writings  he  translates  a  long  passage,  (De  rat.  Tem.  c.  28,  p. 
1 19  :)  Kyneard,  bishop  of  Winchester,  possessed  some  treatises  on  physic,  and  desired 
his  friend  the  archbishop  of  Mentzto  procure  him  others,  (Ep.  St.  Bonif.  74,  p.  104;) 
and  several  Anglo-Saxon  MSS.  on  the  same  subject  are  still  preserved.  (They  are 
described  by  Wanley,  p.  72.  7-').  176.  180.)  3.  Bede's  knowledge  of  geography  can- 
not be  doubted  by  him  who  has  read  his  forty-seventh  chapter  De  Natura  Rerum,  and 
thirty-first  De  Temporum  ratione,  his  Libellusde  Locis  Sanctis,  his  treatise  De  Nominibus 
Locorum,  (Bed.  Oper.  torn.  v.  col.  920,)  and  his  account  of  the  travels  of  Arcuulphus. 
(Hist.  I.  v.  c.  16.)  Aldfrid  of  Northumbria  bought  a  treatise  of  cosmography  from  the 
monks  of  Weremouth  ;  and  Coena  speaks  of  several  books  on  the  same  subject,  in  his 
letter  to  Archbishop  Lullus.  (St.  Bonif.  ep.  99,  p.  130.)  4.  That  they  also  studied  the 
Roman  law  is  evident  from  p.  227,  of  the  first  volume  of  this  work.  Bede  mentions 
Justinian's  code;  and  the  name  of  pandects,  which  he  gives  to  the  Scriptures,  (Bed.  p. 
299,)  will  perhaps  justify  a  suspicion,  that  he  was  acquainted  with  the  pandects  of  that 
emperor.  Of  the  sciences  studied  in  the  school  at  York,  Alcuin  has  left  us  the  following 
account : — 

His  dans  Grammaticae  rationis  gnaviter  artes, 
1435  Illis  Rhetoric®  infundens  refluamina  linguae, 

Istos  juridica  curavit  cote  poliri ; 

Illos  Aonio  docuit  concinnere  cantu, 

Castalida  instituens  alios  reasonare  cicuta, 

Et  juga  Parnassi  lyricis  percurrere  plantis. 
1440  Ast  alios  fecit  praefatus  nosse  magister 

Harmoniam  coeli,  solis  lunaeque  labores  ; 

Quinque  poli  zonas,  errantia  sidera  septem, 

Astrorum  leges,  ortus  simul  atque  recessus ; 

Aerios  motus  pelagi,  terraeque  tremoreni, 
1445  Naturas  hominum,  pecudum,  volucrumque  ferarum, 

Diversas  numeri  species,  variasque  figuras, 

Paschalique  dedit  sollemnia  certa  recursu, 

Maxime  scripturae  pandens  mysteria  sacrae. 

Ale.  De  sane.  Ehor.  p.  728. 


204  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

l?een  collected  by  the  industry  of  Leland,  Bale,  and  Pits :  but  of 
many  we  know  little  more  than  their  names ;  and  the  works 
ascribed  to  the  majority  are  either  lost  or  spurious.  The  three 
whose  superior  fame  recommends  them  to  the  notice  of  the  his- 
torian, are  St.  Aldhelm,  Bede,  and  Alcuin. 

I.  Of  the  Saxon  monks,  the  first  who  distinguished  himself  by 
his  writings  was  St.  Aldhelm,  abbot  of  Malmsbury,  and  after- 
wards bishop  of  Sherburne.  In  his  youth  he  had  attended  the 
lessons  of  Maidulf,  a  Scottish  monk  :  but  the  superior  reputation 
of  the  school  at  Canterbury  drew  him  to  that  capital,  where  he 
studied  with  unwearied  application  at  the  feet  of  the  abbot 
Adrian.  He  soon  felt,  or  thought  he  felt,  the  inspiration  of  the 
muses :  his  Saxou  composition  obtained  the  applause  of  his 
countrymen :  and,  at  the  distance  of  two  centuries,  Alfred  the 
Great  pronounced  him  the  prince  of  the  English  poets.^'*  Success- 
ful in  this  attempt,  he  aspired  to  higher  excellence,  and  was  able 
to  boast,  that  he  had  been  the  first  of  his  countrymen,  who  had 
enrolled  himself  among  the  votaries  of  the  Roman  muse."  His 
reputation  rapidly  increased ;  it  was  soon  difl'used  over  the 
neighbouring  nations ;  and  even  foreigners  were  eager  to  sub- 
mit their  writings  to  the  superior  judgment  of  Aldhelm.^*^  From 
this  circumstance  we  might  be  inclined  to  form  an  exalted  notion 
of  his  literary  merit:  but  the  principal  of  his  works,  which  are 
still  preserved,  show  that  he  owed  his  fame  rather  to  the  igno- 
rance than  to  the  taste  of  his  admirers.  With  an  exception  in 
favour  of  some  passages  in  his  poems,  thej'"  are  marked  by  a 
pompous  obscurity  of  language,  an  affectation  of  Grecian  phrase- 
ology, and  an  unmeaning  length  of  period,  which  perplexes  and 
disgusts.  As  a  writer  his  merit  is  not  great :  but  if  we  consider 
the  barbarism  of  the  preceding  generation,  and  the  difficulties 
with  which  he  was  surrounded,  we  cannot  refuse  him  the  praise 
of  genius,  resolution,  and  industry." 

n.  While  the  people  of  Wessex  gloried  in  the  fame  of  Ald- 
helm, another  and  greater  scholar  was  gradually  rising  into 
notice  from  an  obscure  corner  of  Northumbria.  Bede,  whom 
posterity  has  honoured  with  the  epithet  of  the  venerable,  was 
born  in  a  village  between  the  mouth  of  the  Wear  and  the  Tyne.*' 

"  Malm.  1.  V.  De  Pont.  p.  342. 

**  Mihi  conscius  sum  illud  me  Virgilianum  posse  jactare  : 

Primus  ego  in  patriam  mecum  modo  vita  supersit, 
Aldhelmus  rediens  deducam  vertice  musas. — Ibid. 
*^  Ibid.     Among  others  were  several  of  the  Scottish  scholars,  who  sent  their  writings 
to  him,  ut  perfecti  ingcnii  lima  scahredo  eraderetur  Scotica.     Ibid.     His  works  were 
much  esteemed  in  Spain.     Annal.  Bened.  torn.  ii.  p.  25. 

'"  His  writings  were  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  literature,  and  the  advancement  of 
virtue.  They  are  entitled  De  Metro,  De  Schematibus,  DeLaude  Virginum,  De  Mmg- 
matibus,  &c.     He  died  in  »7 1 9. 

'» He  was  born,  accordmg  to  his  own  account,  in  the  territory  (the  sundorland, 
iElfred'a  version,  p.  647)  of  the  united  monastery  of  Weremouth  and  Jarrow.  He 
generally  resided  at  the  latter  place.     Ann.  672. 


ACCOUNT    OP    BEDE.  205 

At  the  age  of  seven  he  was  intrusted  to  the  care  of  the  monks 
lately  established  by  St.  Bennet  Biscop,  at  Weremouth  and 
Jarrow :  and  the  gratitude  of  the  disciple  has  immortalized  the 
fame  of  the  monastery  and  its  founder.  Endowed  with  natural 
talents,  and  ambitious  of  excellence,  he  applied  without  inter- 
mission to  the  study  of  the  sciences :  and  towards  the  close  of  his 
life  he  informs  us,  that  he  had  devoted  two-and-fifty  years  to 
what  he  considered  as  the  most  delightful  of  all  pursuits,  his  own 
improvement,  and  the  instruction  of  his  pupils.^^  With  no  other 
help  than  what  the  library  of  the  monastery  afforded,  and  amid 
the  numerous  and  fatiguing  duties  of  the  monastic  profession,^" 
his  ardent  and  comprehensive  mind  embraced  every  science 
which  was  then  studied  :  and  raised  him  to  a  high  pre-eminence 
above  all  his  contemporaries.  Had  he  yielded  to  the  suggestions 
of  his  own  modesty,  his  name  had  probably  been  lost  in  oblivion  : 
but  the  commands  of  his  superiors,  and  of  Acca,  bishop  of  Hex- 
ham, urged  him  to  write ;  and  he  sought  an  apology  for  his  pre- 
sumption in  the  hope  that,  by  his  works,  he  might  abridge  and 
facilitate  to  his  countrymen  the  acquisition  of  knowledge.''^  In 
his  own  catalogue  of  books  which  he  had  composed,  and  which 
for  the  most  part  are  still  extant,  we  find  elementary  introduc- 
tions to  the  different  sciences,  treatises  on  physics,  astronomy, 
and  geography  ;  sermons,  biographical  notices  of  the  abbots  of 
his  own  monastery,  and  of  other  eminent  men,  and  commentaries 
on  most  of  the  books  of  Scripture.  But  his  ecclesiastical  history 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  is  the  most  celebrated  of  his  works.  The 
idea  of  it  was  suggested  by  Albin,  abbot  of  St.  Augustine's  at 
Canterbury,  and  a  disciple  of  Theodore  and  Adrian.  All  the 
English  prelates  approved  the  design,  and  communicated  to  the 
historian  whatever  information  they  could  acquire :  and  with 
the  same  view  Gregory  the  Third  permitted  the  records  of  the 
apostolic  see  to  be  searched  by  Northelm,  a  presbyter  of  the 
church  of  London.^'^  The  work  was  completed  two  years  before 
the  death  of  its  author.  It  was  received  with  universal  applause  : 
by  succeeding  generations  it  was  piously  preserved  as  a  memorial 
of  the  virtue  of  their  ancestors;  and  by  Alfred  the  Great  was 
translated  into  Saxon  for  the  instruction  of  his  more  illiterate 
countrymen.^'  That  it  is  a  faithful  record  of  the  times,  has  never 
been  doubted  :  and  if  to  some  critics  the  credulity  of  the  writer 
with  respect  to  miracles  appear  a  blemish,  yet  his  candour, 

'9  Semper  aut  discere  aut  docere  aut  scribere  dulce  habui.     Bed.  Hist.  I.  v.  c.  24. 

60  According  to  his  own  expression,  the  innumera  monasticie  servitutis  retinacula. 
Bed.  Ep.  ad  Accam. 

6' Ibid.  62  Hist,  praif.  p.  37,  38. 

63  Some  doubt  was  formerly  entertained  respecting  the  author  of  this  version :  but  the 
testimony  of  .^Ifric  has  restored  it  to  the  king.  Ij'Cojiia  Anjlojium  \>a  ]>e 
iElpjieb  cymnj  op  laeben  on  Gnjlipc  apenb.     Elstob's  Sax.  Horn.  p.  2. 

S 


206  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

sincerity,  and  piety  must  please  and  edify  every  reader.  The 
style  is  easy  and  perspicuous :  and  though  far  inferior  to  that  of 
the  great  masters  of  antiquity,  may  justly  claim  higher  praise 
than  any  other  specimen  of  the  age.  Bede  died  as  he  had  lived, 
in  the  prosecution  of  his  studies,  and  the  practice  of  devotion. 
During  his  last  illness  he  had  undertaken  an  Anglo-Saxon  trans- 
lation of  the  gospel  of  St.  John,  and  had  reached  the  sixth  chap- 
ter on  the  evening  of  his  death.  "  Dear  master,"  said  one  of  his 
disciples,  "  one  sentence  is  not  yet  written."  "  Then  write  it 
quickly,"  replied  Bede.  The  young  man,  soon  after,  said  it  was 
finished.  "  Truly,"  exclaimed  the  dying  monk,  "  it  is  finished  ! 
Hold  my  head  in  thy  hands,  for  it  is  a  pleasure  to  me  to  sit 
opposite  the  holy  place,  in  which  I  have  been  accustomed  to 
pray.  There  let  me  invoke  my  Father."  He  was  placed  on  the 
pavement  of  his  cell,  repeated  the  Gloria  Patri,  and  expired.^* 

The  reputation  of  Bede  survived  and  grew  after  his  death. 
The  Saxons  were  proud,  that  their  nation  had  produced  so 
eminent  a  writer :  the  monks  of  Weremouth  and  Jarrow  were 
harassed  with  solicitations  for  copies  of  his  works;"*  and,  at  the 
distance  of  a  hundred  years,  the  prelates  of  the  Franks,  in  the 
council  of  Aix  la  Chapelle,  numbered  him  among  the  fathers  of 
the  church,  and  styled  him  the  venerable  and  admirable  doctor."^ 
If  the  improvements  of  modern  times  have  diminished  the  value 
of  his  writings,  this  circumstance  ought  no  more  to  detract  from 
his  merit,  than  it  does  from  that  of  the  philosophers  of  Greece 
and  Rome.  Bede  was  a  great  man  for  the  age  in  which  he  lived: 
he  would  have  been  a  great  man  had  he  lived  in  any  other  age. 

HI.  The  loss  which  Anglo-Saxon  literature  had  sufiered  by 
the  death  of  Bede,  was  quickly  repaired  by  the  abilities  of  Alcuin. 
Alcuin  was  descended  from  an  illustrious  family,  and  born  with- 
in the  walls,  or  in  the  vicinity  of  York."''  The  great  school  in 
that  city  had  lately  attained  a  high  degree  of  reputation  by  the 
exertions  of  Archbishop  Egbert,  a  prelate  who,  under  the  tuition 
of  Bede,  had  imbibed  a  passion  for  learning,  and  who,  notwith- 
standing his  royal  birth  and  elevated  station,  was  proud  to  im- 
part the  rudiments  of  knowledge  to  the  noble  youth  that  where 

61  Ep.  Cuth.  apud  Sim.  Dun.  p.  78.     An.  735. 

65  Ep.  Bonif.  p.  12,  13.  120. 124.  130.  152.  231.  "  Et  rectum  quidem  mihi  videtur," 
says  the  abbot  Cuthbert,  "  ut  tola  gens  Anglorum,  in  omnibus  provinciis  ubicumque 
reperti  sunt,  gratias  Deo  referant,  quia  tarn  mirabilem  virum  iiiis  in  sua  natione 
donavit."     Ibid.  p.  124. 

6G  Quid  venerabilis,  et  modemis  temporibus  doctor  admirabilis,  Beda  presbyter sentiat, 
videamus.     Con.  Aquisgran.  ii.  prsf.  1.  iii. 

6'  As  a  descendant  of  the  same  family  as  St.  Wiliibrord,  he  inherited  the  monastery 
of  St.  Mary,  built  by  the  father  of  that  missionary,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Humber. 
Annal.  Bened.  torn.  ii.  p.  322.  In  the  poem  on  the  saints  of  York,  the  author  describes 
himself  as  a  native  of  that  city.  (v.  16,  1653.)  There  is  sufficient  internal  evidence 
that  this  poem  should  be  assigned  to  the  pen  of  Alcuin.  The  inferiority  of  the  poetry 
may  be  excused  by  the  youth  of  the  poet. 


ACCOUNT    OF    ALCUIN.  207 

educated  in  the  episcopal  monastery.^'  To  his  care  Alcuin 
was  intrusted  at  an  early  age ;  and  the  talents,  virtue,  and 
docility  of  the  pupil  soon  attracted  the  notice,  and  secured  the 
affection  of  the  master.  At  his  death  Egbert  bequeathed  to  him 
his  library,  and  selected  him  to  succeed  to  the  important  office 
of  teacher.  The  abilities  of  the  new  professor  justified  the 
partiality  or  the  judgment  of  his  patron  ;  his  reputation  added  to 
the  ancient  celebrity  of  the  school ;  and  students  from  Gaul  and 
Germany  crowded  to  the  lectures  of  so  renowned  a  master.^^ 

Egbert  was  succeeded  by  his  kinsman  Albert,  who  had  for- 
merly taught  in  the  same  seminary.  Like  his  predecessor,  he 
was  eager  to  honour  the  merit  of  Alcuin.  He  sent  him  on  an 
important  mission  to  the  court  of  France ;  confided  to  his  care 
and  that  of  Eanbald  the  erection  of  the  new  church ;  and,  by  his 
will,  left  to  him  "  the  most  valuable  of  his  treasures,"  the 
numerous  volumes,  which  he  had  collected  in  different  journeys 
to  Gaul  and  Italy.''" 

To  procure  the  pallium  for  Eanbald,  the  next  archbishop,  Al- 
cuin visited  Rome  ;  and  in  his  return,  at  Pa  via,  was  introduced 
to  Charlemagne.  That  prince  was  then  in  the  zenith  of  his 
power.  But  to  the  glory  of  a  conqueror,  he  was  desirous  to  add 
the  fame  of  a  patron  of  learning ;  the  revival  of  literature  in  his 
extensive  dominions  had  long  engaged  his  attention,  and  he 
seized  the  favourable  moment  to  solicit  the  assistance  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  in  so  laudable  a  project.  The  ambition  of  Alcuin 
was  awakened ;  and  he  promised  to  return,  if  the  king  of 
Northumbria,  and  the  archbishop  of  York,  would  give  their  con- 

ss  Egbert,  the  brother  of  the  king  of  Northumbria,  had  been  educated  under  venera- 
ble Bede.  Penetrated  with  respect  for  the  memory  of  his  master,  he  closely  imitated 
his  manner  of  teaching.  He  rose  at  daybreak,  and,  when  he  was  not  prevented  by 
more  important  occupations,  sitting  on  his  couch,  taught  his  pupils  successively  till 
noon.  He  then  retired  to  his  chapel,  and  celebrated  mass.  (Sanctificabat  eos,  offerens 
corpus  Christi  et  sanguinem  pro  omnibus.  Vit.  Ale.  p.  149.)  At  the  time  of  dinner, 
he  repaired  to  the  common  hall,  where  he  ate  sparingly,  though  he  was  careful  that  the 
meat  should  be  of  the  best  kind.  During  dinner  a  book  of  instruction  was  always  read. 
Till  the  evening  he  amused  himself  with  hearing  his  scholars  discuss  literary  subjects. 
Then  he  repeated  with  them  the  service  of  complin,  called  them  to  him,  and,  as  they 
successively  knelt  before  him,  gave  them  his  benediction.  They  afterwards  retired  to 
rest.  These  particulars  Alcuin  used  to  relate  to  his  friends.  Vit.  Ale.  in  Act.  SS. 
Bened.  skc.  iv.  tom.  i.  p.  149. 

69  Eo  tempore  in  Eboraica  civitate  famosus  merito  scholam  magister  Alcuinus  tenebat, 
undecunque  ad  se  confluentibus  de  magna  sua  scientia  communicans.  Vit.  St.  Liudgeri 
in  Act.  Bened.  saec.  iv.  tom.  i.  p.  37. 

'0  Ale.  de  Pont.  Ebor.  Eccl.  v.  1.525.     Alcuin  thus  laments  the  death  of  his  patron : 
"  0  pater,  O  pastor,  vitae  spes  maxima  nostrae, 
Te  sine  nos  ferimur  turbata  per  sequora  mundi : 
Te  duce  deserti  variis  involvimur  undis, 
Incerti  qualem  mereamur  tangere  portum. 
Sidera  dum  lucent,  trudit  dum  nubila  ventus, 
Semper  honos,  nomenque  tuum,  laudesque  manebunt." 

Ibid.  V.  1596. 


208  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

sent.  Their  consent  was  given,  and  the  promise  was  fulfilled." 
Charles  immediately  enrolled  himself  in  the  number  of  his  disci- 
ples ;  every  nobleman  and  clergyman,  who  courted  the  favour 
of  the  prince,  followed  his  example ;  and  distinction  in  the 
school  of  Alcuin  became  the  surest  path  to  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
lionours.  From  the  palace  the  spirit  of  improvement  diffused 
itself  over  the  more  distant  provinces :  laws  were  published  for 
the  encouragement  of  learning ;  schools  were  opened  in  the 
principal  of  the  clerical  and  monastic  establishments ;  and  the 
efforts  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  seconded  by  the  influence  of  his 
patron,  restored  the  empire  of  learning  in  Gaul  and  Germany.'^^ 

Charles  was  not  migrateful  to  his  teacher.  He  constantly  re- 
tained him  near  his  person,  honoured  him  with  peculiar  distinc- 
tions, and  gave  him  the  revenues  of  the  abbeys  of  Ferrieres  and 
St.  Martin's.  But  neither  the  favour  nor  the  presents  of  the 
French  monarch  could  wean  the  affections  of  Alcuin  from 
Britain.  He  still  considered  himself  as  an  honourable  exile  ;  and 
frequently,  but  ineffectually,  solicited  the  permission  to  revisit  his 
native  country.  The  reluctance  of  Charles  was  not  to  be  softened 
by  entreaties  :  at  last  it  was  subdued  by  political  considerations. 

The  French  monarch  had  commissioned  Gerwold,  the  abbot  of 
Fontanelles,  and  collector  of  the  customs,"  to  negotiate  a  marriage 
between  his  son  Charles  and  a  daughter  of  Offa,  king  of  Mercia. 
The  pride  of  the  Mercian  might  have  been  flattered  by  the 
alliance  of  so  potent  a  sovereign :  but  he  determined  to  treat  on 
a  footing  of  equality,  and  in  return  demanded,  as  the  price  of  his 
consent,  the  hand  of  a  French  princess  for  his  son  Egferth. 
Charles  was  irritated  at  the  manner  in  which  his  proposal  had 
been  received;  and  the  merchants  of  each  prince  were  respec- 
tively forbidden  to  trade  with  those  of  the  other.  It  is  probable, 
that  the  interests  of  Gerwold  suffered  from  this  interruption  of 
commerce.  He  artfully  contrived  to  mollify  the  resentment  of 
his  sovereign  ;  and  Alcuin  was  selected  to  be   the  bearer  of 

'''  Vit.  Ale.  in  Act.  Bened.  srec.  iv.  torn.  i.  p.  153.  Alcuin  alludes  to  the  same  event 
in  one  of  his  letters  to  Charles.  "  Ex  diversis  mundi  partibus  amatores  illius  vestry  bona 
voluntatis  convocare  studu^stis.  Inter  quos  me  etiam  infimum  ejusdem  sanctse  sapientiae 
vernaculum  de  ultimis  Britannise  finibus  adsciscere  curastis."     Ale.  ep.  23. 

'2  A  German  poet  has  thus  expressed  his  gratitude  to  Alcuin  and  his  countrymen: 
"  Hfec  tamen  arctois  laus  est  aeterna  Britannis. 
Ilia  bonas  artes  et  Graise  munera  linguae 
Stellarumque  vias,  et  magni  sidera  coeli 
Observans,  iterum  turbatis  intulit  oris. 
Quid  non  Alcuino  facunda  Lutetia  debes'? 

Apud  Cam.  torn.  i.  p.  166. 
'^  Fontanelles  was  an  abbey  in  the  diocese  of  Rouen,  afterwards  called  St.  Wan- 
drille's.  The  principal  port,  in  which  Gerwold  collected  the  customs,  was  Cwentawic, 
now  Estaples.  It  carried  on  a  great  trade  with  England.  (Chron.  Fontanel,  c.  15.) 
Near  the  town  stood  the  monastery  of  St.  Josse,  which  Charles  afterwards  gave  to 
Alcuin,  for  the  convenience  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  travellers. 


ACCOUNT    OF    ALCUIN.  209 

friendly  proposals  to  Offa.^''  Though  we  have  no  positive  proof, 
it  can  hardly  be  doubted,  that  he  actually  executed  this  commis- 
sion. Certain  it  is,  that  he  visited  England  at  this  period ;  and 
that  peace  and  amity  were  restored  between  the  two  nations." 

Alcuin  was  in  no  haste  to  leave  his  countrymen  :  and  though 
he  was  repeatedly  importuned  by  the  solicitations  of  Charles, 
three  years  elapsed  before  he  returned  to  France.  He  was 
received  with  honour  by  his  patron,  resumed  his  former  occupa- 
tions, and  was  preferred  to  the  abbeys  of  St.  Josse,  at  Cwentawic; 
and  St.  Martin,  at  Tours.  For  several  years  he  remained  at  the 
court,  caressed  and  respected  by  the  prince  and  his  favourites  : 
but,  as  he  advanced  in  age,  he  grew  weary  of  the  honours  he 
enjoyed,  and  earnestly  sighed  after  the  tranquillity  which  he  had 
tasted  in  his  former  retirement  at  York.  Had  he  been  able  to 
obtain  the  consent  of  Charles,  it  was  his  intention  to  end  his  days 
among  his  brethren,  the  clergy  of  that  city  -J^  and  when  this  was 
refused,  he  requested  permission  to  retire  to  the  monastery,  which 
his  countryman  St.  Boniface  had  founded  at  Fulda.'^^  But  Fulda 
was  at  too  great  a  distance  from  the  royal  residence ;  and  his 
abbey  of  St.  Martin's  was  at  last  selected  for  the  place  of  his 
retreat.  There  he  resigned  his  benefices  to  his  favourite  disciples ; 
and  spent  in  exercises  of  devotion,  and  his  usual  occupation  of 
teaching,  the  remaining  years  of  his  life.  His  diet  was  sparing, 
his  prayer  frequent,  and  he  assisted  daily  in  quality  of  deacon  at 
a  mass,  which  was  celebrated  in  his  private  chapel,  by  one  of 
his  disciples.  His  numerous  charities  excited  the  applause  and 
gratitude  of  the  inhabitants  of  Tours,  and  a  hospital  which  he 
founded  for  the  reception  of  the  poor  and  of  travellers,  was  long 
preserved  under  the  tuition  of  his  successors,  the  abbots  of  St. 
Martin's.  To  prepare  himself  for  death  became  the  great  object 
of  his  thoughts  ;  and  that  he  might  frequently  reflect  on  that  hour, 
he  composed  his  own  epitaph,  selected  a  place  for  his  grave  with- 
out the  church,  and  often  visited  it,  accompanied  by  his  pupils.^* 

'''  I  have  been  rather  circumstantial  in  relating  this  affair,  as  the  cause  of  the  dissen- 
sion between  Charlemagne  and  Offa  has  eluded  the  diligence  of  our  national  historians, 
from  Malmsbury  to  Mr.  Turner.  It  is  related  by  the  chronicler  of  Fontanelles,  in  his 
account  of  the  abbot  Gerwold.  Chron.  Fontanel,  c.  15.  Annal.  Bened.  torn,  ii,  p.  287, 
Alcuin  mentions  the  report  that  he  was  to  be  sent  to  Offa,  in  his  letter  to  Colcus  apud 
Malm,  de  Reg.  1.  i.  c.  4,  f.  1 7. 

'■^  Charlemagne's  letters  to  Offa,  after  their  reconciliation,  maybe  seen  in  Malmsbury, 
ibid. 

's  Malm,  de  Reg.  1.  i.  c.  3.  In  a  letter  to  the  clergy  of  York,  Alcuin  thus  expresses 
himself.  "  Ego  vester  ero  sive  in  vita,  sive  in  morte,  Et  forte  miserebitur  mei  Deus, 
ut  cujus  infantiam  alaistis,  ejus  senectutem  sepeliatis.  Et  si  alius  corpori  deputabitur 
locus,  tamen  animse,  qualemcumque  habitaturs,  erit  per  vestras  sanctas,  Deo  donante, 
intercessiones  requies."     Ep.  98. 

^'  His  biographer  informs  us,  that  if  this  had  been  granted,  he  meant  to  have  become 
a  monk.  Vit.  Ale.  p.  154. — After  his  departure  from  the  court,  the  care  of  the  palatine 
school  was  intrusted  to  Clemens,  a  native  of  Ireland.    Mabil.  praBf.  saec.  iv.  Bened.  181. 

'8  Ibid.  p.  156.  161.     His  epitaph  may  be  seen,  note  (U). 
27  s  2 


210  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

He  did  not,  however,  neglect  his  favourite  occupation  ;  and  his 
school  at  Tours  was  equal  in  reputation  to  that  which  he  had 
established  in  the  court.  Foreigners,  and  particularly  his  coun- 
trymen,^^ crowded  to  his  retreat,  to  enjoy  the  benefit  of  his  con- 
versation :  and  the  emperor  and  his  family  frequently  honoured 
him  with  their  visits.»°  Thus  he  lived,  respected  by  Charlemagne 
and  his  court :  and,  when  he  died,  was  lamented  as  the  pride  of 
his  age,  and  the  benefactor  of  the  empire.**' 

The  pen  of  Alcuin  was  seldom  idle.  For  the  use  of  his  pupils 
he  wrote,  in  the  form  of  dialogues,  elementary  treatises  on  most 
of  the  sciences ;  compiled,  at  the  solicitation  of  his  friends,  the 
lives  of  several  eminent  men  ;  and  occasionally  proved  his  devo- 
tion to  the  muses,  by  the  composition  of  smaller  poems.  His 
letters  are  numerous,  and  will  be  read  with  interest,  from  the 
fidelity  with  which  they  describe  the  views,  manners,  and  em- 
ployments of  the  most  distinguished  characters  of  the  age.  To 
him  the  Caroline  books,  and  the  canons  of  the  council  of  Frank- 
fort, have  been  generally  ascribed :  and  his  writings  against  Felix 
and  Elipandus  exposed  the  errors,  and  confounded  the  audacity 

'9  The  Chronicle  of  Tours,  and  most  writers  assert,  that  Alcuin  introduced  canons 
into  St.  Martin's.  Mabillon  thinks  he  can  prove,  that  the  monks  continued  there  till 
his  death.  However  that  may  be,  the  clergy  of  Tours  were  jealous  of  the  great  num- 
ber of  Anglo-Saxons  who  visited  Alcuiu.  His  biographer  has  preserved  the  following 
anecdote  on  this  subject.  As  Aigulf,  an  English  priest,  entered  the  monastery,  four 
of  the  French  clergy  were  standing  by  the  gate,  and  one  of  them  exclaimed  in  his  own 
language,  supposing  it  unknown  to  the  stranger,  "  Good  God  !  When  will  this  house 
be  delivered  from  the  crowds  of  Britons,  who  swarm  to  that  old  fellow,  like  so  many 
bees."  Aigulf  held  down  his  head,  and  entered  :  but  Alcuin  immediately  sent  for  them, 
told  them  what  he  had  heard,  and  requested  them  to  sit  down,  and  drink  the  health  of 
his  countryman  in  a  glass  of  his  best  wine.     Vit.  Ale.  p.  157. 

so  When  Charlemagne  could  not  visit  his  old  master,  he  was  careful  to  write  to  him. 
The  following  verses  do  honour,  if  not  to  his  abilities  as  a  poet,  at  least  to  his  affection 
as  a  friend : 

"  Mens  mea  mellifluo,  fateor,  congaudet  amore, 

Doctor  amate,  tui :  volui  quapropter  in  odis, 

O  venerande,  tuam  musis  solare  senectam : 

Jam  meliora  tenes  sanctse  vestigia  vita;, 

Donee  aetherii  venias  ad  culmina  regni, 

Congaudens  Sanctis,  Christo  sociatus  in  levum. 

Meque  tuis  precibus  tecum  rape,  qua^so,  magister, 

Ad  pia,  quae  tendis,  miserantis  culmina  regis." 

Ale.  Epigram.  185, 
8'  Alcuin  died  about  the  year  810.  Act.  SS.  Bened.  stcc.  iv.  p.  182.  He  never 
received  any  higher  order  than  that  of  deacon.  Both  he  himself,  and  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
who  followed  him  into  Gaul,  were  canons.  Reyner,  indeed,  is  positive,  and  Mabillon 
would  fain  persuade  himself,  that  Alcuin  was  a  monk.  (Act.  Bened.  p.  163.)  But  their 
arguments  are  weak,  and  positively  contradicted  by  the  testimony  of  the  monk,  who 
wrote  his  life  from  the  relation  of  his  favourite  disciple,  Sigulf.  "  Sequantur  vestigia, 
Cenedicti  scilicet  monachis,  Alchuini  per  omnia  canonicis,  imitatione  digna."  P.  146. 
"  O  vere  monachum,  monachi  sine  voto."  P.  150.  "  Vita  denique  ejus  non  monasticse 
inferior  fuit.  Nam  qualis  in  patribus  superius  nominatis  (Ecgberto  et.iElberto)  praeces- 
«erat,  talis  et  in  illo  durabat."     P.  154. 


PERSEVERANCE    IN    STUDT.  21V 

of  those  innovators.  Like  Bede,  he  wrote  comments  from  the 
works  of  the  fathers,  on  several  books  of  Scripture  ;  and  his  last 
labours  were  employed  on  a  subject  of  the  highest  importance 
to  religion,  a  revision  of  the  text  of  the  Latin  Vulgate.  As  a 
scholar,  Alcuin  claims  a  high  superiority  over  all  his  contempo- 
raries :  but  his  principal  merit  must  be  derived  from  the  ardour 
with  which  he  propagated  the  love  of  knowledge,  from  the  Gallic 
Alps  to  the  banks  of  the  Loire,  the  Rhine,  and  the  Elbe.  r 

The  reader  who  has  been  taught  to  despise  the  literature  of^ 
the  middle  ages,  will  perhaps  conceive  that  I  have  ascribed  to 
our  ancestors  more  than  they  justly  deserved.  But  in  estimating 
the  respective  merits  of  writers,  who  have  lived  at  different  times, 
it  would  be  unfair  to  judge  all  by  the  same  standard.  If  we  com- 
pare the  literary  characters  of  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries, 
with  those  of  a  later  period,  the  distance  between  them  will,  in 
several  respects,  appear  immense :  but  their  claims  to  our  ap- 
plause will  converge  more  nearly  to  a  point,  when  we  reflect, 
that  the  latter  have  been  assisted  by  the  collective  wisdom  and 
experience  of  successive  generations ;  whereas  the  former  were 
but  just  emerging  from  a  state  of  ignorance  and  barbarism.  The 
obstacles  which  the  Saxon  students  had  to  overcome,  were 
numerous  and  formidable  :  and  their  industry  and  perseverance 
demand  our  admiration.  They  performed  whatever  it  was  pos- 
sible for  men  in  their  circumstances  to  perform.  They  collected 
every  relic  of  ancient  literature  :  they  undertook  the  most  perilous 
and  laborious  journeys  in  pursuit  of  knowledge:  they  studied 
every  species  of  learning,  of  which  they  could  discover  the  rudi- 
ments in  books ;  and  there  is  reason  to  believe,  that  they  possess- 
ed most  of  the  sciences  as  perfectly  as  they  were  known,  when 
their  forefathers  made  themselves  masters  of  Britain.  In  purity 
and  elegance  of  style,  they  were  undoubtedly  deficient :  but  taste 
had  been  on  the  decline  from  the  age  of  Augustus,  and  had 
gradually  sunk  with  the  prosperity  of  the  empire.  The  Latin 
writings  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  show,  that  the  language 
of  Rome  was  no  longer  the  language  of  Cicero  and  Virgil,  and  its 
deterioration  was  rapidly  accelerated  by  the  conquests  of  the 
northern  nations,  who  adulterated  it  by  the  admixture  of  bar- 
barian idioms.  This  defect,  then,  will  appear  to  the  candid  critic 
a  subject  of  regret,  rather  than  of  blame  :  and  when  he  observes 
the  Saxon  writers  often  equal,  and  sometimes  superior,  to  many 
who  lived  before  the  dismemberment  of  the  empire,  instead  of 
despising,  he  will  approve  and  value  their  exertions. 


912  ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON   CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Descents  of  the  Danes — Destruction  of  Churches  and  Monasteries — Prevalence  of  Igno- 
rance and  Immorality — Efforts  to  restore  the  Clerical  and  Monastic  Orders. 

In  the  preceding  chapters  we  have  observed  the  introduction 
and  diffusion  of  Christianity  among  our  ancestors  ;  the  faith, 
discipline,  and  morals  of  their  monks  and  clergy ;  their  modes 
of  religious  worship,  and  their  ardour  in  the  pursuit  of  science. 
From  the  contemplation  of  this  tranquil  scene,  the  invasions  of 
the  Danes  summon  us  to  witness  the  horrors  of  barbarian  war- 
fare, the  conflagration  of  churches,  the  downfall  of  the  monastic, 
and  the  decline  of  the  clerical  orders.  During  the  whole  of  the 
first,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  second  century  after  the  mission 
of  St.  Augustine,  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  was  conspicuous  for 
the  virtues  and  the  knowledge  of  many  among  its  members. 
Christianity  had  given  a  new  direction  to  the  efforts  of  the  con- 
verts ;  and  though  the  contending  politics  and  ambition  of  their 
petty  sovereigns  might  occasionally  retard,  they  did  not,  on  the 
whole,  prevent  the  progress  of  religious  and  civil  improvement. 
In  the  year  800,  Egbert  ascended  the  throne  of  Wessex.  His 
superior  fortune  or  superior  abilities,  soon  crushed  the  power  of 
his  rivals;  and  the  friends  of  religion  flattered  themselves  that  a 
long  period  of  tranquillity  would  atone  for  the  disturbances  of 
former  times,  and  that  the  chmch  might  repose  in  security  under 
the  protection  of  one  supreme  monarch.  But  their  hopes  were 
fallacious.  A  storm  was  silently  gathering  in  the  north,  which, 
after  a  short  respite,  burst  on  the  eastern  coast,  and  involved, 
during  more  than  half  a  century,  the  whole  island  in  ruin  and 
devastation. 

It  were,  however,  inaccurate  to  suppose  that  the  fervour  of 
the  first  converts  had  been  perpetuated  till  this  period,  without 
suffering  any  diminution.  Nations,  like  individuals,  are  subject 
to  vicissitudes  of  exertion  and  depression.  As  long  as  the  im- 
pulse communicated  by  the  first  missionaries  continued,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Christians  cheerfully  submitted  to  every  sacrifice, 
and  embraced  with  eagerness  the  most  arduous  duties  of  religion. 
But  after  a  certain  period,  the  virtues  which  had  so  brilliantly 
illuminated  the  aurora  of  their  church,  began  to  disappear ;  with 
the  extirpation  of  idolatry,  the  vigilance  and  zeal  of  the  bishops 
were  gradually  relaxed ;  and  the  spirit  of  devotion,  which  had 
formerly  characterized  the  monks  and  clergy,  insensibly  evapo- 


EXHORTATIONS    OP    ALCUIN.  213 

rated  in  the  sunshine  of  ease  and  prosperity.  Even  the  love  of 
science,  which  so  often  survives  the  sentiments  of  piety,  was 
extinguished.  Malmsbury  laments,  though  he  allows  of  some 
exceptions,  that  the  knowledge  of  the  Saxons  was  buried  in  the 
same  grave  with  the  venerable  Bede  :^  and  Alfred  informs  us,  that 
among  the  more  distant  successors  of  that  learned  monk,  few 
were  able,  if  they  had  been  willing,  to  understand  the  numerous 
authors  that  slept  undisturbed  in  the  tranquillity  of  their  libraries.^ 
This  degeneracy  of  his  countrymen  was  remarked  and  lamented 
by  Alcuin.  With  every  argument  that  his  eloquence  could  sug- 
gest, he  attempted  to  awaken  their  emulation  :  and  his  frequent 
letters  to  the  kings  of  Northumbria  and  Mercia,  the  archbishops 
of  Canterbury  and  York,  the  monks  of  Hexham,  Lindisfarne,  and 
Jarrow,  are  honourable  monuments  of  his  zeal.^  "  Think,"  he 
writes  to  the  latter,  "  on  the  worth  of  our  predecessors,  and  iDlush 
at  your  own  inferiority.  View  the  treasures  of  your  library,  and 
the  magnificence  of  your  monastery,  and  recall  to  mind  the  rigid 
virtues  of  those  by  whom  they  were  formerly  possessed.  Among 
you  was  educated  Bede,  the  most  illustrious  doctor  of  modern 
times.  How  intense  was  his  application  to  study  !  How  great 
in  return  is  his  reputation  among  men  !  How  much  greater  still 
his  reward  with  God  !  Let  his  example  rouse  you  from  your  tor- 
por :  listen  to  the  instructions  of  your  teachers,  open  your  books, 
and  learn  to  understand  their  meaning.  Avoid  all  furtive  revel- 
lings,  and  leave  to  the  world  the  vain  ornaments  of  dress.  What 
becomes  you,  is  the  modesty  of  your  habit,  the  sanctity  of  your 
life,  and  the  superiority  of  your  virtue."''  Such  were  the  argu- 
ments of  Alcuin.  That  they  would  have  proved  successful,  may 
reasonably  be  doubted  :  but  the  experiment  was  prevented  by  the 
calamity  of  the  times ;  and  the  decline  of  piety  and  knowledge, 
which  had  originated  in  the  indolence  of  the  natives,  was  rapidly 
accelerated  by  the  exterminating  sword  of  the  Danes. 

During  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  the  peninsula  of  Jutland, 
the  islands  of  the  Baltic,  and  the  shores  of  the  Scandinavian  con- 
tinent, were  parcelled  among  a  number  of  petty  and  independent 
chieftains,  who  sought  no  other  occupation  than  war,  and  pos- 
sessed no  other  wealth  than  what  they  had  acquired  by  the 
sword.  Their  children,  with  the  exception  of  the  eldest,  were 
taught  to  depend  for  fame  and  power  on  their  own  abilities 
and  courage :  their  ships  were  the  only  inheritance  which  they 
derived  from  their  fathers :  and  in  these  they  were  compelled 
to  sail  in  pursuit  of  adventures  and  riches.*     No  injury  was 

1  Malm,  de  Reg.  1.  i.  p.  12, 

2  Spifte  lycle  peopme  J'apa  boca  pif  con  popfam  fe  hi  hipa  nan 
finje  onjican  ne  mihcon.  popl^am  ]>e  hi  noepon  on  hipa  ajenre 
J>eobe  appicene.     Ep.  JE\{.  ad  Wulst,  apud  Walk.  vit.  Alf.  p.  196, 

3  Ep.  Ale,  28,  29.  32.  49, 50.  ■»  Ep.  Ale.  49. 
'  Wallingford,  p.  533.    Spelm.  Vit.  ^If.  edit.     Walk.  p.  14,  not. 


214  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

necessary  to  provoke  their  enmity.  The  prospect  of  pUnider 
directed  their  attack  ;  and  carnage  and  devastation  were  the  cer- 
tain consequences  of  their  success.  They  could  conceive  no 
greater  pleasure  than  to  feast  their  eyes  with  the  flames  of  the 
villages,  which  they  had  plundered,  and  their  ears  with  the 
groans  of  their  captives,  expiring  under  the  anguish  of  torture.^ 
The  northern  seas  were  originally  the  theatre  of  their  courage 
and  cruelty.  At  last  they  ventured  to  try  their  fortune  against 
the  more  opulent  nations  of  the  south :  and,  during  more  than 
two  centuries,  the  maritime  provinces  of  Gaul  and  Britain  were 
continually  pillaged  and  depopulated  by  these  restless  barbarians. 

It  is  uncertain  whether  their  first  descent  in  England  was  the 
effect  of  accident  or  design.  They  quickly  retired  to  their  ships: 
but  the  plunder  was  sufficiently  rich  to  invite  a  repetition  of  the 
attempt.^  In  the  year  seven  hundred  and  ninety-three,  the 
inhabitants  of  Northumbria  were  alarmed  by  the  appearance  of 
a  Danish  armament  near  the  coast.  The  barbarians  were  per- 
mitted to  land  without  opposition.  The  plunder  of  the  churches 
exceeded  their  most  sanguine  expectations  :  and  their  route  was 
marked  by  the  mangled  carcasses  of  the  nuns,  the  monks,  and  the 
priests,  whom  they  had  massacred.  But  historians  have  scarcely 
condescended  to  notice  the  misfortunes  of  other  churches :  their 
attention  has  been  absorbed  by  the  fate  of  Lindisfarne.  That 
venerable  pile,  once  honoured  by  the  residence  of  the  apostle  of 
Northumbria,  and  sanctioned  by  the  remains  of  St.  Cuthbert,  be- 
came the  prey  of  the  barbarians.  Their  impiety  polluted  the 
altars,  and  their  rapacity  was  rewarded  by  its  gold  and  silver 
ornaments,  the  oblations  of  gratitude  and  devotion.  The  monks 
endeavoured  by  concealment  to  elude  their  cruelty :  but  the 
greater  number  were  discovered,  and  were  either  slaughtered 
on  the  island,  or  drowned  in  the  sea.  If  the  lives  of  the  children 
were  spared,  their  fate  was  probably  more  severe  than  that  of 
their  teachers  :  they  were  carried  into  captivity.* 

The  news  of  this  calamity  filled  all  the  nations  of  the  Saxons 
with  shame  and  sorrow.  Lindisfarne  had  long  been  to  them  an 
object  of  peculiar  respect :  and  the  Northumbrians  hesitated  not 
to  pronounce  it  the  most  venerable  of  the  British  churches.^ 

6  Mat.  West.  p.  388.     Ang.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  135. 

7  On  hip  bajuin  cpomon  apepc    m  pcipu  Nop?)manna  ....... 

Dae  pa>pon  J'a  a?pepcan  pcipu  Denipca  monna  ]>e  Anjel-cinnep 
lonb  jepolicon  (Chr.  Sax.  p.  B4.)  In  this  passage  the  appellations  of  Danes  and 
Northmen  are  used  indiscriminately  for  the  same  people.  Yet  in  another  passage  they 
are  distinguished  as  two  dilTerent  nations;  (sejbep  je  Gnjlipce  je  Denipce 
je  Nop¥)men  je  obpe.      Chron.  Sax.  p.  110.) 

»  Sim.  Dunel.  edit.  Bedford,  p.  87.  Hoved.  f.  405.  Ep.  Ale.  cit.  Malm,  de  I'ont.  I. 
iii.  f.  157. 

9  Locus  cunclis  in  Britannia  venerabilior.     Ep.  Ale.  cit.  Malm.  1.  iii.  f.  157. 


INVASION    OF    RAGNAR    LODBROG.  215 

Alcuin  received  the  account  at  the  court  of  Charlemagne,  and 
evinced,  by  his  tears,  the  sincerity  of  his  grief.  But  while  he 
lamented  the  present,  his  mind  presaged  future  and  more  lasting 
calamities  to  his  country.  Prompted  by  his  fears,  he  wrote  to 
the  bishop  of  Lindisfarne,  to  his  brethren  the  clergy  of  York,  and 
to  the  monks  of  Weremouth  and  Jarrow.  "  Who,"  he  observes 
to  the  last,  "  must  not  tremble,  when  he  considers  the  misfortune 
which  has  befallen  the  church  of  St.  Cuthbert  ?  Let  the  fate  of 
others  be  a  warning  to  you.  You  also  inhabit  the  sea-coast: 
you  are  equally  exposed  to  the  fury  of  the  barbarians.'""  The 
event  verified  liis  foresight.  Within  a  few  months  from  the  date 
of  the  letter,  a  Danisli  squadron  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Tyne, 
and  the  monasteries  of  Jarrow  and  Weremouth,  the  noble  monu- 
ments of  Benedict's  zeal  and  Egfrid's  munificence,  were  reduced 
to  ashes.  The  pirates,  however,  did  not  escape  with  impunity. 
Scarcely  had  they  left  the  harbour,  when  their  ships  were  dashed 
by  a  storm  against  the  rocks.  Numbers  were  buried  in  the 
waves :  the  few  who  swam  to  the  shore  were  immolated  to  the 
vengeance  of  the  inhabitants.^' 

From  this  period,  during  the  lapse  of  seventy  years,  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  were  harassed  by  the  incessant  depredations  of  the 
Northmen.  Each  bay  and  navigable  river  was  repeatedly 
visited  by  their  fleets :  the  booty  acquired  by  the  adventurers 
stimulated  the  avarice  of  their  brethren  ;  and  armament  after 
armament  darkened  the  shores  of  Britain.  I  shall  not  follow 
them  in  these  desultory  and  destructive  expeditions,  which  could 
only  fatigue  and  disgust  the  mind  of  the  reader  with  the  unvaried 
picture  of  carnage,  pillage,  and  devastation.  The  wealth  of  the 
churches  continued  to  allure  their  rapacity  :  each  succeeding 
year  was  marked  by  the  fall  of  some  celebrated  monastery  ;  and 
the  monks,  in  sorrowful  astonishment,  bewailed  the  rapid  de- 
population of  their  order. 

About  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  Ragnar  Lodbrog,  a 
vikingr  renowned  for  courage  and  cruelty,  who  had  led  his  fol- 
lowers to  the  walls  of  Paris,  and  had  wrung  from  the  pusillani- 
mity of  Charles  the  Bald  the  most  valuable  of  his  treasures,  was 
shipwrecked  on  the  coast  of  Northumbria.  Undismayed  at  his 
misfortune,  the  intrepid  barbarian  collected  the  remains  of  his 
troops,  and  had  begun  to  plunder  the  nearest  villages,  when  iElla, 
the  usurper  of  the  Northumbrian  sceptre,  advanced  to  chastise 
his  insolence.  The  pride  of  Ragnar  refused  to  retire  before  a 
superior  enemy.  He  fought,  was  taken,  and  by  his  death  paid 
the  forfeit  of  his  temerity. '^     The  Danes  could  not  reasonably 

"     10  Ale.  Ep.  49.     Ann.  794. 

11  Ghr.  Sax.  p.  66.     Walling,  p.  .533.     Sim.  Dun.  p.  88. 

12  The  adventures  of  Ragnar  are  but  obscurely  hinted  in  our  national  writers:  the 
industry  of  Mr,  Turner  has  collected  the  particulars  from  the  northern  historians.  Hist, 
vol.  ii.  p.  115. 


216  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

accuse  the  severity  of  the  conqueror.  Had  the  chance  of  battle 
delivered  JFMa.  into  the  hands  of  the  vikingr,  he  would  have  in- 
flicted a  similar  fate.  But  his  sons  (they  were  ten  in  number) 
vowed  to  revenge  the  death  of  their  father:  the  pirates  of  the 
north  crowded  to  their  standard;  and  the  most  formidable  fleet 
which  had  ever  sailed  from  the  harbours  of  Scandinavia,  steered 
to  the  coast  of  the  East-Angles.  By  the  terror  of  their  name  and 
numbers,  they  extorted  from  the  king  a  reluctant  permission  to 
land  ;  and,  during  the  winter,  were  supported  at  the  expense  of 
the  inhabitants.'^  The  return  of  spring  summoned  them  to  the 
work  of  vengeance.  From  the  banks  of  the  Ouse,  the  flames  of 
war  were  spread  to  the  river  Tyne :  the  towns,  churches,  and 
monasteries  were  laid  in  ashes ;  and  so  complete  was  their 
destruction,  that  succeeding  generations  could  with  difficulty 
trace  the  vestiges  of  their  former  existence.''*  jiElla,  and  his  com- 
petitor Osbert,  forgetting  their  private  quarrel,  united  in  defence 
of  their  country.  But  the  latter  was  slain  in  the  field  :  the  for- 
mer fell  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  and  the  torments,  which 
he  was  made  to  suffer,  gratified,  but  did  not  satiate  their  resent- 
ment." Intimidated  by  the  fate  of  their  princes,  the  inhabitants 
to  the  north  of  the  Tyne  endeavoured,  by  a  timely  submission, 
to  avert  the  arms  of  the  invaders.  But  Halfdene  had  tasted  the 
fruits  of  sacrilege  ;  and  after  an  uncertain  delay  of  eight  years, 
he  crossed  the  river  with  a  strong  division  of  the  army,  and 
levelled  to  the  ground  every  church  in  the  kingdom  of  Bernicia. 
The  abbey  of  Tynemouth  first  attracted  his  rapacity.  From  its 
smoking  ruins  he  directed  his  march  towards  the  island  of  Lin- 
disfarne.  The  monastery  had  risen  from  its  ashes,  and  was  again 
peopled  with  a  numerous  colony  of  monks.  By  the  approach 
of  Halfdene,  they  were  plunged  into  the  deepest  consternation 
and  perplexity.  The  fate  of  their  predecessors  warned  them  to 
retire  before  the  arrival  of  the  barbarians  :  piety  forbade  them  to 
abandon  to  insult  the  body  of  St.  Cuthbert.  From  this  distress- 
ing dilemma  they  were  relieved  by  the  recollection  of  an  aged 
monk,  who  reminded  them  of  the  wish  expressed  by  the  saint  at 
his  death,  that  if  his  children  should  be  obliged  to  quit  the  island, 
his  bones  might  accompany  their  exile.'^  The  shrine  which 
contained  his  body,  with  the  remains  of  the  other  bishops  of 
Lindisfarne,  was  instantly  removed  from  the  altar ;  and  the  most 
virtuous  among  the  clergy  were  selected  to  bear  it  from  the 
monastery,  to  a  place  of  security.     With  tears  the  monks  bade  a 

"  Anno  866. 

'''  Cruore  atque  luctu  omnia  replevit :  ecclesias  longe  lateque  et  monasteria  ferro  atque 
igne  lielevil,  nil  prEeter  solos  sine  tecto  parietes  abiens  reliquit,  in  tantum  ut  ilia  qua 
prssens  est  a-tas,  ipsorum  locorum  vix  aliquid,  interdum  nullum,  antiqute  nobililatis 
possit  revisere  signum.     Sim.  Dunel.  Hist.  Eccl.  Dun.  p.  93. 

15  Chron.  Sax.  p.  79.     Anno  867.  '6  Bed.  Vit.  St.  Culh.  c.  xixLx. 


NUNS    OF    COLDINGHAM.  217 

last  adieu  to  the  walls  in  which  they  had  devoted  themselves  to 
the  monastic  profession  :  the  loftiest  of  the  Northumbrian  moun- 
tains screened  them  from  the  pursuit  of  the  infidels  ;  and  the 
people  crowded  for  protection  to  the  remains  of  their  patron. 
The  abbey  was  pillaged,  and  given  to  the  flames." 

From  Lindisfarne,  the  pursuit  of  plunder  led  Halfdene  to  the 
walls  of  Coldingham.  Of  the  nuns  of  this  monastery  a  story  has 
been  related,  which,  though  its  truth  may  be  problematical,'* 
is  not  repugnant  to  the  stern  virtue  of  the  cloister,  or  the  national 
enthusiasm  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  iEbba,  whose  maternal  au- 
thority the  sisterhood  obeyed,  was  not  ignorant  of  the  character 
of  the  chief  or  his  followers.  She  had  learned  that  their  impiety 
devoted  to  instant  death  the  ministers  of  religion ;  and  that  the 
females  were  invariably  the  victims,  first  of  their  lust,  and  then 
of  their  cruelty.  Alarmed  at  their  approach,  she  hastened  to  the 
chapter-house,  assembled  the  trembling  sisters,  and  exhorted 
those,  who  valued  their  honour  to  preserve  it  from  pollution  by 
the  sacrifice  of  their  beauty.  At  that  instant,  drawing  a  knife 
from  her  bosom,  she  inflicted  a  ghastly  wound  on  her  counte- 
nance :  and  the  nuns,  with  pious  barbarity,  followed  the  exam- 
ple of  their  mother.  The  gates  were  soon  forced  :  the  Danes 
turned  with  horror  from  the  hideous  spectacle :  and  these  mar- 
tyrs to  chastity  perished  in  the  flames  which  consumed  their 
monastery. 

Seven  years  were  devoted  by  the  barbarians  to  the  acquisition 
of  plunder;  nor  did  they  sheathe  the  sword  till  the  general 
devastation  bade  defiance  to  their  rapacity.  During  this  period, 
the  monks  of  Lindisfarne  wandered  from  mountain  to  mountain, 
to  elude  the  vigilance  of  their  enemies :  but  their  labours  were 
sanctified  in  their  eyes,  by  the  merit  of  preserving  from  insult 
the  body  of  their  patron :  and  they  fondly  compared  themselves 
to  the  Israelites,  who  conveyed  through  the  wilderness,  to  the 
land  of  promise,  the  bones  of  the  patriarch  Joseph.  The  lot  of 
the  seven  individuals  who  carried  the  shrine,  was  the  object  of 
general  envy  ;  their  families  thought  themselves  ennobled  by  the 
privilege ;  and  their  descendants,  through  many  generations, 
claimed  a  superiority  over  the  rest  of  the  natives.'^  At  the  return 
of  tranquillity,  the  survivors,  descending  from  the  mountains, 
solicited  the  protection  of  the  conquerors.     By  the  Danes  it  was 

"7  Ann.  875.     Sim.  Diinel.  p.  95. 

'^  The  first  writer  by  whom  it  is  known  to  have  been  mentioned,  is  Matthew  of  West- 
minster. Though  he  may  be  considered  as  one  of  our  more  modern  chroniclers,  yet  his 
authority  is  not  contemptible.  His  history,  in  the  passages  which  can  be  compared,  is 
generally  a  transcript  or  abridgment  of  the  Saxon  chronicle,  and  the  most  early 
writers:  whence  it  may  be  fairly  inferred,  that  in  the  composition  of  the  remainder,  he 
consulted  other  ancient  records,  which  have  perished  in  the  revolutions  of  so  many 
centuries.     The  same  remark  will  apply  to  Malmsbury,  Hoveden,  Huntingdon,  &c. 

19  Sim.  Dunel.  p.  113. 

2S  T 


218  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

willingly  granted :  the  body  of  the  saint  was  deposited  at  Con- 
chester  ;^''  and  new  honours  were  paid  to  his  memory. 

The  ravages  of  Halfdene  inliicted  a  deadly  wonnd  on  the 
monastic  institute  in  the  kingdom  of  Northumbria.  Within  the 
short  space  of  seven  years,  all  the  abbeys  which  ancient  piety 
had  founded,  were  swept  away ;  and  of  their  inhabitants,  the 
few  who  had  survived  the  general  calamity  were  unable  or  un- 
willing to  procure  proselytes.  With  them  the  order  of  Northum- 
brian monks  may  be  said  to  have  expired.  A  constant  succession 
is,  indeed,  asserted  to  have  watched  at  the  shrine  of  St.  Cuthbert  : 
but  we  are  also  assured,  that  their  number  never  exceeded  three 
individuals  at  any  one  time,  during  the  long  lapse  of  two  hundred 
and  eight  years,^  It  was  not  till  the  reign  of  William  the  Con- 
queror, that  the  institute  was  revived  by  the  industry  of  Aldwin, 
a  monk  of  Evesham,  who  collected  a  small  colony  from  the 
southern  monasteries,  and  fixed  his  residence  amid  the  ruins  of 
Jarrow,  from  which  he  shortly  migrated  to  the  new  church  of 
Durham.^^ 

In  the  annals  of  northern  piracy,  all  the  leaders  are  equally 
cruel,  and  equally  versed  in  the  arts  of  devastation.  While 
Northumbria  was  abandoned  to  the  fury  of  Halfdene,  five  Danish 
kings,  with  as  many  jarls,  led  their  retainers  across  the  Humber, 
to  the  opposite  coast  of  Lincolnshire.^^  The  abbey  of  Bardney 
was  the  first  to  experience  their  barbarity.  It  was  pillaged,  and 
then  consumed  over  the  mangled  bodies  of  its  inhabitants.  From 
Bardney  they  passed  the  Witham,  into  the  country  of  the  Girvii: 
but  their  progress  was  retarded  by  the  opposition  of  a  determined, 
though  inconsiderable  band  of  patriots.  Algar,  the  ealdorman, 
had  summoned  the  neighbouring  thanes  to  his  standard  :  Theo- 
dore, the  abbot  of  Croyland,  sent  to  his  assistance  two  hundred 
veterans,  under  the  command  of  Tolius,  then  a  monk,  but  for- 
merly an  officer  of  distinction  in  the  armies  of  Mercia  :  and  the 
courage  of  the  soldiers  was  stimulated  by  the  dangers  of  a  defeat, 
the  tears  of  their  families,  and  the  prayers  of  the  religious.  Their 
first  essay  was  successful ;  and  the  death  of  three  of  their  kings 
taught  the  barbarians  to  respect  the  valour  of  their  adversaries. 
During  the  night  the  Danes  recalled  their  detachments,  and  con- 
soled themselves  with  the  hopes  of  revenge  :  a  panic  struck  the 
Christians,  and,  under  the  covert  of  darkness,  three-fourths  of  the 


">  Now  Chester-le-street.     It  was  called  Conchester,  from  the  small  river  Con.    Lei. 
Itin.  vol.  ix.  p.  01. 
2'  Sim.  Dunel.  p.  99. 

22  Plane  a  tempore,  quo  a  paganis  ecclesite  in  provincia  Northanhymbrorum  eversfB 
ct  monasteria  sunt  destructa  atque  incensa,  usque  ad  tertium  annum  prsesulatus 
Walchelini,  quando  per  Aldwinum  in  ipsam  provinciam  venientem,  monachorum  in  ilia 
cnepit  habitatio  reviviscere,  ducenti  et  octo  computantur  anni.     Id.  p.  207. 

23  An.  870. 


DESTRUCTION    OF    CROYLAND.  219 

army  silently  withdrew  from  the  scene  of  danger.^'*  Their 
retreat  irritated,  but  did  not  dismay  the  few  who  remained :  the 
intermediate  hours  were  dedicated  to  the  exercises  of  rehgion ; 
and  each  man  devoutly  received  the  viaticum  from  the  hands  of 
the  officiating  priest.  At  the  dawn  of  light  they  repaired  to  their 
posts,  and  foiled  with  the  most  patient  courage  the  successive 
assaults  of  their  numerous  enemies.  At  sunset  the  Danes  ap- 
peared to  retire  :  with  shouts  of  victory  the  Christians  rushed  to 
the  pursuit ;  and  by  their  imprudence  forfeited  the  reward  due 
to  their  valour.  The  flight  was  only  a  feint.  The  fugitives 
turned  against  their  pursuers :  and  the  small  and  unconnected 
bands  of  the  Saxons  quickly  disappeared  beneath  the  swords  of 
the  multitude. 

It  was  midnight  when  the  melancholy  tidings  reached  the 
abbey  of  Croyland.  Theodore  and  his  monks  were  employed 
in  the  church,  in  chanting  matins :  but  the  cries  of  the  messen- 
gers summoned  them  from  the  duties  of  religion  to  the  care  of 
their  own  safety.  The  younger  part  of  the  brotherhood  were 
ordered  to  secure  their  charters,  relics,  and  jewels,  to  cross  the 
lake,  and  to  conceal  themselves  in  a  distant  wood ;  while  Theo- 
dore himself,  in  company  with  the  children  and  the  more  aged 
of  the  monks,  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  barbarians.  The  old 
man  was  unwilling  to  abandon  his  monastery,  without  making 
an  attempt  to  avert  its  fate :  and  he  cherished  a  fallacious  hope, 
that  the  innocence  of  the  children  and  the  gray  hairs  of  his 
brethren  (several  had  passed  their  hundreth  year)  would  awaken, 
sentiments  of  pity,  even  in  the  breasts  of  the  Danes.  While  the 
necessary  arrangements  were  made,  the  flames  from  the  neigh- 
bouring villages  gradually  approached,  and  the  shouts  of  the 
barbarians  admonished  the  fugitives  to  depart.  With  heavy 
hearts  the  two  companies  embraced,  and  separated  forever.^* 

From  the  beach  the  junior  monks,  to  the  number  of  thirty, 
steered  across  the  lake  to  the  place  of  concealment :  Theodore, 
with  the  companions  of  his  fortune,  returned  to  the  choir,  re- 
sumed the  matins,  and  celebrated  mass.  Just  as  he  had  commu- 
nicated, the  Danes  arrived.  The  solitude  and  silence  of  the 
cloisters  would  have  induced  a  belief  that  the  inhabitants  had 
fled,  had  not  the  distant  chant  of  the  monks  directed  the  barbarians 
to  the  church.  The  gates  were  forced  without  difficulty :  and 
Osketul,  the  Danish  chieftain,  rushing  into  the  choir,  seized  the 
abbot  by  the  hair,  and  struck  off"  his  head  at  the  foot  of  the  altar. 
The  officiating  ministers  were  despatched  by  the  swords  of  his 

2''  In  the  printed  copies  of  Ingulf,  the  Christians  are  said  to  have  dwindled  from  800 
to  200,  (Ing.  inter,  scrip,  post  Bed.  f.  492.  Rer.  AngUi.  scrip,  torn.  i.  p.  21 :)  in  the 
chronicle  of  Peterborough,  with  greater  probability,  from  8000  to  2000.  (Chron.  Abb. 
de  Burg.  p.  16,  edit.  Sparke.) 

"  Ing.  p.  22. 


220  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

followers :  but  the  children  and  the  more  aged  of  the  monks 
were  reserved  for  the  torture.  It  was  expected  that  pain  and 
fear  would  easily  extort  a  discovery  of  the  concealment  of  their 
treasures,  and  the  retreat  of  their  brethren.  Jiiit  the  constancy 
of  their  minds  was  superior  to  the  weakness  of  their  bodies  ; 
and  their  sufferings  were  soon  terminated  by  the  impatience  of 
the  barbarians.  One  victim  alone  was  spared;  a  boy  of  ten 
years  of  age,  and  distinguished  by  his  beauty.  His  name  was 
Turgar.  He  had  accompanied  the  sub-prior  Lethwin  to  the 
refectory ;  stood  by  him  till  he  expired  under  the  daggers  of  his 
murderers  ;  and  eagerly  solicited  the  favour  of  sharing  the  fate 
of  his  tutor.  The  heart  of  the  younger  Sidroc,  the  Danish  jari, 
relented.  He  tore  the  cowl  from  the  head  of  the  boy,  threw  a 
cloak  over  his  shoulders,  and  bade  him  to  be  careful  to  follow 
his  footsteps.^^ 

As  soon  as  the  barbarians  had  glutted  their  appetite  for  blood, 
they  abandoned  themselves  to  the  pursuit  of  plunder.  Every 
recess  was  burst  open,  and  eveiy  corner  was  searched  with  the 
eye  of  desire  and  suspicion.  Their  avarice  violated  even  the 
mansions  of  the  dead.  Around  the  shrine  of  St.  Guthlake  stood 
a  range  of  marble  monuments,  in  which  were  entombed  the 
mortal  remains  of  the  saints  and  benefactors  of  the  abbey.  These 
the  infidels  defaced  and  demolished,  scattered  the  bones  on  the 
pavement,  and  raked  in  the  dust  for  the  chalices,  rings,  and 
trinkets,  which  our  ancestors  were  accustomed  to  bury  with  the 
body.  Three  days  were  employed  in  these  researches:  on  the 
fourth  they  set  fire  to  different  parts  of  the  building,  and  directed 
their  march  towards  Medeshamstede. 

Medeshamstede,  afterwards  called  Peterborough,  was  an  ab- 
bey of  royal  foundation,  and  had  been  enriched  by  the  profuse 
donations  of  several  princes.  It  possessed  a  library  to  which 
few  others  were  equal ;  the  magnificence  of  the  fabric  was  the 
pride  of  Saxon  architecture ;  and  the  church,  dedicated  to  the 
prince  of  the  apostles,  was,  if  we  may  believe  a  suspicious 
charter,  exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  diocesan,  and  en- 
dowed by  the  favour  of  Pope  Agatho  with  the  privileges  which 
distinguished  St.  Peter's  at  Rome.^^  Within  its  walls  the 
inhabitants  of  the  neighbourhood  sought  protection  from  the 
arms  of  the  infidels ;  and  the  issue  of  the  first  assault  seemed  to 
justify  their  hopes.  In  the  second,  a  stone  from  an  unknown 
hand  wounded  the  brother  of  Hubba,  a  Danish  king.  Eager  for 
revenge,  the  barbarian  redoubled  his  efforts:  and  the  garrison 
shrunk  in  despair  from  the  defence  of  the  principal  gate.  Resist- 
ance ceased  with  the  entrance  of  the  enemy.  ^    The  fury  of  the 

2'  Ing.  p.  22. 

2'  Chr.  Sax.  p.  3.'i,  .-36.     Wilk.  p.  44.     Hugo  Cand.  p.  4,  edit.  Sparke. 


DESTRUCTION    OF    MEDESHAMSTEDE.  221 

soldiers  was  satisfied  with  tiie  slaughter  of  the  crowd  of  strangers : 
a  long  train  of  more  distinguislied  victims  was  reserved  for  the 
vengeance  of  the  king ;  and  Ilubba  witli  his  own  hand  immo- 
lated the  abbot,  and  eighty-three  monks,  to  the  shade  of  his 
brother.  His  barbarity  was  rewarded  with  spoils  more  numerous 
than  those  of  Croyland.  The  monks  had  not  removed  their 
treasures :  and  the  imprudence  of  the  neighbouring  inhabitants 
had  deposited  with  them  their  most  valuable  efi'ects.  After  the 
division  of  the  plunder  the  monastery  was  burnt.  The  confla- 
gration lasted  fifteen  days.^* 

Turgar,  the  boy  of  Croyland,  had  hitherto  preserved  his  life 
under  the  protection  of  Sidroc.  But  his  situation  now  became 
more  dangerous,  and  he  was  admonished  by  his  patron  to  avoid 
the  eyes  of  the  implacable  Hubba.  Alarmed  at  the  advice,  he 
embraced  a  favourable  moment  to  secrete  himself  from  the  view 
of  the  Danes ;  and  travelling  all  night  through  the  woods, 
reached  his  former  residence  early  in  the  morning.  His  arrival 
was  just  preceded  by  that  of  the  younger  monks,  who  had 
ventured  to  leave  their  concealment,  and  were  beginning  to 
extinguish  the  flames.  The  sight  of  Turgar  revived  their  hopes; 
his  faithful  narrative  realized  their  fears.  The  fate  of  Theodore 
and  their  brethren  was  heard  with  the  deepest  anguish :  they 
forgot  the  object  of  their  labours  ;  and,  seated  amid  the  smoking 
ruins,  abandoned  themselves  to  the  lamentations  of  sorrow  and 
despair.  From  this  inactivity  they  were  at  length  awakened  by 
the  necessity  of  their  situation.  To  supply  the  place  of  Theo- 
dore, Godric  was  chosen,  a  monk  distinguished  among  his 
brethren  for  his  superior  wisdom  and  piety.  By  his  direction 
they  made  it  their  first  care  to  drag  from  the  ruins  the  half-burnt 
bodies  of  their  brethren,  and  to  commit  them  with  decent 
solemnity  to  the  grave.  Scarcely  had  they  completed  this  pious 
ceremony,  when  they  were  requested  by  the  hermits  of  Ancarig 
to  perform  the  same  oftice  for  the  monks  of  Medeshamstede. 
With  painful  research  they  collected  their  bodies ;  dug  before  the 
entrance  of  the  church  a  deep  and  spacious  grave  ;  deposited  in 
the  centre  the  mangled  corpse  of  the  abbot ;  and  placed  around 
him  the  remains  of  his  eighty-three  companions.  To  perpetuate 
their  memory,  Godric  built  over  the  tomb  a  pyramid  of  stone,  on 
which  was  rudely  engraved  the  history  of  this  bloody  catastrophe  ; 
and  opposite  to  the  pyramid  he  raised  an  image  of  Christ  nailed 
to  the  cross.  The  public  road  lay  between  them ;  and  the  pious 
abbot  hoped  that  the  presence  of  the  crucifix  would  prevent 
travellers  from  profaning  so  sacred  a  spot,  and  the  figures  on  the 
monument  induce  them  to  off'er  up  a  prayer  for  those  whose 
ashes  reposed  beneath   it.     As  for  himself,  these  victims  of 

28  Ing.  p.  23. 
T  2 


222  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH, 

Danish  barbarity  were  never  absent  from  his  recollection.  An- 
nually, as  long  as  he  lived,  on  the  anniversary  of  their  massacre, 
he  visited  the  cemetery,  pitched  his  tent  over  the  grave,  and 
spent  two  days  in  celebrating  masses,  and  performing  the  other 
devotions  to  which  Catholic  ciiarity  has  attributed  the  power  of 
benefiting  the  souls  of  the  departed.^^ 

From  Medeshamstede,  the  Danes  directed  their  march  to  the 
isle  of  Ely,  in  which  was  situated  a  great  and  opulent  monastery, 
originally  founded  by  Edilthryda,  the  pious  queen  of  Northum- 
bria.  The  elevated  rank,  and  edifying  sanctity  of  the  abbesses, 
by  whom  it  was  first  governed,  had  raised  it  to  a  high  pre-emi- 
nence among  the  southern  convents ;  and  its  cloisters  were  still 
crowded  with  the  most  noble  and  most  virtuous  of  the  Saxon 
ladies.  It  might  have  been  expected,  that  to  these  female  re- 
cluses, the  fate  of  Croyland  and  Medeshamstede  would  have  fur- 
nished a  useful  lesson.  Some,  indeed,  listened  to  the  suggestions 
of  prudence,  and  shunned  by  flight  the  approach  of  the  barba- 
rians. But  the  greater  part  refused  to  abandon  their  convent : 
and  their  determination  was  confirmed  by  the  afllux  of  the  neigh- 
bouring inhabitants,  who  conveyed  their  families  and  effects  to 
Ely,  as  to  a  secure  asylum.  The  extensive  lake  by  which  the 
monastery  was  surrounded,  presented  a  formidable  obstacle  to 
the  approach  of  an  enemy  :  and  those  who  were  not  encouraged 
by  the  sanctity,  trusted  at  least  to  the  natural  strength  of  the 
place.  Perhaps,  if  their  efforts  had  been  directed  by  an  intelli- 
gent leader,  or  if  their  foe  had  been  less  determined,  they  would 
have  had  no  reason  to  condemn  their  confidence  :  and  their  ex- 
ample might  at  a  later  period  have  stimulated  the  band  of  pa- 
triots, who,  in  the  same  place,  bade  defiance,  during  several 
years,  to  all  the  power  of  the  Norman  conqueror.^"  But  the 
Danes,  with  the  prospect  of  accumulated  plunder  before  their 
eyes,  were  not  to  be  retarded  by  the  appearance  of  difficulties : 
in  spite  of  every  opposition  they  transported  their  army  across 
the  water,  and  eff'ected  a  landing  on  the  island.  From  this  in- 
stant, submission  or  resistance  was  equally  fruitless  :  the  massa- 
cres of  Croyland  and  Medeshamstede  were  renewed  ;  the  abbey 
was  burned  ;  and  the  nuns,  after  suff'ering  indignities  worse  than 
death,  ultimately  perished  by  the  sword  or  in  the  flames.^' 

From  these  instances  we  may  learn  to  estimate  the  sufferings 
of  the  monastic  and  clerical  orders  during  the  long  period  of 
Danish  devastation.  Each  kingdom  in  succession  became  the 
theatre  of  their  fury.  The  subjection  of  East  Anglia  was  secured 
by  the  captivity  of  its  monarch ;  and  his  unprovoked   murder 

'3  .  .  .  Omni  anno  quamdiu  vixit  semel  visitans,  supra  petram  suum  tentorium 
figens  pro  animabus  ibidem  sepultorum  misas  per  biduum  devotione  continua  celebravit. 
Ing.  p.  24. 

">  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  i.  p.  609.  3i  Ing.  p.  24, 


VICTORIES    OF    ALFRED.  223 

showed,  that  to  the  barbarians  the  blood  of  kings  was  as  grate- 
ful a  spectacle  as  that  of  monks.  Burrhed  of  Mercia  exhibited 
at  first  a  vigour  worthy  of  his  exalted  station  :  but  his  spirit  sunk 
with  repeated  defeats;  he  abandoned  the  crown  which  he  was 
unable  to  retain ;  and  the  victors  placed  it  on  the  head  of  the 
traitor  Ceohvolph.^^  This  shadow  of  a  king  was  only  the  sport 
and  victim  of  their  caprice.  Within  twelve  months  he  was  con- 
ducted from  the  throue  to  the  prison,  restored  to  the  regal  power, 
and  then  deprived  of  the  sceptre  and  life.  The  Thames  alone 
separated  the  barbarians  from  the  more  opulent  provinces  on  the 
southern  coast :  they  passed  that  river,  subdued  tlie  feeble  king- 
doms of  Kent  and  Sussex,  and  compelled  the  West  Saxons,  after 
an  obstinate  struggle,  to  shrink  from  the  contest.  Free  from  ap- 
prehension, they  abandoned  themselves,  during  several  months, 
to  the  licentiousness  of  victory :  and  indulged  without  remorse 
their  passion  for  bloodshed  and  plunder.  But  security  relaxed 
their  vigilance  ;  and  Alfred,  who  had  secreted  himself  among  the 
morasses  of  Somersetshire,  started,  at  a  favourable  moment,  from 
his  concealment,  and  surprised  his  enemies  in  their  camp.^^  This 
success  was  the  prelude  to  more  important  victories :  the  king 
improved  every  advantage ;  and  the  invaders  were  compelled 
either  to  retire  from  the  island,  or  to  acknowledge  themselves  the 
vassals  of  the  conqueror.  Many  years,  however,  elapsed  before 
tranquillity  was  restored.  Hordes  of  barbarians  successively 
landed  on  the  coast,  and  solicited  by  promises  and  threats  the 
wavering  fidelity  of  their  countrymen.  But  their  insolence  was 
severely  chastised  by  Alfred  and  his  successors,  and  at  last  all 
the  tribes  of  the  Danes,  as  well  as  of  the  Saxons,  submitted  to 
the  crown  of  Wessex. 

At  this  period  the  English  church  offered  to  the  friends  of  reli- 
gion a  melancholy  and  alarming  spectacle.  1.  The  laity  had  re- 
sumed the  ferocity  of  their  heathen  forefathers :  2.  The  clergy 
were  dissolute  and  illiterate  :  3.  And  the  monastic  order  was  in 
a  manner  annihilated. 

1.  The  numerous  massacres  of  the  war  had  considerably  thin- 
ned the  population  of  the  country ;  and  to  supply  the  deficiency, 
Alfred  had  adopted  an  obvious  but  inadequate  expedient,  in  the 
naturalization  of  several  thousand  Danes.  In  every  country  the 
strangers  were  intermixed  with  the  natives :  in  East  Anglia  and 
Northumbria,  their  numbers  greatly  exceeded  the  descendants 
of  the  ancient  inhabitants.  If  the  sacred  rite  of  baptism  had  en- 
titled the  barbarians  to  the  appellation  and  privileges  of  Chris- 
tians, their  manners  and  notions  still  reduced  them  to  a  level 
with  their  pagan  brethren.  The  superstition  of  Scandinavia  was 
in  many  places  restored.   The  charms  and  incantations  of  magic 

32  Ann.  p.  874.  "  Ann.  878. 


224  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

amused  the  credulity  of  the  people ;  the  worship  of  Odin  was 
publicly  countenanced,  or  clandestinely  preserved :  and  oaths 
and  punishments  were  often  employed  in  vain  to  extort  from 
these  nominal  converts  an  external  respect  for  the  institutions  of 
Chiistianity.  The  morals  of  many  among  the  Anglo-Saxons 
were  scarcely  superior  to  those  of  tJie  naturalized  Danes.  During 
the  long  and  eventful  contest,  the  administration  of  justice  had 
been  frequently  suspejided  :  habits  of  predatory  warfare  had  in- 
troduced a  spirit  of  insubordination  :  and  impunity  had  strength- 
ened the  impulse  of  the  passions.  To  the  slow  and  tranquil  pro- 
fits of  industry,  were  preferred  the  violent  but  .sudden  acquisi- 
tions of  rapine  :  the  roads  were  infested  with  robbers;  and  the 
numbers  and  audacity  of  the  banditti  compelled  the  more  peace- 
ful inhabitants  to  associate  for  the  protection  of  their  lives,  fami- 
lies, and  property.  The  dictates  of  natural  equity,  the  laws  of 
the  gospel,  and  the  regulations  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  were 
despised.  The  indissoluble  knot  of  marriage  was  repeatedly  dis- 
severed at  the  slightest  suggestion  of  passion  or  disgust :  and,  in 
defiance  of  divine  and  human  prohibitions,  the  nuptial  union 
was  frequently  polluted  and  degraded  by  the  unnatural  crime  of 
incest.  To  reform  the  degeneracy  of  his  subjects,  Alfred  pub- 
lished a  new  code  of  laws,  extracted  from  those  of  his  predeces- 
sors and  of  the  Jewish  legislator :  and  the  execution  of  forty-four 
judges  in  one  year  shows  both  the  inflexible  severity  of  the  king, 
and  the  depravity  of  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  be  the  guar- 
dians of  the  national  morals.^-*  That  his  eiforts  were  attended 
with  partial  success  is  not  improbable ;  but  from  the  complaints 
and  improvements  of  later  legislators,  it  is  evident  that  it  re- 
quired a  succession  of  several  generations  before  tlie  ancient  spi- 
rit of  licentiousness  could  be  suppressed  and  extinguished.^^ 

2.  In  the  preceding  pages  the  reader  will  have  observed  the 
degeneracy  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  scholars,  after  the  death  of  Bede 
and  his  disciples.  If  the  learning  of  their  predecessors  cast  a  fee- 
ble ray  of  light  on  the  close  of  the  eighth  century,  it  was  entirely 
extinguished  by  the  devastations  of  the  Northmen,  and  quickly 
succeeded  by  a  night  of  the  profoundest  ignorance.  This  lament- 
able change  is  amply  and  feelingly  described  by  the  pen  of  a 
royal  witness.  "  There  was  a  time,"  says  Alfred  in  his  letter  to 
Wulsige,  "  when  foreigners  sought  wisdom  and  learning  in  this 
island.  Now  we  are  compelled  to  seek  them  in  foreign  lands. 
Such  was  the  general  ignorance  among  the  English,  that  there 
were  very  few  on  this  side  the  Humber,  (and  I  dare  say  not 

'*  Miroir  dos  justices,  c.  v.  cit.  Walker  in  vit.  ^Elfr.  p.  82. 

5^  This  account  of  the  immorality  of  the  Saxons,  after  the  Danish  invasion,  is  ex- 
tracted from  the  letter  of  Fulco  to  Alfred,  noticed  by  Flodoard,  (1.  iv.  c.  5,  p.  612,)  the 
epistle  of  Formosus,  (Wilk.  p.  200,)  the  laws  of  Ali'red  and  his  successors,  ( Wilk.  leg. 
p,  28 — 64,)  and  the  judicia  civitatis  Lundonia;,  (ibid.  p.  66.) 


IGNORANCE    OF    THE    PEOPLE.  225 

many  on  the  other,)  who  could  understand  the  service  in  Eng- 
Hsh,  or  translate  a  Latin  epistle  into  their  own  language.  So 
few  were  they,  that  I  do  not  recollect  a  single  individual  to  the 
south  of  the  Thames  who  was  able  to  do  it,  when  I  ascended  the 
throne."^^  To  revive  the  study  of  literature  became  one  of  the 
first  objects  which  inflamed  the  ambition  of  the  monarcli :  he  so- 
licited the  assistance  of  the  most  distinguished  scholars  in  the 
neighbouring  nations  ;  and  Wales,  Flanders,  and  Germany  saw 
themselves  deprived  of  their  brightest  lights,  by  his  promises 
and  presents. 

In  the  year  8S3,  an  honourable  embassy  of  thanes,  bishops, 
priests,  and  deacons,  sailed  from  England  to  France.  The  ob- 
ject of  their  mission  was  to  solicit  teachers  from  the  Gallic 
churches.  From  one  of  the  two  monasteries  that  bore  the  name 
of  Corbie,  they  procured  the  presbyter  John,  a  native  of  Old 
Saxony :  from  Fulco,  archbishop  of  Rheims  and  abbot  of  St. 
Bertin's,  the  provost  Grimbald,  a  monk  renowned  for  his  know- 
ledge of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  his  proficiency  in  the  science 
of  music.^^    Soon  after,  Asser,  a  canon  of  St.  David's  in  Wales, 

36  Hu  man  uc  on  bopbe  pipbom  "j  lajie  hibep  on  lanbe  fohce. 
"]  pe  hi  nu  ]-ceolban  lice  bejican.  jip  pe  hi  habban  pceolban.  Spa 
claene  heo  pasp  obpeallen  on  Anjelcynne.  j5  ppibe  pepa  paepon 
beheonan  Humbpe  J^e  hipa  I^enunje  cubon  unbeppcanban  on 
Gnjiipc.  o?)be  an  jepenbjeppyc  op  liebene  on  Gnjlipc  apeccan. 
"]  ic  pene  p  nahc  moni^e  bejeonban  Humbpe  nfepon.  Spa  peapa 
heopa  psepon.  p  ic  piip^on  anne  senlepne  ne  maej  jelJencan 
bepuban  Thamipe.  fa  J»a  ic  Co  jiice  penj.  JElf.  ep.  apud  Walk.  vit. 
JElf.  p.  196.     Wise's  A^ser,  p.  82. 

^^  Wise's  Asser,  p.  47.  62.  123.  Among  the  learned  foreigners  whom  the  liberahty 
of  Alfred  drew  around  him,  a  place  has  been  allotted  to  Joannes  Scotus  Erigena,  a  bold 
metaphysical  writer  of  the  ninth  century.  Mr.  Turner  has  mentioned  him  with  pecu- 
liar distinction  in  his  history,  and  labours  to  prove  that  he  is  the  same  person  with  John, 
abbot  of  Athelingey,  mentioned  by  Asser.  But  I  think  it  clear  from  the  testimony  of 
Asser,  that  they  were  different  persons.  1.  Scotus  is  universally  acknowledged  to  have 
been  a  native  of  Ireland  :  the  abbot  of  Athelingey  was  born  among  the  Saxons  of  Ger- 
many, (Eald-Saxonum  genere.  Asser,  p.  61.)  2.  Scotus  was  neither  a  priest  nor  a 
monk,  (Mabil.  sac.  iv.  Bened.  torn.  ii.  p.  510:)  the  abbot  of  Athelingey  was  both  a 
priest  and  a  monk,  (presbyterum  et  monachum.  Asser,  p.  47.  61.)  I  even  think  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  Scotus  ever  came  to  England.  The  passage  in  Ingulf  (de 
veteri  Saxonia  Johannem,  cognondne  Scoium,  acerrimi  ingenii  philosophum.  Ing.  p. 
27)  is  evidently  taken  from  Asser,  and  the  apparent  contradiction  which  it  contains, 
provokes  a  strong  suspicion  that  the  words  in  italics  were  added  to  the  original  text  by 
the  officiousness  of  some  blundering  copyist.  But  what  answer  can  be  made  to  the 
consentient  authority  of  Malmsbury,  (De  Reg.  1.  ii.  c.  iv.  f.  24.  De  Pont.  1.  iv.  p.  360,) 
Simeon,  (De  Reg.  p.  148,)  Hoveden,  (f.  240,  anno  883,)  and  Westminster?  (p.  171, 
anno  883.)  As  the  three  latter  have  done  no  more  than  transcribe  Malmsbury,  the 
whole  account  must  rest  on  his  authority :  and  from  the  hesitation  with  which  he 

speaks,  (creditur sub  ambiguo.    De  Reg.  f.  24,)  joined  to  the  silence  of  Asser, 

when  he  mentions  the  literary  characters  at  the  court  of  Alfred,  it  may  be  fairly  infer- 
red, that  the  claims  of  Scotus  are  built  on  a  very  treacherous  foundation.  Malmsbury 
indeed  refers  to  Alfred's  works,  for  the  proof  that  Scotus  was  his  master,  (ut  ex  scriptis 
regis  intellexi.  De  Reg.  f.  24.  De  Pont.  p.  361.)  But  if  I  have  not  mistaken  the  pas- 
29 


226  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

visited  Alfred  at  the  royal  city  of  Dene,  and  was  requested  by 
the  king  to  fix  his  residence  in  England.  The  pride  of  the 
Welshman  was  flattered  ;  but  he  hesitated  to  abandon  tlie  church 
in  which  he  had  been  educated  and  ordained.  After  a  short 
struggle  his  scruples  were  silenced :  he  consented  to  divide  the 
year  between  the  English  court  and  the  monastery  of  St.  David, 
and  his  compliance  was  munificently  rewarded  by  the  gratitude 
of  his  patron. ^^  To  these  learned  foreigners,  Alfred  joined  the 
priests  Werewulf  and  Ethelstan,  and  the  bishops,  Plegmund  of 
Canterbury,  and  Werfrith  of  Worcester  ;  invited  the  nobility  and 
clergy  to  profit  by  their  instructions,  and  endeavoured  to  stimu- 
late by  his  own  example  the  industry  of  his  subjects.  The  fruit 
of  his  application  is  manifest  in  the  numerous  translations  which 
he  published ;  and  his  letter  to  Wulsige  proves,  that  it  was  not 
vanity,  but  the  purest  patriotism,  which  guided  the  pen  of  the 
royal  author.^^  Alfred  lived  to  see  the  result  of  his  efforts,  and 
was  enabled  to  boast  that  knowledge  was  once  more  decorated 
with  the  episcopal  mitre.  Yet  his  success  was  only  partial. 
After  his  death  literature  languished,  perhaps  declined,  till  the 
accession  of  Edgar,  when  it  received  a  new  stimulus  from  the 
zeal  and  industry  of  Archbishop  Dunstan. 

Amid  the  horrors  of  a  destructive  war,  the  issue  of  which 
involved  the  very  existence  of  their  country,  the  vigilance  of  the 
prelates  might,  perhaps,  be  expected  to  slumber :  but  the  pas- 
sions of  their  inferiors  were  awake,  and  actively  employed  in 
undermining  the  strongest  pillars  of  ecclesiastical  discipline.  From 
the  arrival  of  St.  Augustine,  to  the  devastations  of  the  Danes,  a 
married  priest  was  an  anomalous  being,  unknown  to  the  consti- 
tution of  the  Saxon  church.""  But  during  this  eventful  period 
there  arose  men,  whose  ignorance  could  not  comprehend,  or 
whose  passions  refused  to  obey,  the  prohibitory  statutes  of  their 
ancestors :  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  was  openly  infringed ;  and 
impunity  promoted  the  diffusion  of  the  scandal.  Of  this  bold 
innovation,  the  first  hint  occurs  in  the  writings  of  a  foreign  pre- 
late. Fulco,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  in  a  letter  to  the  English 
monarch,  congratulates  him  on  the  election  of  Plegmund  to  the 
see  of  Canterbury,  a  prelate  whose  vigour  will  quickly  suppress 
the  impiety,  that  teaches  the  lawfulness  of  matrimony  both  in 

sage  to  which  he  alludes,  it  must  prove  the  contrary.  "  I  learned  the  Latin  language," 
says  the  king,  "  from  Plegmund,  my  archbishop,  Asser,  my  bishop,  and  Grimbald  and 
John,  my  mass-priests."  Ep.  JE\(.  ad  Wuls.  p.  196.  But  Scotus,  as  I  observed  be- 
fore, was  not  a  priest,  and  the  John  alluded  to  by  the  king,  must  have  been  John,  the 
native  of  Old  Saxony. 

'8   Asser,  p.  50. 

38  Apud  Walk.  vit.  ^If.  p.  196.  Alfred  translated  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History, 
Orosius,  Boetius,  St.  Gregory's  pastorals,  part  of  the  psalms,  and  selections  from  the 
works  of  St.  Augustine.    He  also  wrote  other  works,  which  are  lost  or  unknown. 

"o  See  Chap.  2. 


DEGENERACY  OP  THE  CLERGY.  227 

priests  and  bishops/^  The  latter  part  of  the  charge  may  be 
ascribed  to  the  treacherous  voice  of  fame,  as  it  is  unsupported  by 
the  testimony  of  any  otlier  more  ancient  or  more  recent  writer: 
the  origin  of  the  former  may  be  fairly  deduced  from  the  igno- 
rance and  the  iniquity  of  the  times.  Repeated  massacres  had 
almost  extinguished  the  higher  orders  of  the  hierarchy:  in 
several  places  the  parochial  and  cathedral  clergy  had  entirely 
disappeared:  and  necessity  compelled  the  bishops  to  select  can- 
didates for  the  priesthood  from  the  inferior  clerks,  of  whom 
many,  without  infringing  the  ecclesiastical  canons,  had  embraced 
the  state  of  marriage.'*^  Perhaps  the  bishops,  conceiving  them- 
selves justified  by  the  pressure  of  circumstances,  and  the  example 
of  the  primitive  church,  exacted  from  them  no  promise  of  conti- 
nency :  perhaps  it  was  sometimes  exacted,  but  not  always  ob- 
served :  and  an  acquaintance  with  the  records  of  the  age  will 
show,  that  these  suppositions  have  not  been  hastily  assumed/^ 
Certain,  however,  it  is,  that  from  this  period  we  observe  married 
clergymen  performing  the  functions  of  the  priesthood  in  the  Saxon 
church ;  and,  though  the  ancient  prohibitions  were  frequently 
enforced,  under  the  penalty  of  the  loss  of  ecclesiastical  benefices, 
and  the  deprivation  of  Christian  burial,  the  disease  was  too  deep- 
ly rooted  in  the  human  constitution,  to  be  eradicated  by  the 
severest  remedies.  Though  often  suppressed,  it  as  often  re- 
appeared. I  must,  however,  add,  that  after  the  most  minute 
investigation,  I  cannot  discover  the  married  clergy  to  have  been 
as  numerous  as  the  policy  of  some  writers  has  prompted  them  to 
assert ;  nor  do  I  believe  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  history,  even  in 
the  most  calamitous  periods,  can  furnish  a  single  instance  of  a 
priest  who  ventured  to  marry  after  his  ordination.'*'* 

A  second  and  almost  incurable  wound  was  inflicted  on  the 
discipline  of  the  age,  by  the  dissolution  of  the  clerical  monasteries 
and  the  conversion  of  the  conventual  clergy  into  secular  canons. 
By  living  in  communities,  and  regulating  their  conduct  according 
to  the  decisions  of  certain  rules,  the  ecclesiastics  had  been  with- 

41  See  Flodoard,  1.  iv.  c.  5,  p.  612,  613. 

''2  Such  appears  to  have  been  the  situation  of  the  clergy  of  Lindisfarne.  They  were 
reduced  at  last,  to  the  few  clerks  who  carried  the  body  of  St.  Cuthbert,  and  these  were 
afterwards  raised  to  the  priesthood.  Compare  p.  107.  11.3.  143.  St.  Epiphanius 
assigns  the  same  reason  for  the  toleration  of  married  priests,  in  some  dioceses  of  the 
ancient  church,  mlo  a  7ra.piL  ]cv  Kxvova,  a.KK^  tta^-ji.  hv  ]a)v  ■tvbpmTroi/v  kst*  jc«gav  gaSu^xo-ateray 
itM'Atv,  K-u  TK  TTAJiflac  51'SJtsi',  /xx  «j^iiTKc/jiiv}i(  um^nTtx;,     Haeres.  59,  p.  496. 

«  Wilk.  p.  225.  229.  233.     Sim.  p.  170. 

■"  In  the  Antiquitates  Britannicas  Ecclesiae,  of  Archbishop  Parker,  and  the  Prsesules 
Anglicani,  of  Bishop  Godwin,  the  eye  is  fatigued  with  the  constant  repetition  of  Sacer- 
dotes  in  conjugio  legitimo  pie  viventes;  and  Spelman  and  Wilkins  are  careful  to  prefix 
so  grateful  a  phrase  to  the  title  and  prefaces  of  the  charters  which  they  have  published. 
They  should,  however,  to  prevent  mistakes,  have  informed  their  readers,  that  this  ex- 
pression is  of  modern  date,  and  has  been  recently  prefixed  to  ancient  records,  in  order 
to  supply  the  deficiency  of  the  original  text. 


228  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

drawn  from  the  commerce  of  the  world,  and  more  strictly  con- 
fined to  the  discharge  of  their  religious  duties.  By  the  invasion 
of  the  Danes  most  of  these  confraternities  were  dispersed ;  and 
their  members,  in  the  families  of  their  friends  and  relatives,  ac- 
quired a  love  of  pleasure,  a  spirit  of  independence,  and  a  con- 
tempt of  regular  discipline.  Of  the  younger  clerks,  some  adopted 
the  married  state,  nor  was  there  any  canon  which  condemned 
their  conduct :  others  plunged  with  precipitation  into  the  vices 
of  the  age,  and  by  their  licentiousness  shocked  the  piety  of  their 
more  fervent  brethren.  The  restoration  of  tranquillity  invited 
the  survivors  to  return  to  their  monasteries  :  but  the  yoke  which 
their  virtue  had  formerly  rendered  light,  now  pressed  on  the 
shoulders  of  many  as  an  intolerable  burden.  In  several  instances 
they  ventured  to  emancipate  themselves  from  the  restraints  of 
ancient  discipline,  divided  among  themselves  the  revenues  of  their 
churches,  lived  in  separate  families,  and  confined  themselves 
solely  to  the  obligation  of  assisting  daily  in  the  choir  during  the 
public  worship.  Even  this  obligation  was  soon  despised  :  they 
accepted  the  vicarious  services  of  others  ;  and  retired  to  the  farms 
attached  to  their  respective  prebends.  To  indulge  in  ease  and 
indolence  seemed  to  be  their  principal  object :  and  the  care  of 
serving  the  Almighty  was  abandoned  to  the  industry  of  merce- 
nary substitutes.^^ 

3.  While  the  reputation  of  the  clergy  was  thus  obscured  by 
their  ignorance  and  degeneracy,  the  monastic  profession  had 
rapidly  sunk  into  insignificance  and  contempt.  There  was  scarce 
a  monastery,  which  had  escaped  the  visits  of  the  invaders  ;  and 
the  devastation  which  had  been  begun  by  the  rapacity  of  the 
Danes,  was  completed  by  the  policy  of  the  Saxon  princes.  To 
replenish  their  treasuries,  exhausted  by  the  continuance  of  the 
war,  the  monastic  possessions  presented  an  easy  and  adequate 
expedient ;  and  while  a  considerable  portion  was  annexed  to 
the  royal  domains,  the  remainder  was  divided  among  the  re- 
tainers of  the  prince.''^  Of  the  monks  who  had  survived  the  ruin 
of  their  convents,  many  engaged  in  secular  professions,  some  re- 

"5  See  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  (p.  117,)  Osbern,  (Vit.  Duns.  p.  112,)  Eadmer,  (Vit. 
Duns.  p.  219,)  Annales  Ecclesice  VVintoniensis,  (p.  288.) 

'"'The  torch  of  Hymen  has  enabled  Archbishop  Parker  to  discover  secrets,  placed  far 
beyond  the  unassisted  ken  of  mortals.  He  gravely  informs  his  readers,  that  the  de- 
struction of  the  monasteries  was  ordained  by  Providence,  as  a  punishment  for  the  diabo- 
lic superstition  of  the  monks:  and  that  the  prosperity  enjoyed  by  Alfred  and  his  im- 
mediate successors,  was  granted  by  Heaven,  as  a  reward  for  the  pious  marriages  of  the 
clergy.  (Ha;c  licuit  in  medium  proferre  ut  occultum  Dei  judicium  in  obruendis  mona- 
chorum  cultibus  superstitiosis  et  diabojicis  ....  probe  animadvertamus.  Monacho- 
rum  loco  succedebant  presbyteri,  qui  in  conjugio  legitimo  pie  vivebant.  Tunc  vero 
Deus  Opt.  Max.  prasbuit  se  magis  mitem  atque  placabiiem  erga  Anglicanam  gentem. 
Ant.  Brit.  fol.  72,  73.)  It  was  unfortunate  for  the  primate,  that  he  could  not  change 
the  fate  of  Edwin,  the  patron  of  the  clergy,  for  that  of  Edgar,  the  protector  of  the  monks. 
But  all  parties  have  had  their  bigots. 


EXTINCTION    OF    THE    MONASTIC    ORDER.  229 

tired  to  the  churches  which  were  still  served  by  the  clergy,  and 
a  few  endeavoured  to  re-establish  and  perpetuate  the  institute.-*^ 
But  their  eftbrts  were  ineffectual :  and  poverty,  or  the  difficulty 
of  procuring  proselytes,  compelled  them  to  relinquish  the  fruitless 
object/''  The  days  were  past,  when  kings  were  ambitious  to 
exchange  the  crown  for  the  cowl.  That  ferocity  of  manners, 
which  constant  habits  of  warfare  had  inspired,  equally  despised 
the  milder  pleasures  of  society  and  the  duties  of  religion  :  no 
profession  could  command  respect  but  that  of  arms ;  and  the 
monastic  institute  was  condemned,  as  calculated  only  for  mer- 
cenaries and  slaves."*^  When  Alfred  re-ascended  the  throne,  he 
endeavoured  to  raise  the  order  from  the  obscurity  in  which  it 
languished ;  and  selected  for  the  attempt  the  memorable  spot, 
which  had  conofealed  him  from  the  pursuit  of  the  Danes,  But  it 
was  easier  to  found  the  monastery  of  Ethelingey,  than  to  people 
it  with  inhabitants.  Among  his  subjects  no  one  would  conde- 
scend to  put  on  the  monastic  habit,™  He  was  compelled  to  col- 
lect a  colony  of  monks  from  the  monasteries  in  Gaul,  and  to  the 
strangers  he  added  a  competent  number  of  foreign  children,  who 
by  their  education  might  acquire  a  predilection  for  the  institute, 
and  by  their  future  choice  might  ensure  its  existence.*'  Whether 
the  success  of  the  king  was  answerable  to  his  zeal,  we  are  not 
informed:  but  circumstances  have  transpired  to  justify  a  suspi- 
cion that  some  of  the  foreigners  soon  resigned,  perhaps  never 
possessed,  the  true  spirit  of  their  profession.  Their  superior 
was  John  of  Old  Saxony,  a  priest  of  distinguished  talents,  and 
one  of  the  royal  instructors.  His  prudent  severity  incurred  the 
hatred  of  the  more  worthless  among  his  subjects :  two  of  the 
immber  formed  the  horrid  design  of  murdering  their  abbot ;  and 
some  of  their  countrymen,  who  were  servants  in  the  monastery, 
engaged  to  be  the  ministers  of  their  vengeance.  At  the  hour 
of  midnight,  the  old  man  arose  in  silence  according  to  his  custom, 
entered  the  choir  by  a  private  door,  and  threw  himself  on  his 
knees  before  the  altar.  This  was  the  opportunity  which  the 
assassins  expected.  While  his  attention  was  absorbed  in  prayer, 
they  darted  on  their  unsuspecting  victim,  and  plunged  their  dag- 

47  Ingul.  p.  27.  32. 

■''*  The  monks  of  Croyland  amounted  to  thirty,  after  the  retreat  of  the  Danes.  Instead 
of  multiplying,  they  gradually  dwindled  away  by  desertion  and  death,  till,  in  the  reign 
of  Edred,  the  whole  community  consisted  of  the  abbot  and  two  monks.     Id.  p.  29. 

^9  Nullum  de  sua  propria  gente  nobilem  ac  liberum  hominem,  qui  monasticam  volun- 
tarie  vellet  subire  vitam,  habebat.  Nimirum  quia  per  multa  retroacta  annorum  curricula 

monastics  vilae  desiderium  ab  ea  toto   gente    desierat Propter  divitiarum 

abundantiam  raulto  magis  id  genus  despectum  monastics;  vita;  fieri  existimo.  Asser, 
p.  62. 

^0  Asser,  ibid. 

^'  Comparavit  etiam  quamplurimos  ejusdem  gentis  Gallicre,  equibus  quosdam  infantes 
in  eodem  monastcrio  edoceri  imperavit,  et  subsequenti  tempore  ad  monachicum  habilum 
subievari.     Id.  ibid. 

u 


230  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

gers  in  his  body.  His  cries  alarmed  the  monks  :  they  crowded  to 
the  church  ;  and  discovered  their  abbot  weltering  in  blood.  The 
murderers  liad  escaped  to  the  neighbouring  woods.  They  were 
pursued,  and,  together  with  their  employers,  received  the  punish- 
ment due  to  their  crime." 

By  the  death  of  Alfred  the  monastic  order  lost  a  powerful  and 
zealous  protector.  During  the  reigns  of  his  immediate  succes- 
sors, some  feeble  attempts  were  made  to  restore  the  order  to  its 
former  celebrity ;  and  the  origin  of  several  monasteries  is  refer- 
red by  their  respective  historians  to  this  doubtful  period.  But 
their  existence  is  denied  by  the  positive  testimony  of  King  Ed- 
gar: and  unless  we  accuse  that  prince  of  sacrificing  the  truth  to 
his  vanity,  we  must  believe  that  under  the  reigns  of  his  prede- 
cessors every  monastic  establishment  was  abolished.*^  The  An- 
glo-Saxons, who,  before  the  time  of  St.  Dunstan,  aspired  to  the 
merit  of  monachism,  either  contented  themselves  with  receiving 
the  habit  from  the  hands  of  a  bishop,  and  leading  an  anachoretical 
life  amid  the  ruins  of  some  deserted  abbey,  or  quitted  their  native 
country,  and  in  the  most  celebrated  of  the  foreign  monasteries 
laboured  to  imbibe  the  spirit,  and  practise  the  duties  of  their  pro- 
fession. Fleury  was  their  principal  resort :  and  when  the  order 
was  afterwards  revived  in  England,  from  that  monastery  were 
imported  most  of  the  regulations  and  the  teachers  of  monastic 
discipline.^"* 

The  communities  of  religious  women  had  not  suffered  less 
than  those  of  the  men  from  the  ravages  of  the  barbarians :  but 
they  were  restored  with  greater  success  under  the  patronage  of 
Alfred  and  his  queen,  Alswitha.  The  nunnery  of  Shaftesbury 
was  founded  by  the  prince :  that  of  St.  Mary  at  Winchester  by 
his  royal  consort.  To  people  these  houses,  it  was  not  necessary 
to  solicit  the  assistance  of  foreigners.     The  Saxon  ladies  viewed 

"Ibid. 

^^  Temporibus  antecessorum  meorum,  regum  Anglorum,  monasteria  tam  monacho 
rum  quam  virginum  destructa  (et)  penitus  rejecta  in  tola  Anglia  erant.  Wilk.  p.  239. 
Asser  informs  us,  tb.at  in  his  days  no  one  observed  the  monastic  rule,  (nuUo  tamen  re- 
gulam  iilius  vitse  ordinabiliter  tenente.  Asser,  p.  62.)  And  Wolstan,  the  contemporary 
author  of  the  Ufe  of  St.  Ethelwold,  observes,  that  when  that  prelate  was  made  bishop 
of  Winchester,  the  only  monks  in  England  were  those  whom  St.  Dunstan  had  esta- 
blished at  Abingdon  and  Glastonbury.  (Nam  hactenus  ea  tempestate  non  habebantur 
monachi  in  gente  Anglorum,  nisi  tantum  qui  in  Glestonia  morabantur  et  Abbandonia. 
Wolst.  in  Act.  Bened.  scec.  v.  p.  615.) 

'^  Hist.  Abend,  p.  165.  The  saints,  Dunstan,  Oswald,  &c.,  were  educated  at  Fleury, 
farailiari  per  id  tempus  Anglis  consuetudine,  ut  si  qui  boni  aftlati  essent  desiderio  in 
beatissimi  Benedicti  monasterio  ccenobialem  susciperunt  habitum,  a  quo  rcligionis  hu- 
juscemodi  manavit  exordium.  Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  iii.  f.  153.  Does  the  relative  (juo  refer 
to  St.  Benedict  or  the  monastery "!  The  claims  of  each  antecedent  have  been  fiercely 
maintained.  Those  who  admit  the  antiquity  of  the  Benedictine  institute,  have  decided 
in  favour  of  the  saint:  its  adversaries  are  equally  positive  for  the  monastery,  (Brough- 
ton,  p.  420.) 

Non  nostrum  est  tantas  componere  lites. 


ESTABLISHMENT    OF    CONVENTS.  231 

the  retirement  of  the  cloister  with  less  prejudice  than  the  men  : 
and  the  birth,  as  well  as  the  virtues,  of  the  first  abbesses  cast  an 
inviting  lustre  on  tlie  profession.  As  soon  as  Alfred  iiad  com- 
pleted the  convent  at  Shaftesbury,  his  daughter,  Ethelgeova, 
assumed  tlie  government  of  the  infant  establishment  5  and  seve- 
ral females  of  the  first  distinction  hastened  to  profess  themselves 
her  disciples."  Alswitha  envied  the  tranquil  situation  of  her 
daughter :  at  the  death  of  Alfred  she  retired  to  the  abbey  of  St. 
Mary,  and  her  declining  years  were  solaced  by  the  company  and 
the  rising  virtues  of  her  grand-daughter,  Eadburga.  The  history 
of  Eadburga  is  curious.  It  was  the  early  wish  of  her  father, 
King  Edward,  to  devote  her  to  the  cloister:  but  to  consign  to 
perpetual  confinement  an  infant  who  was  yet  unable  to  choose 
for  herself,  was  an  idea  that  staggered  his  resolution. ^^  He  hesi- 
tated, and,  after  some  deliberation,  committed  the  decision  of  his 
scruples  to  a  singular  and  most  uncertain  experiment.  Ead- 
burga (she  was  but  three  years  old)  was  conducted  into  a  cham- 
ber, in  one  corner  of  which  had  previously  been  placed  a  collec- 
tion of  female  trinkets,  in  another  a  chalice  with  the  book  of  the 
gospels.  It  so  chanced  that  the  child  ran  to  the  latter ;  and  her 
father,  clasping  her  in  his  arms,  exclaimed,  "  Thou  shalt  receive 
the  object  of  thy  choice  ;  nor  will  thy  parents  regret,  if  they  yield 
to  thee  in  virtue."  She  was  intrusted  to  the  care  of  the  nuns  at 
Winchester,  with  whom  she  spent  a  long  course  of  years,  emi- 
nent among  her  sisters  for  her  tender  piety,  and  extraordinary 
self-abasement." 

In  the  succeeding  reigns  the  number  of  convents  continually 
increased.  The  deportment  of  the  nuns  was  regular  and  edify- 
ing :  but  the  quality  of  the  abbesses,  and  the  riches  they  pos- 
sessed, induced  them  to  assume  a  pomp  which  ill  accorded  with 
the  ideas  of  those  who  admired  the  poverty  of  the  ancient  monks. 
When  Ethelwold,  bishop  of  Winchester,  was  labouring  to  revive 
the  original  discipline  of  the  Benedictine  institute,  he  saw  at  court 
the  abbess  Editha,  daughter  of  King  Edgar.  Her  dress  was  splen- 

**  In  quo  monasterio  propriam  filiam  ^thelgeovam  devotam  Deo  virginem  Abbatis- 
sam  constituit :  cum  qua  etiam  aliae  multae  nobiles  moniales  in  monaslica  vita  Deo  ser 
vientes  in  eodem  monasterio  habitant.    Asser,  p.  64. 

*6  The  custom  of  offering  children  to  be  devoted  for  life  to  the  monastic  or  clerical 
profession,  was  early  adopted  in  the  Christian  church,  in  imitation  of  the  oblation  of  the 
prophet  Samuel,  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem.  The  idea  that  the  determination  of  his 
parents  was  no  less  binding  on  the  child,  than  the  voluntary  profession  of  adults,  was 
first  embraced  in  the  sixth  century,  (Bing.  vol.  i.  p.  255,)  and  followed  till  the  pontifi- 
cate of  Celestin  III.,  who,  according  to  the  more  ancient  discipline,  permitted  the  child  at 
a  certain  age  to  decide  for  himself.  (See  Mabillon  vet.  anal.  p.  157.  Excerp.  Egb. 
apud  Wilk.  p.  107.  Nat.  Alex.  tom.  vi.  p.  102.  143.  594.)  Numerous  examples  of 
this  practice  occur  in  our  ancient  writers.  (See  Bede,  1.  iii.  c.  24.  Ale.  de  Pont.  Ebor. 
V.  1416.  Hist.  Ram.  p.  495.  497.  499.)  The  ceremony  of  the  oblation  may  be  seen  in 
St.  Benedict's  Rule,  (c.  59,)  and  Lanfranc's  Constitutions.    (Wilk.  p.  355.) 

*7  Malm,  de  Reg.  1.  ii.  c.  xiii.  f.  50.    De  Pont.  I.  ii.  f.  140. 


232  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH, 

did,  and  shocked  the  austere  notions  of  the  prelate.  "  Daugh- 
ter," he  observed  to  her,  "  the  spouse  whom  you  have  chosen, 
dehghts  not  in  external  pomp.  It  is  the  heart  vi^hich  he  de- 
mands." "  True,  father,"  rephed  the  abbess,  "and  my  heart  I 
have  given  him.  While  he  possesses  it  he  will  not  be  offended 
with  external  pomp."^^  Editha  might  with  justice  be  permitted 
to  make  the  reply.  Within  the  walls  of  her  convent  she  was 
distinguished  by  the  austerity  of  her  life ;  and  her  profuse  dona- 
tions to  the  indigent  demonstrated  the  solidity  of  her  virtue. 
After  her  death  the  Saxon  church  enrolled  her  name  in  the  cata- 
logue of  the  saints.  Nor  has  her  reputation  been  confined  with- 
in the  limits  of  her  own  country:  she  is  commemorated  with 
peculiar  praise  in  the  Roman  martyrology. 

*8  Malm,  de  Reg.  1.  ii.  c.  xiii.  f.  50.     GotselJn.  vit.  St.  Eadgiths  apud  SS.  Bened.  s»c 
V.  p.  C37. 


HISTORY  OF  ST.  DUNSTAN.  233 


CHAPTER  XII. 


Restoration  of  Ecclesiastical  Discipline — St.  Dunstan — he  is  raised  to  the  See  of  Canter- 
bury— reproves  Edgar — opposes  the  Pontiflf— restores  the  Monks— reforms  the  Cler- 
gy— Council  of  Calne. 

To  have  been  praised  by  the  monastic  historians  is,  in  the  esti- 
mation of  modern  writers,  the  infallible  criterion  of  demerit :  and 
their  superior  discernment  has  politely  divided  the  whole  body 
of  our  Catholic  ancestors  into  two  classes — of  knaves,  who,  under 
the  mask  of  sanctity,  sought  to  satisfy  their  avarice  ;  and  of  fools, 
who  credulously  condescended  to  be  the  dupes  of  their  hypo- 
crisy. Among  the  former  they  liave  allotted  a  distinguished 
place  to  the  celebrated  St.  Dunstan.  He  was  long  revered  as  the 
ornament  and  pride  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  nation  :  and  the  laurels 
which  the  gratitude  of  his  contemporaries  had  planted  on  his 
grave,  were,  during  more  than  six  centuries,  respected  by  the 
veneration  of  their  posterity.  But  since  the  era  of  the  reforma- 
tion, his  fame  has  been  repeatedly  assailed  by  a  host  of  writers, 
who,  if  we  may  believe  their  confident  assertions,  have  torn 
away  the  veil,  which  he  had  artfully  thrown  over  his  real  cha- 
racter, and  have  proved  it  to  be  a  compound  of  fraud,  ambhion, 
and  injustice. 1  The  merit  of  their  discoveries  I  shall  have  occa- 
sion to  discuss  in  the  sequel  of  this  chapter,  which  is  designed  to 
review  the  conduct  of  Dunstan  in  his  attempts  to  revive  the 
study  of  literature,  to  reform  the  national  manners,  and  to  restore 
the  monastic  order.  In  describing  his  actions  I  shall  follow  no 
other  guide  than  his  ancient  biographers  :  with  the  secret  history 
of  his  breast  I  have  not,  like  modern  historians,  the  good  fortune 
to  be  acquainted.  My  narrative  will  prove,  perhaps,  less  amus- 
ing: it  will  not  be  less  accurate.  The  writer  who  indulges  his 
fancy  in  speculations  on  the  unknown  motives  of  ancient  cha- 
racters,^ will  frequently  wander  from  the  boundaries  of  truth,  till 
he  is  bewildered  in  the  mazes  of  fiction. 

<  See  Rapin,  (Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  104,  107,)  Carte,  (vol.  i.  p.  327,)  Hume,  (vol.  i.  p. 
7S,)  and  Henry,  (vol.  iii.  p.  102,  267.)  With  these  writers  I  am  sorry  to  number  the 
recent  historian  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  As,  in  other  parts  of  his  history,  he  excels  all 
his  predecessors  in  industry  and  accuracy;  so,  in  his  account  of  St.  Dunstan,  he  has 
improved  their  incoherent  fables  into  a  well-connected  romance.  Turner,  vol.  iii.  p. 
132—191. 

2  "  The  life  of  Dunstan  appears  an  interesting  subject  for  philosophic  contempla- 
tion." Id.  vol.  ii.  pref.  p.  viii.  The  most  ancient  account  of  St.  Dunstan  was  written 
by  a  contem[)orary  author,  the  itiitial  of  whose  name  was  B.  Mabillon  conjectures 
him  to  have  been  Bridferth,  the  monk  of  Ramsey.  He  published  the  prologue  or  dedi- 
cation to  Archbishop  ^Elfric,  from  a  MS.  belonging  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Vedast,  at 
Arras.  Act.  Bened.  s«ec.  v.  p.  654.  The  whole  work  was  afterwards  published  by  the 
30  U2 


234  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

I  shall  not  retard  the  curiosity  of  the  reader  by  transcribing 
the  miraculous  circumstances  with  which  the  pen  of  Osbern  has 
adorned  the  birth  of  his  hero.  The  merit  of  Dunstan  requires 
not  the  aid  of  fable.  His  family  was  noble,  and  claimed  a  re- 
mote alliance  with  the  kings  of  Wessex.  From  the  Irish  clergy- 
men, who  served  the  church  of  Glastonbury,  he  received  the  first 
rudiments  of  learning  f  and  at  an  early  period  of  life  discovered 
those  abilities,  which  afterwards  raised  him  to  so  high  a  pre-emi- 
nence above  his  contemporaries.  Before  he  quitted  the  roof  of 
his  instructors,  he  was  possessed  of  every  acquirement  which 
that  age  thought  honourable  or  fashionable.  To  the  familiar  use 
of  the  Latin  tongue  he  joined  a  competent  knowledge  of  philo- 
sophy :  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the  works  of  the  ancient  fathers 
were  the  subjects  of  his  assiduous  meditation :  and  his  profi- 
ciency in  the  various  arts  of  music,  painting,  engraving,  and 
working  in  the  metals,  as  it  was  more  easily  appreciated,  was 
universally  and  deservedly  applauded. 

With  these  accomplishments,  Dunstan  was  introduced  by  his 
uncle  Athelm,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  the  notice  of  king 
Athelstan.*  His  conduct  at  court  did  not  obscure  his  former  re- 
putation :  but  the  favour  of  the  prince  alarmed  the  jealousy  of 
his  competitors  :  suspicions  injurious  to  his  character  were  whis- 
pered in  the  royal  ear ;  and  after  a  short  struggle  he  was  com- 
pelled to  retire  from  the  prospect  which  had  just  opened  to  his 
ambition,  and  to  conceal  himself  in  the  house  of  his  relation,  El- 
phege,  bishop  of  Winchester.  During  his  disgrace,  the  unsuccess- 
ful courtier  had  leisure  to  meditate  on  the  instability  of  his  for- 
mer pursuits,  and  to  fix  the  plan  of  his  future  conduct.  His 
choice  was  anxiously  suspended  between  the  two  opposite  states 
of  celibacy  and  marriage  ;  whether  he  should  make  a  second  at- 
tempt to  obtain  distinction  in  the  world,  or  embrace,  with  its 
austerities,  the  abject  profession  of  a  monk.  It  is  on  the  bed  of 
sickness  that  the  hopes  and  fears  of  religion  most  powerfully 
exert  their  influence.  The  irresolution  of  Dunstan  was  pro- 
tracted till  a  severe  indisposition  led  him  to  the  brink  of  the 
grave  :  but  the  prospect  of  death  added  new  weight  to  the  argu- 
ments in  favour  of  a  religious  life  :  and  at  his  recovery  he  re- 
ceived from  the  hands  of  the  bishop  the  order  of  priesthood  with 
the  monastic  habit,  and  was  appointed  by  him  to  officiate  in  the 

Bollandists,  Mali,  loin.  iv.  p.  346.  The  same  life  is  in  a  MS,  of  the  Cotton  library, 
Cleop.  B.  13. 

5  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  Osbern  vit.  Duns.  p.  91.  The  monk  adds  a  curious  observa- 
tion respecting  the  frequent  peregrinations  of  the  Irish.  "  Hicque  mos  cum  plerosque 
turn  vehementer  adhuc  manet  Hibernos  :  quia  quod  aliis  bona  voluntas  in  consuetudi- 
nem,  hsec  illis  consuetudo  vertit  in  naturam."     Ibid. 

''  This  circumstance,  which  is  attested  by  Adelard  and  Osbern,  proves  that  he  must 
have  been  born  before  the  accession  of  Athelstan,  though  the  contrary  is  asserted  by  the 
Saxon  Chronicle,  (p.  Ill ,)  and  Osbern,  (p.  90.) 


DUNSTAN  MADE  ABBOT  OP  GLASTONBURY.        235 

the  church  in  which  he  had  spent  the  earUer  portion  of  his 
youth/ 

At  Glastonbury  his  hfe  was  that  of  a  man,  who  devotes  his 
whole  attention  to  the  faithful  discharge  of  his  duties,  and  looks 
for  the  only  reward  of  his  piety  in  the  testimony  of  his  own 
conscience,  and  the  approbation  of  the  Supreme  Being.''  His 
reputation,  however,  reached  the  ears  of  Ethelfleda,  a  widow 
lady  of  royal  descent,  and  extensive  property.  She  visited  the 
recluse,  was  charmed  with  his  conversation,  and  learned  to  revere 
his  virtues.  He  was  soon  intrusted  with  the  direction  of  her 
conscience,  and  at  her  death  was  left  the  heir  to  her  property.  Had 
the  mind  of  Dunstan  thirsted  after  riches,  it  might  now  have  been 
satisfied.  The  wealth  of  Ethelfleda  had  already  raised  him  to 
an  equality  with  the  proudest  of  his  former  opponents,  when  the 
decease  of  his  father  Heorstan,  placed  at  his  disposal  the  patri- 
monial estates  of  his  family.  But  his  retirement  from  the  world 
had  subdued  his  passions.  The  profession  of  poverty,  which  he 
had  embraced,  was  sacred  in  his  eyes ;  and  he  scrupulously 
divided  both  his  own  patrimony,  and  the  property  of  Ethelfleda, 
between  the  church  and  the  poor.^ 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Athelstan,  Dunstan  was  drawn  from 
the  obscurity  of  his  cell.  At  the  prayer  of  Edmund,  the  next 
king,  he  condescended  to  visit  and  edify  the  court :  his  com 
pliance  was  rewarded  by  the  gift  of  the  royal  palace  and  manor 
of  Glastonbury :  and  the  establishment  of  a  colony  of  monks 
showed  the  purity  of  his  views,  in  the  acceptance  of  the  present.' 
The  friendship  of  Edmund  was  surpassed  by  the  veneration  of 

*  In  the  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  this  determination  is  ascribed  to  ambition. 
Unsuccessful  in  the  world,  Dunstan  resolved  to  tr}'  his  fortune  in  the  church;  and,  to 
conceal  his  views  from  the  curiosity  of  the  public,  assumed  the  garb  of  superior  sanc- 
tity. The  long  train  of  reasoning,  by  which  the  writer  endeavours  to  support  this  hy- 
pothesis, is  ingeniously,  but  fancifully  deduced  from  this  simple  circumstance,  that  Dun- 
stan's  cell  at  Glastonbury  was  narrow,  dark,  and  inconvenient.  See  Mr.  Turner,  vol. 
jii.  p.  146. 

6  The  story  of  the  nocturnal  conflict  with  the  devil,  was  unknown  to  the  contempo- 
rary writer  of  his  life.  (MS.  Cieop.  B.  13.)  It  is  first  related  by  Osbern,  an  injudi- 
cious biographer,  whose  anile  credulity  collected  and  embellished  every  fable.  (Osb.  p. 
96.)  It  is  repeated  by  Mr.  Turner,  (vol.  iii.  p.  146 :)  but  that  historian  has  artfull)' 
woven  it  into  his  own  system,  by  representing  it  as  a  contrivance,  by  which  Dunstan 
hoped  to  attract  notice.  He  has,  however,  forgotten  to  inform  the  reader,  that  this  part 
of  his  narrative  rests  not  on  ancient,  but  on  his  own  authority, 

'  MS.  Cleop.  B.  13.  Osb.  p.  98,  99.  So  niggard  is  Mr.  Turner  of  bis  praise,  that 
even  this  action  cannot  extort  his  approbation.  His  sagacity  suspects  that  it  was 
merely  a  bait  to  catch  applause  ;  (vol.  iii.  p.  147.) 

Sincerum  est  nisi  vas,  quodcumque  infundis,  acescit. 

8  Osb.  p.  101.  MS.  Cleop.  p.  72.  The  manner  of  his  induction  is  thus  related  by 
a  writer,  who  was  almost  his  contemporary.  Rex  apprehensa  ejus  dextera,  causa 
placationis  seu  etiam  dignitatis  osculatus  est  ilium,  ducensque  ad  sacerdotalem  cathe- 
dram,  et  imponens  ilium  in  earn,  dixit:  esto  sedis  istius  princeps,  poten!<que  incessor. 
Ibid.  He  introduced  the  Benedictine  rule,  and  was  the  first  English  abbot.  Primui 
abbas  Anglicaa  nationis  enituit.     Ibid. 


236  ANTIQUITIES    OP    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Edred,  his  brother  and  successor.  To  the  prudence  of  Dunstan, 
that  prince  resigned  the  government  of  his  conscience,  his 
finances,  and  his  kingdom :  and  to  reward  his  services,  offered 
him  the  rich  and  important  bishopric  of  Winchester.  The  mo- 
tives of  his  refusal  did  honour  to  the  modesty  of  his  virtue.  He 
feared,  was  his  reply,  the  severe  responsibility  attached  to  the 
episcopal  dignity,  and  dared  not  accept  an  office,  the  obligations 
of  which  he  could  not  accurately  discharge,  as  long  as  he  retain- 
ed his  situation  near  the  king.^  Edred  admired  his  humility,  and 
reluctantly  yielded,  not  to  his  reasons,  but  to  his  entreaties. 

Edred  was  succeeded  by  Edwin,  a  boy  whose  age  had  not 
yet  reached  the  sixteenth  year,  but  whose  character  was  already 
marked  by  the  impetuosity  of  his  passions.  On  the  day  of  his 
coronation,  when  the  nobility  and  clergy  had  been  invited  to 
partake  of  the  royal  feast,  he  abruptly  rose  from  table,  and 
precipitated  himself  into  a  neighbouring  apartment,  where  he 
was  expected  by  two  ladies,  Ethelgiva  and  Elgiva,  the  mother 
and  the  daughter. '°  If  we  may  listen  to  the  scandal  of  the  age, 
chastity  was  not  their  favourite  virtue  :  nor  did  their  visit  to  the 
royal  ^'•outh  originate  in  the  most  delicate  motives."  A  general 
murmur  spoke  the  indignation  of  the  company  :  at  their  request, 
the  abbot  of  Glastonbury,  with  the  prelate  Kynsey,  entered  the 
chamber;  and  the  unwilling  prince  was  persuaded  or  compelled 
to  resume  his  seat.  By  the  language  of  modern  prejudice,  the 
share  which  Dunstan  bore  in  this  transaction,  has  been  magnified 
into  an  attempt  to  subdue  the  spirit  of  the  king,  and  a  daring 
insult  to  the  regal  authority  :  more  moderate  readers  may,  per- 
haps, feel  inclined  to  applaud  the  promptitude,  with  which  he 
endeavoured  to  smother  the  first  sparks  of  discontent,  and  taught 
his  pupil  to  respect  the  laws  of  decorum.'^ 

^MS.  Cleop.  Osh.  p.  103.  If  on  this  occasion  Dunstan  coultl  deceive  the  king,  he 
was  unable  to  deceive  Mr.  Turner,  who  has  discovered  that  he  refused  the  bisphopric, 
because  Canterbury  and  not  Winchester  was  the  object  of  his  ambition.  Vol.  iii.  p. 
1.50.  Yet  most  of  the  archbishops  of  that  period  were  translated  to  the  metropolitical, 
from  an  inferior  see. 

'"  The  name  of  the  mother  was  Ethelgiva,  (sic  erat  nomen  ignominiosae  mulieris. 
MS.  Cleop.  p.  76.)     That  of  the  daughter  was  Elgiva,  as  will  appear  from  the  sequel. 

"  Huic  quaedam  natione  prsecelsa,  inepta  tamen  mulier  per  nefandum  familiaritatis 
lenocinium  sectando  inhserebat,  eotenus  videlicet  quo  sese  vel  etiam  natam  suam  sub 
conjugal!  titulo  illi  innectendo  sociaret.  Quas  ille,  ut  aiunt,  alternatim,  quod  jam  pudet 
dicere,  turpi  palpatu  et  absque  pudore  utriusque  libidinose  tractavit — Repente  prosiluit 
lascivus  ad  priedictum  scelus  lenocinii — invenerunt  ilium  inter  utrasque  volutantem. 
MS.  Cleop.  p.  76.  Duarum  feminarum  illic  eum  opperientium  stupri  ardore  succensus. 
Osb,  p.  83.  In  complexum  ganese  devolutus.  Malm.  1.  ii.  c.  vii.  f.  30.  The  reader 
must  excuse  these  quotations.  It  was  necessary  to  oppose  them  to  the  contrary  asser- 
tions of  modern  writers. 

'2  In  support  of  this  statement  I  have  to  contend  against  Carte,  who  has  brought  into 
the  field  a  formidable  auxiliary,  William  of  Malmsbury.  But  if  I  can  divest  the  monk 
of  his  modern  armour,  hisetforts  will  be  harmless.  Let  the  reader  compare  the  Latin 
original  with  Carte's  English  translation.     The  ambiguous  expression,  proxime  cogna- 


DUNSTAN    IS    BANISHED.  237 

From  this  day  the  influence  of  Dunstan  rapidly  declined.  The 
prodigality  of  Edwin  regretted  the  treasures  which,  during  the 
last  reign,  had  been  expended  in  religious  foundations  :  his  rest- 
less spirit  bore  with  impatience  the  restraint  of  his  tutor ;  and 
his  impetuosity  was  stimulated  by  the  enmity  of  Ethelgiva, 
Dunstan  was  suddenly  deprived  of  his  offices  at  court,  and 
banished  to  his  monastery.  But  this  disgrace  did  not  satisfy  the 
resentment  of  the  woman.  The  monks  of  Glastonbury  were 
urged  to  rebel  against  their  abbot ;  threats  of  personal  violence 
were  sounded  in  his  ears ;  and  it  was  with  difficulty  he  eluded 
the  keen  pursuit  of  his  enemies."  Arnulf,  earl  of  Flanders,  re- 
ceived and  protected  the  fugitive.  With  his  permission  Dunstan 
retired  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Peter's  at  Ghent,  whose  in- 
habitants were  flattered  by  the  choice  of  their  guest,  and  long 
cherished  the  remembrance  of  his  virtues. 

The  vengeance  of  Ethelgiva  was  ingenious  and  persevering. 
In  his  retreat  Dunstan  was  secure  from  the  sword  of  the  assassin  ; 
but  he  could  feel  the  ruin  of  the  societies  which  he  had  so  earnest- 
ly laboured  to  establish.  His  two  abbeys  of  Glastonbury  and 
Abingdon  were  dissolved ;  and  the  monks  whem  he  had  care- 
fully trained  to  the  duties  of  their  profession,  were  cast  on  the 
world  without  friends  or  support.  But  her  triumph  was  quick- 
ly terminated  by  the  disgrace  of  exile,  and,  after  a  short 
period,  by  the  pangs  of  a  cruel  death.  The  respect  due  to  her 
birth  had  long  been  effaced  by  the  licentiousness  of  her  conduct ; 
and  the  great  council  of  the  nation  had  endeavoured  to  interrupt 
her  familiarity  with  the  king,  by  the  threat  of  the  most  ignomi- 
nious punishment.**  Their  admonitions  she  despised,  and  bade 
defiance  to  their  resentment.  Her  connexion  with  the  royal 
youth  continued  till  she  was  seized  by  a  party  of  soldiers, 
branded  in  the  forehead  with  a  hot  iron,  and  conveyed  out  of 
the  kingdom.'^  Iler  disgrace,  however,  did  not  correct  the  vices 
of  Edwin.  The  "public  disco'ntent  was  daily  augmented  by  his 
follies  and  extravagance :  all  the  provinces  to  the  north  of  the 

tatn  invadens  uxorem  ejus  formsE  (vel  forma)  deperibat,  Carte  boldly  renders,  "  the 
king  had  married  a  wife  nearly  related  to  him  :"  the  decisive  line,  prorupit  in  triclinium 
in  complexum  ^ancx  devolutus,  is  softened  into  an  innocent  visit  "  to  the  queen's 
apartment:"  lascivientem ^uvenem,  means  no  more  than  "  playing  at  romps  with  his 
wife  and  her  mother  .•"  and  pelllcem  repudiare  is  improved  into  a  "  divorce  from  his 
wife."  (Carte,  vol.  i.  p.  325.  Malm,  1.  ii,  c,  7,  f.  30.)  Hume  condescended  to  re-echo 
the  opinions  of  this  historian  ;  Henry  inherited  his  art  of  translation. 

'3  Parentela  mulieris  prosequens  Sancti  oculos  eruere  disponebat.  Wallingford,  p. 
543,  MS.  Cleop.  p.  77. 

'^  Suspendii  comminatione  percellat.  Osb,  p.  83.  The  witena  gemot  was  the 
supreme  judicial  tribunal  among  the  Saxons. 

'*  That  this  punishment  was  inflicted  in  consequence  of  a  judicial  sentence  is  obscure- 
ly hinted  by  the  historian,  (perpetua  exilii  relegatione,  Osb.  p.  84,)  though  he  ascribes 
it  to  Archbishop  Odo :  probably  because,  in  the  absence  of  the  king,  that  prelate  pre- 
sided in  the  assembly  of  the  nobility  and  clergy. 


238  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Humber  transferred  Iheir  allegiance  to  his  brother  Edgar ;  and 
none  but  the  men  of  Kent  and  Wessex  were  wilUng  to  draw  the 
sword  in  his  favour."'  While  the  country  was  ravaged  by  the 
flames  of  civil  war,  Ethelgiva  ventured  to  return  ;  but  she  chose 
an  inauspicious  moment,  when  her  lover  was  fleeing  with  preci- 
pitation from  the  pursuit  of  the  insurgents.  It  washer  misfortune 
to  fall  into  their  hands;  and  they,  abusing  the  license  of  victory, 
cruelly  cut  the  nerves  and  muscles  of  her  legs,  which  speedily 
occasioned  her  death. ^^ 

The  dispute  between  the  royal  brothers  was  at  last  terminated 
in  an  assembly  of  the  witan  ;  and  the  rivers  Thames  and  Severn 
were  selected  for  the  boundary  of  their  respective  dominions.'* 
But  Edwin  did  not  long  survive  the  partition  ;  and  at  his  death 
the  whole  Anglo-Saxon  monarchy  was  united  under  the  govern- 
ment of  Edgar.i^  He  was  careful  to  recall  the  abbot  of  Glaston- 
bury from  banishment,  received  him  with  expressions  of  the 
warmest  friendship,  and  gradually  advanced  him  to  the  highest  ec- 
clesiastical dignities.2°  In  contrasting  the  past  with  the  subsequent 

'6  Who  were  the  authors  of  the  insurrection  ?  Odo  and  the  monks,  exclaim  a  host 
of  writers,  whose  creduhty  condescends  to  re-echo  a  calumny,  sprung  from  the  rancour 
of  religious  controversy.  That  the  sufferings  of  the  monks  might  teach  them  to  wish 
for  a  change  of  government,  is  not  unnatural :  that  they  excited  or  abetted  the  revolt, 
cannot  be  deduced  from  the  narrative  of  any  ancient  writer.  The  order  at  this  period  was 
fallen  too  low  to  effect  so  important  a  revolution ;  and  the  only  monks  in  England, 
whose  existence  is  certain,  (Wolst.  vit.  Ethel,  p.  615.  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  ii.  p.  105,)  and 
whose  wrongs  are  recorded,  were  those  of  Abingdon  and  Glastonbury,  monasteries 
situated  in  the  provinces  which  continued  faithful  to  Edwin.  The  framers  of  the  accu- 
sation should  at  least  inform  us,  by  what  strange  fatality  it  happened,  that  the  insurrec- 
tion burst  out  in  the  provinces  in  which  its  authors  possessed  no  influence,  and  did  not 
exist  in  those  in  which  they  did.  As  for  Odo,  I  know  not  why  his  name  is  added, 
except  because  it  is  enrolled  in  the  calendar  of  the  saints.  He  lived  and  died  the  sub- 
ject of  Edwin. — The  most  ancient  account  of  the  origin  of  the  insurrection  is  com- 
prised in  these  words.  Factum  est  autem  ut  rex  prajfatus  in  prajtereuntibus  annis 
penitus  a  brumali  populo  relinquereter  contemptus,  quum  in  commisso  regimine 
insipienter  egisset,  sagaces  et  sapientes  odio  vanitatis  disperdens^t  ignaros  quosque  sibi 
consimiles  studio  dilectionis  adsciscens.     MS.  Cleop.  p.  78. 

'^  I  am  not  disposed  to  apologize  for  the  assassins  of  Ethelgiva,  or  to  justify  her  death  : 
though  I  believe  that,  according  to  the  stern  maxims  of  Saxon  jurisprudence,  a  person 
returning  without  permission  from  banishment,  might  be  executed  without  the  for- 
mality of  a  trial.  But  is  it  evident  that  the  primate,  as  is  generally  asserted,  was  privy 
to  her  death  ?  Osbern,  from  whom  alone  posterior  writers  derive  their  information,  in 
his  life  of  Odo  says  she  was  taken  and  hamstrung  by  his  retainers :  in  his  life  of  Dun- 
stan  he  attributes  it  solely  to  the  insurgents  of  Mercia.  If  the  first  account  be  true,  it 
does  not  convict,  if  the  second,  it  acquits  the  archbishop.     See  note  (V). 

'*  Sicque  universo  populo  testante  publica  res  regum  ex  definitione  sagacium  segre- 
gata  est,  ut  famosum  flumen  Tamese  regnum  disterminaret  amborum.  MS.  Cleop.  p. 
78.  Wallingford,  p.  543.  Mat.  West.  an.  957.  These  passages  might,  perhaps,  have 
relieved  the  doubts,  in  which  the  partition  of  the  kingdom  has  involved  the  casuistry  of 
Collier.     Church  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  183. 

'9  Ab  utroque  populo  electus  suscepit.     MS.  Cleop.  p.  78. 

20  Henry  is  so  desirous  that  the  blame  of  the  insurrection  should  attach  to  Dunstan, 
that  he  represents  him  as  returning  from  exile  before  this  period,  and  placing  Edgar  by 
his  intrigues  on  the  throne  of  Mercia.  (Hist.  vol.  iii.  p.  103.)  Yet  every  ancient 
writer  asserts  that  he  did  not  return,  till  Edgar  had  obtained  the  undisputed  possession 


DUNSTAN    IS    MADE    ARCHBISHOP    OF    CANTERBURY.  239 

conduct  of  Dunstan,  his  ambition  has  been  severely  lashed  by 
the  zeal  or  the  intemperance  of  several  modern  writers.  But  it 
does  not  necessarily  follow,  that  the  man  acts  inconsistently, 
who  at  one  period  of  life  accepts  an  office,  which  at  another 
he  had  refused  :  and  the  apparent  change  in  his  sentiments  may 
be  fairly  ascribed  to  the  revolutions  of  the  system  in  which  he 
finds  himself  placed.  The  modesty  of  Dunstan  yielded  to  the 
importunity  of  the  king,  or  the  necessities  of  the  cluirch  :  as  they 
became  vacant,  he  accepted  the  bishoprics  of  Worcester  and  of 
London ;  and  from  them  ascended,  by  the  forced  or  voluntary 
retreat  of  Archbishop  Brihtelm,  to  the  metropolitan  throne  of 
Canterbury.^'  This  rapid  acquisition  of  wealth  and  power  did 
not  relax  tliat  vigour  of  character,  which  had  distinguished  Dun- 
stan in  an  inferior  station.  Faithful  to  what  he  conceived  to  be 
the  true  interests  of  religion,  he  permitted  no  consideration  to 
allure  him  from  the  strict  line  of  duty  ;  and  on  more  than  one 
occasion  compelled  both  the  king  and  the  pontiff  to  recede  from 
their  pretensions,  and  bend  to  the  equity  of  his  decisions.  The 
passions  of  Edgar  were  not  less  violent,  though  perhaps  less  ob- 
stinate, than  those  of  his  unfortunate  brother.  The  monkish 
writers,  whose  credit  has  been  impeached  by  modern  prejudice, 
but  whose  veracity  is  strongly  supported  by  the  fidelity  with 
which  they  record  the  vices  of  their  greatest  patron,  have  trans- 
mitted to  us  the  history  of  his  amours :  and  the  efforts  of  the 
archbishop  to  restrain  and  to  correct  the  passions  of  his  sovereign, 
do  honour  to  his  courage  and  his  virtue.  In  the  convent  of 
Wilton,  Edgar  had  dared  to  violate  the  chastity  of  a  noble 
female,  who  resided  with  the  nuns,  and  who,  to  elude  his  passion, 
had  covered  herself  with  the  veil  of  one  of  the  sisters.  The  in- 
famy of  the  royal  ravisher  was  speedily  divulged  ;  but,  confident 
in  his  own  power,  he  affected  to  despise  the  censure  of  the 
public.  Dunstan  received  the  news  with  the  keenest  anguish. 
As  the  guardian  of  religion,  and  the  keeper  of  the  royal  con- 
science, he  repaired  to  the  court ;  represented  in  strong  but 
respectful  language  the  enormity  of  the  sin ;  and  demanded 
satisfaction  for  the  insult  which  had  been  offered  to  the  sanctity 
of  the  cloister.  The  heart  of  Edgar  was  softened  :  with  tears  he 
acknowledged  his  guilt,  and  professed  himself  ready  to  perform 
whatever  penance  the  prelate  might  impose.  That  penance 
was  severe.^^     During  seven  years  he  laid  aside  his  crown,  the 

of  the  crown,  MS.  Cleos.  p,  79.  Chron.  Sax.  p.  117.  Osb.  p.  107.  Wigorn.  p. 
605.     West.  p.  196. 

21  Post  hunc  Byrhtelmus,  Dorsatensium  provisor,  Dorobernensis  prsesul  eligitur,  qui 
nimis  mansuetus  pro  reprimendis  malls,  jussus  est  a  rege  relictam  dignitatem  rursus 
recipere  providendam.     MS.  Cleop. 

22  If  the  reader  wish  to  see  a  specimen  of  historical  accuracy,  he  may  consult  the  ac- 
count of  this  transaction  in  Hume,  (c.  3.  p.  86.)  "  Edgar,"  says  that  writer,  "  broke  into 
a  convent,"  (he  went  there  on  a  visit.  Eadem.  p.  218,)  "  carried  off  Editha,"  (hername 


2-10  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

ensign  of  his  dignity,  and  exhibited  to  his  subjects  the  edifying 
spectacle  of  a  penitent  king:  he  observed  a  rigorous  fast  twice  in 
each  week ;  distributed  to  the  poor  the  treasures  which  he  had 
inlierited  from  his  father ;  and,  to  atone  for  the  scandal  which  he 
had  given,  erected  and  endowed  an  opulent  monastery  for 
religious  virgins.  Dunstan  had  added  two  other  conditions, 
with  which  he  also  compUed  ;  that  he  should  publish  a  code  of 
laws  for  the  more  impartial  administration  of  justice,  and  trans- 
mit, at  his  own  expense,  to  the  different  counties,  copies  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  for  the  instruction  of  the  people." 

In  this  transaction  it  may,  perhaps,  be  said,  that  Dunstan  acted 
merely  from  the  respect  which  he  bore  his  own  character.  But 
the  purity  of  his  motives  may  be  lawfully  inferred  from  the  up- 
rightness of  his  conduct  on  other  occasions,  when,  without  the 
prospect  of  glory  or  the  fear  of  infamy,  he  hesitated  not  to  dare 
the  resentment  of  the  pontiif  as  freely  as  that  of  the  king.  A 
nobleman,  distinguished  by  rank  and  opulence,  had  taken  to  his 
bed  a  near  relation ;  and  Dunstan  had  repeatedly  admonished 
him  to  dissolve  the  incestuous  connection.  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  marriage  was  annulled,  and  the  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion excluded  the  culprit  from  the  society  of  the  faithful.  Secure 
behind  the  protection  of  Edgar,  he  despised  the  thunders  of  the 
metropolitan,  and  appealed  from  the  injustice  of  the  Saxon,  to 
the  equity  of  the  Roman  bishop.  The  credulity  of  the  pontiff 
was  surprised,  and  Dunstan  received  a  papal  mandate  to  revoke 
his  censures,  and  restore  the  offender  to  his  former  privileges. 
"  I  will  obey,"  was  the  reply  of  the  inflexible  prelate,  "  when  I 
shall  see  him  sorry  for  his  crime.  But  God  forbid  that  I  consent 
to  transgress  the  divine  law  for  the  love  or  fear  of  any  mortal 
man,  or  the  preservation  of  my  life."  The  firmness  of  this 
answer  astonished  and  overcame  the  nobleman.     He  separated 

was  Wulfrith;  her  daughter  by  Edgar  was  Edilha.  Malm,  de  Reg.  1.  c.  8.  f.  33,)  "a 
nun,"  (she  was  pupil  to  the  nuns.  Inter  sanctimonialcs  non  velata  nulriebatur. 
Eadm.  p.  218.  Certum  est  non  tunc  sanctimonialem  fuisse  sed  puellam  laicam. 
Malm.  ibid,  et  de  Pen.  1.  ii.  f.  143,)  "by  force,  and  even  committed  violence  on  her  per- 
son. That  he  might  reconcile  himself  to  the  church,  he  was  obliged,  not  to  separate 
himself  from  his  mistress,"  (they  did  separate,  and  Wulfrith  became  a  nun  in  the 
same  convent.  Malm,  de  Pont.  I.  ii.  f.  143.  Gotselin.  in  vit.  Edith,  p.  637,)  "but  to 
abstain  from  wearing  his  crown  during  seven  years,  and  to  deprive  himself  so  long  of 
that  vain  ornament :"  (that  this  was  but  the  smallest  part  of  his  penance  may  be  seen 
above.)  The  historian  may  have  been  misled  in  some  of  the  circumstances  by  an  am- 
biguous expression  of  Malmsbury,  (ibid,  f  33 :)  but  it  was  his  duty  to  have  collated  the 
different  passages  ;  and  not  to  have  incautiously  imposed  on  himself,  and  insulted  the 
credulity  of  his  readers. 

2'  If  this  be  true,  I  do  not  see  why  the  papistic  prelate  Dunstan  has  not  as  good  a 
claim  to  the  honours  of  a  reformer  as  either  Alfred  or  ^Ifric.  See  the  curious  remark 
of  Wise  in  his  letter  to  Mores,  Comment,  de  .^Ifr.  p.  xxix.  But  I  suspect  the  true 
reading  in  Osbern  to  be  ;  justas  legum  rationes  sanciret,  sancitas  conscriberet,  scriptas 
per  omnes  fines  imperii  sui  populis  custodiendas  mandaret,  instead  of  sanctas  conscri- 
beret  scripturas,  as  the  words  stand  in  the  printed  copies. 


DUNSTAN  REFORMS  THE  CLERGT.  241 

from  the  object  of  his  passion,  and  submitted  to  ask  forgiveness 
in  a  public  synod.  The  primate,  charmed  with  his  obedience 
and  the  sincerity  of  his  repentance,  raised  him  from  the  ground, 
gave  him  the  kiss  of  peace,  and  admitted  him  to  the  participation 
of  the  sacraments.^* 

It  could  not  be  expected,  that,  under  a  metropolitan  of  this  un- 
bending character,  the  vices  of  the  clergy  would  be  suffered  to 
escape  unnoticed  or  unpunished.  It  was,  probablj'",  during  hi5 
banishment,  that  he  first  conceived  the  idea  of  restoring  amons 
his  countrymen  the  severity  of  the  ancient  discipline.  At  that 
period  the  prelates  of  Flanders  were  industriously  engaged  in 
similar  attempts ;  and  he  had  the  opportunity  of  witnessing  the 
success  of  their  exertions.  The  very  monastery  in  which  he  re- 
sided at  Ghent,  had,  only  a  few  years  before,  belonged  to  a  so- 
ciety of  secular  canons :  but  the  irregularity  of  their  conduct  had 
awakened  the  zeal  of  the  abbot  Gerard,  and  they  had  been  com- 
pelled to  yield  their  places  to  a  community  of  Benedictine  monks, 
who,  by  their  rule,  were  bound  to  a  greater  austerity  of  life,  and 
by  the  fate  of  their  predecessors  were  impelled  to  a  more  scru- 
pulous observance  of  the  duties  of  religion.^^  As  soon  as  Dun- 
stan  saw  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Saxon  church,  he  determined 
to  pursue  the  same  plan :  but  the  ardour  of  his  zeal  was  tem- 
pered by  the  suggestions  of  prudence.  His  first  essay  was  to 
raise  the  monastic  order  from  that  depreciated  state  into  which  it 
had  fallen.  At  his  own  expense  he  founded  a  convent  at  West- 
minster :  the  monks,  who  had  been  expelled  by  the  vengeance 
of  Edwin,  were  invited  to  return  to  the  abbeys  of  Glastonbury 
and  Abingdon :  and  the  zeal  of  the  opulent  and  the  pious  was 
carefully  directed  to  the  restoration  of  the  old,  and  the  erection 
of  new  monasteries.  The  most  eminent  of  the  order  were  gra- 
dually raised  to  the  highest  dignities  in  the  church;  and  the 
bishopric  of  Sherburne  was  bestowed  on  Wulfsine,  abbot  of 
Westminster,  and  that  of  Wells  on  Brithelm,  a  monk  of  Glas- 
tonbury. But  the  two  whom  he  principally  honoured  with  his 
confidence,  were  Oswald  and  Ethelwold.  The  former,  a  man 
of  the  strictest  integrity,  was  nephew  to  the  late  Archbishop 
Odo,  and  after  resigning  the  rich  deanery  of  Winchester,  had 
embraced  the  monastic  profession  at  Fleury  in  France.  At  his 
return  his  reputation  recommended  him  to  the  notice  of  Dunstan, 
who  admired  his  piety,  and  resigned  to  him  the  bishopric  of 
Worcester.  Ethelwold  was  his  beloved  disciple.  He  had  im- 
bibed the  first  rudiments  of  monastic  virtue  under  the  care  of 

24  Eadm.  vit.  Dun.  p.  215. 

'*  Eliminata  abinde  clericoram  irreligiositate,  licet  jactitarent  sese  vcntosa  nobilitate, 
melioratis  quibusque  coenobitarum  religionein  non  distulit  subrogare.     Vit.  St.  Gerar. 
in  Act.  Bened.  sasc.  v.  p.  272.     It  is  recorded  to  the  praise  of  the  abbot  Gerard,  that  he 
reformed  in  this  manner  no  less  than  eighteen  monasteries.     Ibid.  p.  273. 
31  X 


242  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Dunstan  at  Glastonbury:  his  rapid  proficiency  was  rewarded 
with  the  superintendence  of  the  monks  at  Abingdon  ;  and  he  was 
now  selected  as  the  most  proper  person  to  govern  the  important 
see  of  Winchester. 

Though  the  archbishop  could  depend  on  the  co-operation  of 
these  prelates,  he  foresaw  that  the  opposition  of  either  the  king 
or  the  pontiff  would  prove  fatal  to  his  success.  But  these  appre- 
hensions were  soon  removed.  The  messengers,  who  had  been 
despatched  to  Rome,  returned  with  a  favourable  answer  :^^  and 
Edgar  readily  promised  his  protection  to  an  enterprise  which  he 
was  taught  to  consider  as  glorious  to  himself,  and  beneficial  to 
his  people.  Armed  with  the  papal  and  regal  authority,  Dunstan 
summoned  a  national  council,  in  which  the  king  pronounced  (if 
ever  he  pronounced)  the  discourse  preserved  by  the  abbot  of 
Rieval.^^  With  a  considerable  display  of  eloquence,  he  described 
to  the  members  the  degeneracy  of  the  clergy  belonging  to  some 
of  the  principal  sees ;  lamented  the  misapplication  of  the  reve- 
nues which  the  piety  of  his  ancestors  had  bestowed  upon  the 
church ;  exhorted  the  prelates  to  punish  the  guilty  with  all  the 
severity  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  ;  and  offered  to  support  their 
decisions  with  the  whole  power  of  the  crown.  Before  the  coun- 
cil separated,  it  was  enacted  that  every  priest,  deacon,  and  sub- 
deacon,  should  be  compelled  to  live  chastely,  or  to  resign  his 
benefice  :  and  the  execution  of  this  law  was  intrusted  to  the  zeal 
of  Dunstan,  Oswald,  and  Ethelwold.^*  It  is,  however,  observa- 
ble, that  from  this  moment  the  archbishop  disappears  from  the 
scene,  and  relinquishes  to  his  two  associates  the  whole  glory  of 
conducting  and  completing  the  enterprise.  Whether  it  was,  that 
the  clergy  of  Canterbury  were  exempt  from  the  vices  ascribed  to 
many  of  their  brethren,  or  that  they  were  too  powerful  to  be  at- 
tacked with  impunity,  he  made  no  effort  to  expel  them  from  the 
possession  of  his  cathedral.  It  was,  principally,  in  the  dioceses 
of  Worcester  and  Winchester  that  the  subjects  of  complaint 
existed  :  and  in  them  the  reformers  first  endeavoured  to  execute 
their  commission. 

Oswald  was  a  prelate  of  a  mild  disposition  :  his  heart  revolted 
at  the  idea  of  violence,  and  suggested  in  its  place  an  innocent  but 
successful  artifice.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  cathedral  he  erected  a 
church  to  the  honour  of  the  virgin  Mary,  which  he  intrusted  to 
the  custody  of  a  community  of  monks ;  and  which  he  frequented 
himself  for  the  celebration  of  mass.  The  presence  of  the  bishop 
attracted  that  of  the  people  :  the  ancient  clergy  saw  their  church 

26  Fretus  auctoritate  Johannis  apostolics  sedis  antistitis  apud  regem  obtinuit,  quate- 
nus  canonici,  qui  caste  vivere  nollent,  ecclesiis  depellerentur,  et  monachi  loco  eorum  in- 
troraitterentur.    Eadm.  p.  219.     See  also  his  life  of  St.  Oswald,  p.  200. 

■'^  Int.  Dec.  Scrip,  p.  360.  I  should  rather  think  it  was  a  declamation  composed  by 
some  monk,  in  imitation  of  the  ancient  historians. 

28  Eadm.  vit.  Oswal.  p.  200.     Wilk.  p.  239.  247. 


ETHELWOLD    EXPELS  THE  CLERGY   FROM    WINCHESTER.    243 

gradually  abandoned ;  and  after  some  delay,  Wensine,  their  dean, 
a  man  advanced  in  years,  and  of  an  unblemished  character,  took 
the  monastic  habit,  and  was  advanced  to  the  office  of  prior.  The 
influence  of  his  example,  and  the  honour  of  his  promotion,  held 
out  a  strong  temptation  to  his  brethren.  Each  week  the  number 
of  the  canons  was  diminished  by  repeated  desertions  ;  and  at  last 
the  principal  of  the  churches  of  Mercia  was  transferred,  without 
violence  or  dispute,  from  its  ancient  possessors  to  the  Benedictine 
monks.  The  policy  of  the  bishop  was  admired  and  applauded 
by  the  king.^^ 

To  the  zeal  of  Ethelwold  was  opposed  a  more  vigorous  and 
determined  resistance.  The  clergy  of  Winchester  were  the  sons 
of  noble  families,  who  discovered  an  equal  reluctance  to  surren- 
der their  pleasures  or  their  preferments.  Depending  on  the  in- 
fluence of  their  friends,  they  secretly  derided  the  impotent  me- 
naces of  the  bishop,  and  publicly  eluded  his  urgent  exhortations 
by  repeated  but  insincere  professions  of  amendment.  Still  the 
irregularity  of  their  conduct  was  such,  as  would  have  justified 
the  severest  treatment.  The  ample  revenue  of  their  benefices 
they  spent  in  idleness  and  luxury  :  the  decorations  of  the  church 
were  neglected ;  the  celebration  of  the  public  worship  was  aban- 
doned to  the  zeal  of  mercenary  substitutes :  and  some,  if  we 
may  believe  the  scandal  of  the' times,  lived  in  the  open  viola- 
tion of  the  canons  respecting  clerical  celibacy.^" 

Ethelwold  at  last,  impatient  of  delay,  requested  the  royal  per- 
mission to  introduce  in  their  place  a  colony  of  monks ;  but  the 
conscience  of  Edgar  was,  or  appeared  to  be,  alarmed  :  he  refused 
to  deprive  the  clergy  of  their  ancient  property ;  and  advised  the 
bishop  to  remove  the  more  incorrigible  of  the  canons,  and  be- 
stow their  benefices  on  those  whom  they  had  hitherto  procured 
to  perform  their  duties.^'  This  expedient,  however,  produced 
but  a  temporary  amendment.  So  partial  a  punishment  was, 
perhaps,  regarded  as  a  victory :  the  new  canons  adopted  the 
manners  of  their  predecessors :  and  Edgar  at  last  abandoned 
them  to  the  severity  of  their  bishop.  On  a  Saturday  in  lent, 
during  the  celebration  of  mass,  Ethelwold,  attended  by  a  royal 
deputy,  entered  the  choir,  and  throwing  on  the  ground  a  bundle 

29  Edm.  p.  202.     Hist.  Rames.  p.  400. 

30  Clerici  illi,  nomine  tenus  canonici,  frequentationem  chori,  labores  vigiliarum,  et 
ministerium  altaris  vicariis  suis  utcunque  sustentatis  relinquentes,  et  ab  ecclesiae  con- 
spectu  plerumque  absentes  septennio,  quidquid  de  prsebendis  percipiebant,  locis  et  mo- 
dis  sibi  placitis  absumebant.  Nuda  fuit  ecclesia  intus  et  extra.  Annal.  Winton.  p. 
289.  The  character  given  to  them  by  Wolstan,  their  contemporary,  is  equally  unfavour- 
able. Erant  canonici  nefandis  scelerum  moribus  implicati,  elatione  et  insolentia,  atque 
luxuria  prsventi,  adeo  ut  nonnulli  eorum  dedignarentur  missas  suo  ordine  celebrare, 
repudiantes  uxores,  quas  illicite  duxerant,  et  alias  accipientes,  gulae  et  ebrietati  jugiter 
dediti.     Wolstan.  vit.  Ethel,  p.  614, 

^'  Malens  per  canonicos,  quam  per  aliud  genus  arctioris  religionis,  ministrari  nego- 
Uum,  ablatas  quibusdam  eorum  praebendas  contulit  vicariis.     Annal.  Winton.  p.  290. 


244  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

of  cowls,  addressed  the  astonished  canons  : — "  The  time  is  come," 
he  exclaimed,  "  when  you  must  finally  determine.  Put  on  the 
monastic  habit,  or  depart :  you  have  no  other  choice."  Their 
murmurs  were  silenced  by  the  presence  of  the  officer,  and  three 
reluctantly  consented  to  change  their  profession. ^^  The  rest  re- 
tired in  sullen  discontent.  But  the  humanity  of  Ethelwold  did 
not  abandon  them  to  the  privations  of  poverty :  from  the  episco- 
pal domain  he  selected  the  richest  and  most  convenient  manors, 
and  assigned  them  for  the  support  of  the  ejected  clergy,^^  Their 
places  were  supplied  by  a  confraternity  of  monks  from  the  mo- 
nastery of  Abingdon. 

Animated  by  their  success,  the  two  prelates  proceeded  rapidly 
in  the  work  of  reformation  and  expulsion.  At  Winchester,  the 
new  minster,  which  had  been  founded  by  Alfred  the  Great,  and 
completed  on  a  more  extensive  plan  by  Edward,  his  successor, 
was  still  inhabited  by  the  clergy :  but  after  a  decent  respite  of 
twelve  months,  they  received  an  order  to  depart ;  and  the  addi- 
tional establishment  of  two  abbeys,  one  for  monks,  and  a  second 
for  nuns,  confirmed  the  reign  of  monachism  within  the  walls  of 
the  royal  city.  The  clerical  monasteries  of  Chertsey  and  Mid- 
dleton  soon  shared  the  same  fate  :  and  the  abbeys  of  Ely,  Thor- 
ney,  and  Medeshamstede  rose  from  their  ashes,  and  recovered 
their  ancient  splendour.^'*  The  services  of  Ethelwold  were  not 
forgotten  by  the  veneration  of  his  brethren.  His  name  was  en- 
rolled in  the  calendar  of  the  saints ;  his  festival  was  celebrated 
with  every  testimony  of  veneration ;  and  ^Ifric  and  Wolstan, 
two  monks  of  Winchester,  were  employed  to  pour  in  his  praise 
the  muddy  stream  of  their  eloquence. 

In  the  diocese  of  Worcester,  Oswald  had  recourse  again  to  his 
favourite  artifice  ;  and  the  canons  of  Winchelcombe  saw  them- 
selves gradually  moulded  into  a  community  of  monks.  Six  other 
monasteries  he  erected  within  the  limits  of  his  bishopric  ;  founded 
with  the  assistance  of  the  ealdorman  Alwyn,  the  opulent  abbey 

"  For  this  transaction  see  Wolstan,  (Vit.  S.  Ethel,  p.  614 ;)  Annales  Winton,  (p. 
289;)  Eadmer,  (Vit.  S.  Dunst.  p.  219  ;)  Mahnsbury,  (De  Reg.  I.  ii.  c.  vii.  f.  31 ;  De 
Pont.  1.  ii.  f.  139,)  and  Rudborne,  (Hist.  Mag.  p.  218.)  The  Saxon  chronicle  only 
observes,  that  the  canons  were  ejected  because  they  refused  to  observe  any  rule, 
popban  f  hi  nolbon  nan  pejul  healban.     Chron.  Sax.  ann.  963.  p.  117. 

•^3  Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  ii.  f.  139.  Ethelwold  was  distinguished  by  his  charities.  Dur- 
ing a  destructive  famine  he  employed  his  servants  to  discover  and  support  the  suf- 
ferers; distributed  relief  to  all  who  were  in  want;  and  sold  in  their  favour  the  plate 
belonging  to  the  altar,  and  the  silver  ornaments  of  the  church.  Wolst.  p.  617. 
He  was  also  a  great  benefactor  to  his  cathedral,  which  he  in  a  great  measure  rebuilt,  in 
the  year  980.  Ibid.  p.  62 1.  He  afterwards  laid  the  foundations  of  an  additional  chapel 
at  the  east  end,  (Nam  fundamen  ovans  a  cardine  jecit  eoo.  Wolst.  Carm.  p.  630  ;)  but 
he  lived  not  to  complete  it.  The  work  was  continued  by  Elphege,  his  successor,  who 
added  the  crypts,  which  still  remain.  See  a  very  circumstantial  account  of  both  build- 
ings in  Wolstan's  poem,  out  of  which  I  shall  transcribe  the  description  of  the  tower  and 
vane  erected  by  Elphege,  as  a  favourable  specimen  of  the  abilities  of  the  poet.  Note  (X). 

^^  Ohron.  Sax.  ann.  963,964.  p.  117,  118.  122.     Wolst.  p.  615,616. 


OPPOSITE    OPINIONS.  245 

of  Ramsey ;  and  restored  the  ancient  discipline  in  those  of  St. 
Alban's  and  Beamflete.^*  The  vigour  of  Oswald  and  Ethelwold 
stimulated  the  tardiness  of  the  other  bishops ;  and  Edgar  was 
enabled  to  boast,  that,  during  the  first  six  years  of  his  reign,  no 
less  than  seven-and-forty  monasteries  had  been  peopled  with 
monks.^^ 

In  the  language  of  rival  parties,  vice  and  virtue  frequently  ex- 
change their  respective  appellations:  and  the  same  conduct  which 
has  extorted  the  applause  of  Rome  or  Paris,  has  been  as  loudly 
condemned  at  London  and  Geneva.  By  the  admirers  of  mona- 
chism,  the  names  of  Dunstan,  Oswald,  and  Ethelwold,  are  still 
pronounced  with  reverence  and  gratitude :  and  their  eflbrts  in 
support  of  the  order,  are  considered  as  proofs  of  their  attachment 
to  the  true  interests  of  religion.  The  praise  of  the  Catholic  has 
provoked  the  censure  of  the  Protestant  historians.  With  the 
name  of  monk,  they  have  sought  to  associate  the  ideas  of  hypo- 
crisy and  fraud :  and  while  they  indiscriminately  condemn  the 
patrons,  they  canonize,  with  equal  partiality,  the  enemies  of  the 
institute.  The  avarice  of  the  eighth  Henry  prompted  him  to  dis- 
solve the  numerous  monasteries  in  his  dominions ;  and  though 
he  suborned  the  voice  of  calumny  to  sanctify  the  deeds  of  op- 
pression,^^ though  the  revenues  of  the  innocent  sufferers  were 
speedily  absorbed  by  the  extravagance  of  the  king  and  the  rapa- 
city of  his  courtiers,  writers  have  been  found  eager  to  celebrate 
his  conduct.  Dunstan,  with  his  two  associates,  expelled  from  a 
few  churches  a  race  of  men,  whose  vices  were  a  disgrace  to  their 
profession :  and  though  their  hands  were  not  contaminated  with 
sacrilegious  plunder ;  though  in  the  place  of  the  ejected  clergy 
they  introduced  men  of  stricter  morals,  and  more  religious  de- 
portment, the  same  writers  have  unblushingly  accused  them  of 
partiality,  injustice,  and  tyranny.  But  to  form  an  accurate  no- 
tion of  their  conduct,  we  must  transport  ourselves  from  the  pre- 
sent to  the  tenth  century.  In  the  preceding  chapters  we  have 
observed  the  original  severity,  and  the  rapid  decline  of  the  disci- 
pline prescribed  to  the  conventual  clergy :  we  have  seen  the 
canons  of  several  churches  (for  the  degeneracy  was  not  univer- 
sal) abandon  their  religious  duties,  indulge  their  passion  for  dis- 
sipation and  pleasure,  and,  by  their  scandalous  immorality,  ex- 

35  Ead.  Vit.  St.  Oswal.  p.  200,  201.     Hist.  Raraes.  p.  400. 

36  Ingulf,  f.  502.     Malm,  de  Pont.  1.  ii.  f.  139.     Wilk.  torn.  i.  p.  239, 

37  "  This  would  not  have  satisfied  the  ends  of  himself,  and  his  covetous  and  ambi- 
tious agents.  They  all  aimed  at  the  revenues  and  riches  of  the  religious  houses,  for 
which  reason  no  arts  nor  contrivances  were  to  be  passed  by  that  might  be  of  use  in  ob- 
taining those  ends.  The  most  abominable  crimes  were  to  be  charged  upon  the  reli- 
gious, and  the  charge  was  to  be  managed  with  the  utmost  industry,  boldness,  and  dex- 
terity. And  yet,  after  all,  the  proofs  were  so  insufficient,  that,  from  what  I  have  been 
able  to  gather,  I  have  not  found  any  direct  one  against  any  single  monastery.  Hearne, 
Preliminary  Observations  to  the  View  of  Mitred  Abbeys,  by  Browne  Willis,  p.  84. 

X  2 


246  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

cite  the  tears  of  the  virtuous,  and  the  ridicule  of  the  profane,^' 
In  the  invectives  of  the  monastic  writers,  candour  will,  indeed, 
attribute  much  to  the  prejudice  of  rivals;  yet  it  must  require  no 
common  share  of  incredulity  to  read  the  charters  and  writings  of 
the  age,  and  maintain  that  the  canons  were  guilty  of  no  crime 
but  that  of  living  piously  in  legitimate  marriage.^^  Had  the 
bishops  been  content  to  sit  down  the  idle  spectators  of  the  dis- 
grace of  their  clergy,  they  might  have  escaped  the  censures  of 
modern  prejudice,  but  their  conscience  would  have  reproached 
them  with  betraying  the  most  sacred  of  their  duties.  They  acted 
as  honour  and  religion  called  on  them  to  act :  they  exhorted  and 
conjured  the  canons  to  reform :  from  exhortations  they  pro- 
ceeded to  threats:  and  at  length  punished  by  expulsion  that  ob- 
stinacy which  could  neither  be  softened  by  entreaty,  nor  subdued 
by  terror. 

To  secure  the  permanency  of  these  infant  establishments  was 
the  next  object  which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  reforming 
prelates.  Of  the  charters  which,  at  their  solicitation,  Edgar 
granted  to  the  different  monasteries,  many  are  still  extant ;  and 
are  filled  with  the  most  dreadful  anathemas  against  those  whose 
impiety  should  presume  to  molest  the  monks  in  the  possession  of 
their  new  habitations.  To  the  temporal  authority  of  the  king 
were  superadded  the  spiritual  censures  of  the  bishops :  and  their 
conduct  was  approved  by  the  rescripts  of  the  sovereign  pontiff. 
Yet  the  prudence  of  Dunstan  foresaw,  that  the  time  might  arrive, 
in  which  these  precautions  would  prove  feeble  barriers  against 
the  attempts  of  superior  power ;  and  the  clergy,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  king  and  the  bishops,  might  resume  possession  of 
the  churches,  from  which  they  had  been  expelled.  To  remove, 
as  far  as  it  was  possible,  the  probability  of  such  an  event,  a 
council  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Winchester,  in  which  it  was 
proposed  to  invest  the  monks  wuh  the  right  of  choosing  the  bishop 
of  the  vacant  see,  and  to  bind  them  to  select  the  object  of  their 
choice  from  their  own  or  some  neighbouring  monastery.  By  the 
patrons  of  the  measure  it  was  urged,  that  in  the  conventual 
cathedrals  the  bishop  occupied  the  place  and  the  authority  of  the 
abbot:  that  it  was  his  duty,  in  this  capacity,  to  inspect  the 
morals  of  his  monks,  and  enforce  the  observance  of  their  rule  : 
and  that  to  intrust  so  important  a  charge  to  a  man  who  had  not 
been  educated  in  the  monastic  discipline,  would  infallibly  open  a 
way  to  innovation  and  degeneracy.  The  reasoning  was  plausi- 
ble :  it  satisfied  the  judgment  of  the  king  and  the  prelates ;  and 
the  proposition  was  unanimously  adopted.  Thus  a  certain  num- 
ber of  voices  was  secured  in  the  episcopal  college  ;  and  in  every 
emergency  the  monks  might  look  up  with  confidence  to  the 

58  Wilk.  p.  246, 

^9  In  legitimo  matrimonio  pie  viventes.     Parker,  Godwin,  passim. 


CONCORD    OF    THE    ENGLISH    MONKS.  247 

bishops,  whom  they  had  chosen,  and  whom  affection  and  grati- 
tude would  urge  to  espouse  the  interests  of  the  order."" 

In  the  same  assembly  was  adopted  another  regulation,  which, 
while  it  aspired  to  the  merit  of  introducing  uniformity  among  the 
different  monasteries,  possessed  the  superior  advantage  of  more 
closely  connecting  all  the  members  of  the  monastic  body.  At 
the  recommendation  of  the  king,  who  probably  was  no  more 
than  the  echo  of  the  archbishop,  the  customs  of  the  celebrated 
monasteries  of  Fleury  and  Ghent  were  ingrafted  on  the  original 
rule  of  St.  Benedict :  and  to  these  were  added  some  of  the 
observances  which  had  distinguished  the  Saxon  coenobites  before 
the  Danish  invasions.'*'  The  concord  of  the  English  monks  (so 
it  was  termed)  is  still  extant ;  but  an  abstract  of  it  would  pro- 
bably be  uninteresting  to  the  reader.*'^  It  is  wholly  confined  to  a 
variety  of  regulations  respecting  the  minutiae  of  the  monastic 
service,  and  a  few  fanciful  practices  of  devotion,  which,  how- 
ever, it  is  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  superior  to  adopt  or 
reject,  as  he  may  think  most  conducive  to  the  interest  of  virtue 
and  piety.*' 

^0  Selden's  Eadmer,  not.  p.  150.  Apost.  Bened.  app.  3,  p.  78.  It  is  observable  that 
the  monks  were  to  choose  the  bishop  according  to  the  direction  of  their  rule  respecting 
the  election  of  abbots,  but  with  the  consent  and  advice  of  the  king.  (Regis  consensu  et 
concilio.  Ibid.)  This  regulation  was  soon  violated,  and  clergymen  were  elected  to  the 
episcopal  dignity  in  the  churches  possessed  by  monks,  though  Benedict  XIV.  has  in- 
advertently asserted  the  contrary.     De  Syn.  Dioc.  vol.  iii.  p.  344. 

■i '  Honestos  hujus  patriae  mores  ad  Dominum  pertinentes,  quos  veterum  usu  didicimus, 
nullo  modo  abjicere,  sed  undique  corroborare  decrevimus,  Apost.  Bened.  p.  85.  St. 
Ethelwold  composed  a  small  treatise  De  diurna  consuetudine  Monachorum.  It  is  extant 
in  MS.  Cotton,  Tib.  A.  3.  Wanley,  p.  92.  The  daily  allowance  of  his  monks  at 
Abingdon  is  described  in  the  Monasticon  Anglicanum.     Tom.  i.  p.  104. 

■'■^The  preface  is  published  by  Selden  among  his  notes  on  Eadmer,  in  Latin  and 
Saxon,  (p.  145:)  and  the  whole  work  in  Latin  by  Reyner,  in  his  third  appendix  to  the 
Apostolatus  Benedictinorum,  (p.  77.)  Though  it  seems  to  comprehend  all  the  monas- 
teries in  England,  Turketul,  the  abbot  of  Croyland,  did  not  conceive  himself  bound  by 
its  regulations,  but  ordered  the  ancient  customs  of  his  monastery  to  be  inviolably  observed. 
The  monks  were  divided  into  three  classes.  The  first  comprised  those  who  had  not  spent 
four-and-twenty  years  in  the  abbey  ;  and  these  were  subject  to  all  the  duties  imposed  by 
the  rule  of  St.  Benedict.  After  the  expiration  of  that  term,  and  during  the  next  sixteen 
years,  they  belonged  to  the  second  class,  and  were  exempted  from  the  more  tedious 
observances,  and  permitted  to  discharge  by  deputies  their  respective  employments.  From 
the  fortieth  to  the  fiftieth  year  they  enjoyed  still  greater  indulgences,  and  the  only  duty 
required  from  them  was  a  daily  attendance  at  the  high  mass.  If  they  survived  this 
period,  they  were  entirely  freed  from  restraint.  A  chamber  was  allotted  to  each,  with 
a  servant  to  wait  on  him,  and  a  young  monk  for  his  companion.    See  Ingulf,  p.  48 — 50. 

'•'  Hsec  inserenda  curavimus,  ut  si  quibus  devotionis  gratia  placuerint,  habeant  in  his 
unde  hujus  rei  ignaros  instruant:  qui  autem  noluerint,  ad  hoc  agendum  minime  com- 
pellantur.  (Apost.  Ben.  p.  86.)  A  curious  ceremony  was  recommended  for  the  feast  of 
Easter.  Towards  the  close  of  matins,  a  monk  retired  into  a  species  of  sepulchre  pre- 
pared in  the  church,  and  three  others  with  thuribles  in  their  hands,  and  their  eyes  fixed 
on  the  ground  walked  slowly  along  the  choir.  After  some  delay,  a  voice  issued  from  the 
sepulchre,  chanting  the  anthem,  "Whom  do  you  seek  1"  They  replied,  "Jesus  of 
Nazareth."  "  He  is  not  here,"  resumed  the  voice,  "  he  is  risen  as  he  said.  Go  and 
tell  his  disciples.  (Mat.  xxviii.  6.")     Turning  towards  the  choir,  they  immediately  sang 


248  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Alfred  the  Great  had  attempted  to  restore  the  empire  of  letters 
after  the  devastations  of  the  Danes :  but  his  success  was  tempo- 
rary, and  the  Saxons  speedily  relapsed  into  their  former  ignorance. 
The  spirit  of  Alfred  seemed  to  be  revived  in  Dunstan  :  and  the 
labours  of  the  bishop  were  more  fortunate  than  those  of  the 
king/*  Long  before  he  ascended  the  metropolitan  throne,  as 
soon  as  he  could  command  the  obedience  of  a  small  society  of 
monks,  he  meditated  the  revival  of  learning :  the  knowledge 
which  he  had  acquired  from  the  Irish  ecclesiastics,  he  liberally 
imparted  to  liis  pupils ;  and  from  his  monastery,  Glastonbury, 
diffused  a  spirit  of  improvement  through  the  Saxon  church. 
Ethehvold  imbibed  the  sentiments  of  his  master  :  and  the  bishop 
would  often  descend  from  his  more  important  functions,  to  the 
humble  employment  of  instructing  children  in  the  first  rudiments 
of  grammar,  and  of  interrogating  them  respecting  their  progress 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  Latin  tongue."**  From  his  school,  at 
Winchester,  masters  were  distributed  to  the  different  monasteries: 
and  the  reputation  of  their  disciples  reflected  a  lustre  on  their 
talents  and  industry.  In  times  of  ignorance,  no  great  portion  of 
knowledge  is  required  to  excite  admiration  :  but  we  should  judge 
of  the  nierit  of  men  by  comparing  them  with  their  contempo- 
raries, not  with  those  who  have  lived  in  happier  times.  Yet 
among  the  Anglo-Saxon  scholars  of  this  period,  there  were 
some  who  have  merited  no  vulgar  praise.  The  commentaries 
of  Bridferth,  the  monk  of  Ramsey,  display  an  extent  of  reading, 
and  an  accuracy  of  calculation,  which  would  have  done  honour 
to  the  most  eminent  philosophers  of  former  ages  :  and  the  name 
of  ^Ifric,  the  disciple  of  Ethehvold,  has  been  rendered  more 
illustrious  by  the  utility  of  his  writings,  than  by  the  archiepisco- 
pal  mitre  with  which  he  was  honoured. 

It  had  been  the  frequent  complaint  of  Alfred,  that  every 
species  of  learning  was  concealed  under  the  obscurity  of  a  foreign 
language  :  and  -^Ifric,  after  the  example  of  the  king,  laboured  to 
instruct  the  ignorance  of  his  countrymen,  by  translating  and 

the  anthem,  "  The  Lord  is  risen,  «&c."  when  they  were  recalled  by  the  voice  to  the 
sepulchre,  with  the  words  of  the  angel,  "  Come  and  see  the  place  where  the  Lord  lay. 
(Mat.  Ibid.")  They  entered,  and  returned  bearing  before  them  a  winding  sheet,  and 
singing,  "  The  Lord  is  risen  from  the  grave."  The  prior  in  thanksgiving  intoned  the 
Te  Deum,  and  the  office  was  continued  in  the  usual  manner.     Apost.  Ben.  p.  89. 

'•''If  nu  popj'i  jobey  ?)eopimi  ^  mynycep  raannum  jeopne  co 
papnijenne  p  peo  halite  lap  on  upum  bajiim  ne  accolije  oJ'J'e 
ateopije.  ppa  ppa  hic  paep  jebon  on  Anjelcynne  ob  p  bunpcan 
apcebipcop  ^  aj^elpolb  bipcop  epc  ?>a  lape  on  munclypum 
apajpbon.      ^If.  in  prol.  ad  Gram,  apud  Spel.  vol.  i.  p.  618. 

^^Dulcecrat  ei  adolescentes  et  juvenes  semper  docere,  et  latinos  libros  anglice  eis 
solvere,  et  regulas  grammaticffi  artis  et  metricse  rationis  tradere,  et  jocundis  alloquiis  ad 
meliora  hortari :  unde  factum  est  ut  perplures  ex  discipuUs  ejus  fierent  sacerdotes,  atque 
abbates,  et  honorabiles  episcopi,  quidam  etiam  archiepiscopi  in  gente  Anglorum.  Wolst. 
Vit.  St.  Ethel,  p.  617. 


iELFRIc's    TRANSLATIONS    AND    HOMILIES.  249 

publishing  several  treatises  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  tongue.  Of  these 
the  most  celebrated  are  his  versions  of  different  parts  of  the  Holy 
Sciiptures,  and  his  three  books  of  Catholic  homilies.  Asa  trans- 
lator, he  cannot  claim  the  praise  of  fidelity.  Many  passages  of 
the  original  he  has  thought  proper  to  omit :  some  he  has 
endeavoured  to  improve  by  explanatory  additions :  and  in  others, 
where  he  conceives  the  Latin  text  to  be  obscure,  he  has  not 
scrupled  to  substitute  his  own  interpretation  for  the  expressions 
of  the  inspired  writer.  Through  the  whole  of  the  work  he  ap- 
pears to  have  been  alarmed,  lest  his  ilUterate  countrymen  should 
assume  the  conduct  of  the  ancient  patriarchs,  as  a  justification 
of  their  own  irregularities.  To  prevent  so  dangerous  an  error, 
he  anxiously  inculcates  the  difference  between  the  Old  and  New 
Testament ;  remarks  that  the  former  was  a  figure  of  the  latter ; 
and  exhorts  his  reader  to  observe  the  law  of  Moses  according  to 
the  spirit,  that  of  Christ  according  to  the  letter.*"  His  homilies 
were  written  with  the  benevolent  intention  of  assisting  those 
clergymen  who  were  too  indolent  or  too  illiterate  to  compose 
sermons  for  themselves.  They  are  not  original  compositions. 
The  only  merit  to  which  he  aspires,  is  that  of  selecting  from  pre- 
ceding writers,  passages  appropriate  to  the  gospel  of  the  day ; 
and  of  presenting  them  in  a  language  adapted  to  the  capacity  of 
his  hearers.*^     As  soon  as  the  work  was  finished,  he  dedicated  it 

«  See  his  preface  to  the  book  of  Genesis,  (Heptat.  Anglo-Sax.  edit,  Thwaites,  p.  2.) 
and  conclusion  of  that  of  Judges,  (Ibid.  p.  161.)  Many  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  had  en- 
deavoured to  transfer  different  parts  of  the  Scriptures  into  their  native  idiom.  Of  these 
the  first,  with  whom  we  are  acquainted,  was  Cadmon,  a  monk  of  Whitby,  who  died  in 
680.  But  his  was  not  properly  a  translation.  It  was  rather  a  poetic  paraphrase  of  the 
book  of  Genesis,  and  the  most  remarkable  histories  contained  in  the  inspired  writings. 
(Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  24.)  Poems  of  this  description  under  the  name  of  Ca;dmon,  were 
published  by  Junius  at  Amsterdam  in  1655.  In  735  Bedc  undertook  to  translate  the 
gospel  of  St.  John  "for  the  advantage  of  the  church  ;"  but  he  had  only  proceeded  as  far 
as  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  chapter,  when  he  died.  (Ep.  Cuthb.  Smith's  Bede,  p.  793.) 
The  same  was  the  fate  of  King  Alfred,  who  began  an  Anglo-Saxon  version  of  the  book 
of  Psalms,  but  died  soon  after  he  had  finished  the  first  part.  (Malm,  de  Reg.  1.  ii.  f.  24.) 
In  his  laws  he  had  translated  many  passages  from  the  twentieth,  and  the  two  following 
chapters  of  Exodus.  (VV'ilk.  p.  186.)  In  the  eighth  century  lived  the  priest  Aldred, 
who  wrote  an  interlineary  version  of  the  four  gospels  in  the  celebrated  MS.  belonging 
to  the  bishops  of  Lindisfarne,  which  is  still  preserved  in  the  Cotton  library.  Nero  D.  iv. 
This  translation  is  now  published  by  Mr.  Henshall.  Farmer  and  Owun,  the  other  two 
glossators  mentioned  by  Marshall,  (Evang.  Anglo-Sax.  p.  492,)  appear  to  have  lived  at 
a  later  period,  .^ilfric's  versions  comprehended  the  Pentateuch,  the  books  of  Judges, 
Esther,  Judith,  part  of  the  books  of  Kings,  and  the  two  first  of  the  Maccabees  (Mores, 
Comment,  de  ^If.  p.  29.)  They  are  all  of  them  designedly  abridged  (on  upe  pipan 
pceoj'Clice.  ^If  de  vet.  Testam.  p.  22.)  But  besides  these  translators,  there  were 
many  others,  whose  names  are  unknown  :  though  copies  of  some  of  their  works  are 
still  extant  in  MS.  (Wanley's  MSS.  passim.)  The  custom  of  making  interlineary 
versions  contributed  to  multiply  the  number  of  translations;  as  the  scarcity  of  copies 
rendered  it  frequently  a  more  easy  task  to  compose  a  new,  than  to  transcribe  a  more 
ancient  version. 

'•''  Besides  iElfric,  Wulstan,  archbishop  of  York,  was  the  author  of  several  sermons, 
under  the  name  of  Lupus.  (Wanley,  MSS,  p.  148.)  Many  others,  of  which  the  writers 
are  unknown,  occur  in  our  libraries. 
33 


250  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

to  the  archbishop  Sigeric,  and  humbly  desired  him  to  correct 
every  error  which  his  superior  learning  might  discover.-**  The 
labours  of  iElfric  were  not  unrewarded.  From  the  monastery 
of  Abingdon  he  was  transferred  to  the  school  at  Winchester,  and 
was  successively  made  visiter  of  Cernley,  abbot  of  St.  Alban's, 
bishop  of  Wilton,  and  archbishop  of  Canterbury."*^ 

The  expulsion  of  the  refractory  canons,  and  the  restoration  of 
the  monastic  order,  did  not  satisfy  the  zeal  of  the  three  bishops : 
the  great  body  of  the  clergy  still  retained  their  benefices ;  and 
the  irregularity  of  many  among  them  reflected  disgrace  on  the 
religion  of  which  they  professed  themselves  the  ministers.  To 
compose  a  new  code  of  discipline  was  unnecessary,  perhaps  had 
been  dangerous :  but  the  laws  which  the  Anglo-Saxon  church 
had  formerly  acknowledged,  were  revived  in  the  national  synods; 
and  the  ecclesiastics  were  required  to  conform  to  the  equitable 
demand  of  the  archbishop,  that  they  should  submit  to  regulations 
which  had  been  sanctified  by  the  observance  of  their  predeces- 
sors. This  scheme  of  reformation  was  received  with  joy  by  the 
friends  of  religion,  whose  impatience  already  hailed  the  return 
of  ancient  fervour :  but  it  was  resolutely  opposed  by  the  more 
wealthy  and  dissipated  of  the  clerical  order.  From  the  writings 
of  -^Ifric,  we  may  collect  the  arguments  of  the  adverse  parties. 
The  canon,  which  excluded  female  servants  and  female  relatives 
from  the  habitations  of  the  clergy,  was  condemned  as  imposing 
a  superfluous  and  barbarous  restraint,  which  would  deprive  them 
both  of  the  society  of  those  to  whom  they  were  most  dear,  and 
of  services  which,  on  many  occasions,  were  absolutely  indispen- 
sable. Against  the  injunction  of  celibacy,  it  was  urged,  that  the 
permission  which  had  been  granted  to  the  priests  of  the  old,  had 
descended,  with  their  other  privileges,  to  those  of  the  new  law  : 
and  that  to  deny  the  propriety  of  such  an  institution,  was  to  dis- 
pute the  wisdom  of  the  Saviour  himself,  who  had  raised  St.  Pe- 
ter, a  married  man,  to  the  dignity  of  prince  of  the  apostles.  To 
these  reasons  ^Ifric  condescended  to  reply,  that  the  canons 
which  were  most  loudly  opposed,  had,  in  former  times,  been  ac- 
curately observed  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  ;  and  that  his  con- 
temporaries, if  they  possessed  the  virtue,  would  willingly  imitate 

■"s  Precor  modo  obnixe  almitatem  tuam,  mitissime  pater  Sigerice,  ut  digneris  corrigere 
per  tuam  industriam,  si  aliquos  nsevos  maligna;  heresis  aut  nebulosjE  fallaciaB  in  nostra 
interpretatione  reperias.  Preface  to  the  first  volume  in  Wanley's  MSS.  p.  153.  He 
began  the  second  in  the  same  manner.  Hoc  quoque  opus  commendamus  tuse  auctori- 
tati  corrigendum  quemadmodum  praecedens,  precantes  obnixe,  ne  parcas  obliterare,  si 
aliquas  malignse  haresis  maculas  in  eo  reperies.     Ibid. 

^s  See  Mores,  Comment,  p.  21—65.  He  died  in  1005.  Chron.  Sax.  p.  134.  The 
most  celebrated  of  .^Ifric's  scholars  was  another  ^Ifric  surnamed  Bata.  He  was 
abbot  of  Egnesham,  prior  of  Winchester,  and  afterwards  archbishop  of  York.  His 
principal  works  are  a  life  of  St.  Ethelwold,  mentioned  by  Mabillon,  (Act.  Bened.  Sec.  v. 
p.  606,)  and  two  letters  to  Archbishop  Wulstan,  which  have  been  frequently  quoted  in 
the  preceding  chapters.     His  death  happened  in  1051.     Mores,  p.  65. 


iELPRIc's    HOMILIES.  251 

the  obedience  of  their  predecessors.  The  marriage  of  the  clergy 
he  treated  as  a  late  and  profane  innovation,  derogatory  from  the 
sanctity,  and  repugnant  to  the  functions  of  the  priesthood.  Celi- 
bacy had  been  recommended  to  the  ministers  of  the  altar  by 
Christ  himself,  when  he  required  of  his  disciples  to  be  willing  to 
relinquish  every  object  for  his  sake;  and  had  been  enjoined  by 
the  fathers  of  the  great  council  of  Nice,  when  they  ordered  the 
tiaivaxtoi  to  be  ejected  from  the  houses  of  the  clergy.*"  If,  under 
the  Mosaic  dispensation,  the  priests  were  permitted  to  marry,  it 
should  be  remembered,  that  the  sacred  functions  were  then  con- 
fined to  a  certain  number  of  families,  and  that  the  immolation 
of  animals  required  a  less  degree  of  purity  than  the  oblation  of 
the  holy  husel.*'  The  example  of  St.  Peter  was,  he  contended, 
a  confirmation  of  his  opinion.  He  had,  indeed,  been  married 
before  his  vocation  to  the  apostleship ;  but  from  the  moment  in 
which  he  attached  himself  to  Christ,  he  had  abandoned  all  com- 
merce with  his  wife,  and  practised  that  chastity  which  he  learned 
from  the  doctrine  and  example  of  his  master."  The  sentiments 
which  jElfric  has  expressed  in  his  writings,  he  had  imbibed  in 
the  monastery  of  Winchester :  they  were  enforced  by  the  strong 
arm  of  authority ;  and  each  successive  council  commanded  the 
clergy  to  observe  the  chastity  of  their  profession.*^  By  an  easy 
metaphor,  the  engagement  which  the  priest  contracted  at  his  or- 
dination, was  likened  to  that  of  matrimony  :  his  church  was  con- 
sidered as  his  only  lawful  wife  :  and  to  admit  any  woman,  under 
whatever  title,  to  his  bed,  was  to  charge  his  soul  with  the  guilt 
of  a  spiritual  and  sacrilegious  adultery.**  The  more  virtuous  of 
the  clergy  readily  yielded  to  the  commands  of  their  superiors : 

so  Wilk.  Con.  p.  250,  251.     Leg.  Sax.  p.  167. 

*'  ^Ifric  Bata,  in  his  epistle  to  Wulstan,  says  that  the  priests  in  the  old  law,  were 
obliged  to  a  temporary  chastity  before  they  offered  sacrifice.  The  same  appears  to  have 
been  recommended  by  the  heathens. 

Vos  quoque  abesse  procul  jubeo  ;  discedite  ab  aris, 

Queis  tulit  hesterna  gaudia  nocte  Venus. 
Casta  placent  superis ;  casta  cum  mente  venite 
Et  puris  manibus  sumite  fontis  aquam.  Tibullus. 

*2  Leg.  Sax.  154.  162.  167.  ^If.  prsef.  in  Gen.  p.  2.  He  also  wrote  a  treatise  on 
the  celibacy  of  the  clergy,  which  is  unpublished  in  the  Cotton  library,  Faust.  A.  9. 
(Mores,  Com.  p.  45.)  It  was  formed  into  a  sermon,  and  read  in  the  church.  (Wan- 
ley,  MSS.  p.  199.) 

*3  Presbyteros  summopere  obsecramus,  ut  caste  et  continenter  Domino  jugiter  ser- 
vientes,  a  connubiis  se  femineis  omnino  abstineant :  sicque  Domini  iram  devitent.  Con. 
^nnam.  p.  293.  Full  jeopne  hij  pican.  p  hij  naejon  mib  jiihce  ^upih 
haemeb  binje  pipep  jemanan.     Leg.  eccl.  Can.  p.  301.  vi. 

**  Da  finbon  J?a  sepbpycan  f e  fuph  healicne  hab  cipic  sepe  un- 
beppenjon  ^  p  pib^an  abpascan.  Cipice  ly  pacepbop  aepe.  nah 
he  mib  pihce  aenije  obpe.  Nip  nanum  peopeb  fejne  alipeb  p 
he  pipian  moce.  Lib.  Const,  apud  Wilk.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  150,  151.  See  also  Ed- 
gar's Canons  in  Wilkins,  (Cone.  vol.  i.  p.  225,  viii.  229,  Ix.) 


252  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

but  many  listened  with  greater  docility  to  the  suggestions  of  pas- 
sion ;  and,  during  the  century  of  confusion  which  preceded  the 
extinction  of  the  Saxon  dynasty,  derided  the  severe  but  impotent 
menaces  of  the  canons.  In  a  charge  to  his  clergy,  Wulstan, 
arclibishop  of  York,  laments  that  the  iniquity  of  the  times  pre- 
vented him  from  chastising  the  contumacy  of  the  rebels  :  but  his 
duty  impelled  him  to  admonish  them  of  the  obligations  of  chas- 
tity, and  to  invite  them  to  observe  it  by  every  motive  which  re- 
ligion could  inspire," 

During  the  long  reign  of  Edgar,  the  ejected  clergy  were  con- 
demned to  bewail  in  silence  the  loss  of  their  possessions :  but 
their  present  discontent  was  soothed  with  the  hope  of  obtaining 
ample  indemnity  from  the  equity  or  weakness  of  his  successor. 
That  successor  was  a  boy :  and  an  ambitious  stepmother  at- 
tempted to  transfer  the  crown  from  his  temples  to  those  of  her 
own  son.  This  season  of  confusion  and  doubtful  loyalty  ap- 
peared propitious  to  their  design.  Alfere,  duke  of  Mercia,  was 
the  first  to  unfurl  the  standard  of  the  clergy.  Their  adherents, 
moved  by  compassion,  or  allured  by  presents,  were  eager  to  copy 
his  example  :  and  in  several  provinces  the  monks  were  ignomi- 
niously  expelled  from  their  convents  by  the  swords  of  their  ene- 
mies.*^ But  army  was  soon  opposed  to  army:  and  Alwine, 
duke  of  East  Anglia,  his  brother  Alfwold,  and  the  earl  Brith- 
node,  declared  themselves  the  protectors  of  the  monks.  The 
kingdom  was  menaced  with  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war,  from  the 
passions  of  the  opposite  parties,  when  their  chieftains  were  in- 
duced to  argue  the  merits  of  their  respective  claims  in  a  council 
at  Winchester.  The  issue  proved  unfavourable  to  the  clergy. 
The  efforts  of  Dunstan  and  the  bishops  had  succeeded  in  fixing 
the  crown  on  the  head  of  Edward,  the  eldest  son  of  the  deceased 
monarch ;  and  their  preponderance  insured  to  the  monks  an 
easy  victory."  Scarcely,  however,  had  four  years  elapsed,  when 
the  complaints  of  the  clergy,  and  the  clamours  of  their  friends, 
were  revived,  and  another  council  was  summoned  to  meet  at 
Calne.  But,  in  the  heat  of  the  debate,  the  floor  of  the  room  sunk 
under  the  weight  of  numbers ;  the  whole  assembly,  except  the 

"  L.  pe  ne  majon  eop  nu  neabunje  nyban  Co  claenneppe  ac  pe 
mynjiaft  eop  ppa  beah.  p  je  clacnneppe  healban  ppa  ppa 
Cjliptep  J'ejnap  pciilon.     Apud  eund.  p.  167. 

«6  Wigor.  ad  ann.  975.  Hoved.  ad  ann.  975.  f.  245.  Ingulf,  p.  54.  In  the  Saxon 
chronicle  the  sufferings  of  the  monks  afford  the  subject  of  a  short  poem,  (Chr.  Sax.  p. 
123.) 

''  In  this  or  some  other  council  held  at  Winchester,  (for  historians  do  not  agree 
respecting  the  time,)  it  is  said  that  a  voice  issued  from  a  crucifix,  exclaiming,  "  All  is 
well:  make  no  change."  Mr.  Turner,  with  his  usual  fidelity  and  candour,  describes 
this  voice  as  an  artifice  of  the  primate  :  I  would  rather  say  that  the  whole  history  is  no 
more  than  a  popular  tale,  adopted,  and  perhaps  improved,  by  later  writers.  It  was  un- 
known to  the  more  ancient  historians. 


•        COUNCIL    OP    CALNE.  253 

archbishop,  who  fortunately  held  by  a  beam,  were  precipitated 
to  the  ground ;  and  amidst  the  ruins  and  the  confusion  many 
were  dangerously  wounded,  and  others  lost  their  lives.  This 
melancholy  event  decided  the  controversy.  The  pious  credulity 
of  the  age  ascribed  the  fall  of  the  floor,  and  the  preservation  of 
Dunstan,  to  the  interposition  of  Heaven  :  and  the  clergy  at  length 
desisted  from  a  contest  in  which  they  believed  that  both  God  and 
man  were  their  adversaries. 

Such  is  the  plain,  unvarnished  history  of  the  synod  of  Calne  : 
but  on  this  narrow  basis  a  huge  superstructure  of  calumny  and 
fable  has  been  raised  by  religious  prejudice.  Dunstan,  if  we 
may  credit  the  recent  historian  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,^^  harassed 
by  the  repeated  attempts  of  the  clergy,  trembled  for  the  perma- 
nency of  his  favourite  establishments,  and  resolved  to  terminate 
the  quarrel  by  the  destruction  of  his  opponents.  By  his  order, 
the  floor  of  the  room  destined  to  contain  the  assembly  was 
loosened  from  the  walls ;  during  the  deliberation,  the  temporary 
supports  were  suddenly  removed ;  and  in  an  instant  the  nobles,  the 
clergy,  and  the  other  members  were  promiscuously  cast  among 
the  ruins ;  while  the  archbishop,  secure  in  his  seat,  contemplated 
with  savage  satisfaction  the  bloody  scene  below.  This  is  the 
substance  of  the  tale  which  has  lately  been  presented  to  the  pub- 
lic ;  but  I  may  be  allowed  to  pause,  before  I  subscribe  to  its 
truth.  The  atrocity  of  the  deed,  the  silence  of  his  contempora- 
ries, the  impolicy  of  involving  in  the  same  fate  his  friends  as  well 
as  his  adversaries,  must  provoke  a  doubt  in  favour  of  the  pri- 
mate :  and  even  those  who  have  been  taught  to  think  disadvan- 
tageously  of  his  character,  will,  at  least,  before  they  venture  to 
condemn  him,  demand  some  evidence  of  his  guilt.  But  no  such 
evidence  has  been,  or  can  be,  produced  by  contemporary  and 
succeeding  writers.  The  fall  of  the  floor  was  attributed  to  acci- 
dent, or  the  interposition  of  Heaven  :  the  sanguinary  contrivance 
of  Dunstan  was  a  secret,  which,  during  almost  eight  centuries, 
eluded  the  observation  of  every  historian,  and  was  first,  I  be- 
heve,  revealed  to  the  skepticism  of  Hume,  who  introduced  his 
suspicion  to  the  public  under  the  modest  veil  of  a  possibility.*^ 
But  suspicion  has  quickly  ripened  into  certitude ;  and  the  guilt 
of  the  archbishop  has  been  pronounced  without  doubt  or  quali- 
fication. Nor  (the  omission  is  inexplicable)  has  his  accuser 
claimed  the  merit  of  the  discovery  ;  but  left  his  incautious  readers 
to  conclude,  that  he  had  derived  his  information  from  the  respect- 

58  Hist,  of  the  Anglo-Sax.  vol.  iii.  p.  190,  191. 

*9  Hist.  c.  2.  Should,  however,  any  friend  of  Archbishop  Parker  assign  to  that  pre- 
late the  merit  of  the  discovery,  I  shall  not  dispute  the  priority  of  his  claim.  This,  at 
least,  is  certain,  that  he  ascribed  the  misfortune  at  Calne  to  a  conspiracy  between  the 
devil  and  the  monks.  Humana  fraude  et  ope  diabolica  carere  non  potuit.  Antiquit. 
p.  87. 

Y 


254  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

able  authorities  to  whom  he  boldly  appeals.^"  Yet  they  appear 
to  have  been  ignorant  of  the  charge,  and  contented  themselves 
with  translating  the  simple  narrative  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  the 
most  faithful  register  of  the  times.  "  This  year  the  principal  no- 
bility of  England  fell,  at  Calne,  from  an  upper  floor,  except  the 
holy  Archbisliop  Dunstan,  who  stood  upon  a  beam.  And  some 
were  grievously  hurt,  and  some  did  not  escape  with  their  lives."^' 
From  the  council  of  Calne  till  the  Norman  conquest,  during  a 
period  of  about  ninety  years,  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  presents 
few  objects  worthy  the  attention  of  the  historian.  The  horrors 
which  had  marked  the  greater  part  of  the  ninth  century,  were 
renewed.  The  assassination  of  the  young  king  Edward,  the  in- 
dolence and  pusillanimity  of  Ethelred,  and  the  treachery  of  the 
Saxon  nobles,  invited  Swegen,  of  Denmark,  to  retrace  the  bloody 
footsteps  of  his  fathers :  his  immature  death  did  not  arrest  the 
victorious  career  of  his  followers ;  and  his  son  and  successor, 
Canute,  refused  to  sheathe  the  sword  till  he  had  mounted  the 
throne  of  England.  From  the  history  of  their  devastations,  I 
may  be  allowed  to  select  the  calamitous  fate  of  Canterbury. ^^ 
The  citizens,  impelled  by  repeated  injuries,  had  killed  the  brother 
of  Edric,  a  name  infamous  in  the  annals  of  domestic  treason. 
The  policy  or  justice  of  Ethelred  refused  to  punish  the  mur- 
derers ;  and  Edric,  in  the  pursuit  of  revenge,  joined  with  his  re- 
tainers the  enemies  of  his  country.  As  the  army  of  the  barba- 
rians approached,  the  citizens  surrounded  Elphege,  their  arch- 
bishop, and  entreated  him  to  provide  for  his  security  by  a  timely 
retreat.  "  It  is  the  duty  of  the  shepherd  to  watch  by  his  flock," 
was  his  intrepid  reply.  On  the  twentieth  day  of  the  siege,  the 
traitor,  -^Imer,  set  fire  to  a  quarter  of  the  city  :  and  as  the  garri- 
son deserted  the  walls  to  save  their  wives  and  children,  the 
Danes,  snatching  the  favourable  moment,  forced  their  way 
through  the  nearest  gate.  With  tears  of  anguish  and  indigna- 
tion, the  Anglo-Saxon  writers  describe  the  miseries  which  the 
barbarians  inflicted  on  this  devoted  city.  Other  cruelties  may  be 
supplied  by  the  imagination  of  the  reader :  but  it  was  their 

60  Malm.  p.  61.     Flor.  Wig.  p.  361.     Sim.  Dun.  p.  160. 

^*  On  fif f um  jeap  ealle  fa  ylbepcan  Anjelcynnej'  pican  je- 
f  eollan  sec  Calne  op  anpe  up-plopan  bucan  pe  haljan  Dunp can 
Apcebipcop.  ana  aepcob  uppon  anum  beame.  -]  pume  \><f^]i  ppi^e 
jebpocobe  p?epon.  "^  piime  hiC  ne  jebyjbanmib  ]>am  lipe.  Chron. 
Sax.  p.  124.  I  shall  add  Huntingdon's  translation.  Omnes  optimates  Anglorum  ceci- 
derunt  a  quodam  solio  apud  Calne  praeter  sanctum  Dunstanum,  qui  trahe  quadam  ap- 
prehensa  restitit.  Unde  quidam  eorum  valde  Issi  sunt,  quidam  vero  mortui.  Hunt- 
ing. 1.  V.  f.  204. — St.  Dunstan  died  ten  years  after  this  event,  in  988.  Godwin  (p.  53) 
informs  us  that  some  centuries  elapsed  before  his  canonization.  This  is  a  mistake. 
Within  fifty  years  his  festival  was  ordered  to  be  kept  on  the  thirtieth  of  May.  Wilk. 
p.  303. 

"  Anno  1011. 


MARTYRDOM    OF    ST.  ELPHEGE  255 

amusement,  their  own  writers  attest  it,^''  to  toss  the  infants  of 
their  captives  on  the  points  of  their  spears,  or  to  crush  them  be- 
neath the  wheels  of  their  wagons.'''*  The  archbishop,  sohcitous 
for  his  flock,  and  forgetful  of  his  own  danger,  tore  himself  from 
the  hands  and  entreaties  of  his  monks,  and  rushing  into  the 
midst  of  the  carnage,  besought  the  barbarians  to  spare  his  de- 
fenceless countrymen.  His  voice  and  gestures  attracted  their 
notice.  He  was  seized,  bound  as  a  captive,  and  dragged  to  be- 
hold the  ruin  of  his  cathedral.  Within  this  venerable  church 
were  collected  the  monks,  the  clergy,  and  a  crowd  of  inhabitants. 
The  sanctity  of  the  place  might,  perhaps,  arrest  the  fury  of  the 
Danes :  or  its  strength  might  protract  their  fate  till  the  enemy 
should  listen  to  the  suggestions  of  humanity.  These  hopes  were 
fallacious.  A  pile  of  dry  wood  was  raised  against  the  wall : 
with  shouts  of  joy  the  fire  was  kindled  :  the  flames  ascended  the 
roof;  and  the  falling  timbers  and  melted  lead  compelled  the  fugi- 
tives to  abandon  their  asylum.  As  they  appeared,  they  were 
massacred  before  the  eyes  of  the  archbishop. 

Towards  the  evening,  Elphege  was  conducted  by  his  guards 
to  the  northern  gate,  the  rendezvous  of  those  whom  the  victors 
had  destined  to  be  sold  or  ransomed.  The  sight  of  their  archbishop 
renewed  the  sorrows  of  the  captives ;  and  a  general  exclamation 
announced  their  anguish.  He  attempted  to  speak :  but  a  stroke 
from  a  battle-axe  compelled  him  to  be  silent.  The  Danes  num- 
bered the  captives.  They  amounted  to  eight  hundred.  Seven 
thousand  men,  besides  women  and  children,  had  perished  in  the 
sack  of  the  city.     Of  forty  monks,  four  only  remained. 

The  life  of  the  archbishop  had  been  spared  by  the  avarice  of 
the  Danes ;  and  the  price  of  his  ransom  was  fixed  at  three 
thousand  pounds  of  silver.  Had  he  exhorted  the  neighbouring 
clergy  to  surrender  their  sacred  ornaments,  the  sum  might 
probably  have  been  raised  :  but  to  the  urgent  requisitions  of  the 
barbarians  he  answered,  that  the  life  of  a  decrepit  old  man  was 
of  little  value  ;  and  the  obstinacy  of  his  refusal  increased  the 
severity  of  his  treatment.  Seven  months  he  was  confined  in 
prison,  or  compelled  to  follow  their  camp  :  and  on  the  vigil  of  Eas- 
ter was  informed,  that  within  eight  days  he  must  either  pay  the 
money,  or  forfeit  his  life.  On  the  following  Saturday  he  was 
conducted  before  the  army.  "  Bishop,"  exclaimed  a  thousand 
voices,  "  where  is  your  ransom  ?"  The  old  man,  to  recover 
from  his  fatigue,  sat  down  in  silence.  After  a  short  pause  he 
arose  :  "  I  have  no  other  gold  or  silver,"  said  he,  "to  offer  you, 
than  the  knowledge  of  the  true  God.  Him  it  is  my  duty  to 
preach   to  you:  and  if  you  are  deaf  to  my  voice,  you  will 

63  Bartholin,  p.  457. 

«■»  Osb.  vit.  St.  Elpheg.  p.  135.  Wigorn.  p.  614.  Anno  1011.  Hoved.  f.  247. 
Anno  1011 


256  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

experience  the  eifects  of  his  justice."  He  could  proceed  no 
farther.  Rushing  from  their  seats,  the  Danish  chieftains  beat 
him  to  the  ground  :  the  muhitude  copied  the  fury  of  their  leaders  ; 
and  in  a  few  minutes  the  body  of  the  archbishop  was  buried  un- 
der a  heap  of  stones.''^  At  the  close  of  the  tragedy,  Thrum,  a 
Dane,  whom  he  had  baptized  and  confirmed  on  the  preceding 
day,  ventured  to  approach.  He  found  him  still  breathing  ;  and, 
to  put  an  end  to  his  pain,  clove  his  skull  with  a  battle-axe.  The 
body  was  conveyed  the  next  morning  to  London,  and  interred  by 
the  bishops  Eadnoth  and  iElf  hune,  in  the  church  of  St.  Paul.^^ 

During  this  turbulent  and  calamitous  period,  the  vigilance  of 
the  bishops  was  employed  to  prevent  the  decline  of  ecclesiastical 
discipline ;  and  the  regulations  which  tliey  published  in  the 
national  synods,  would  have  done  honour  to  the  most  fervent 
era  of  their  church.  The  laity  were  exhorted  to  despise  the 
superstition  of  the  pagan  Danes,  and  to  practise  the  virtues  of 
the  gospel :  the  parochial  clergy  were  admonished  in  detail  of 
their  numerous  and  important  duties  :  to  the  monks  was  recom- 
mended the  exact  observance  of  their  rule  ;  and  the  discipline 
which  had  formerly  distinguished  the  canons,  was  accurately 
described,  and  at  times  severely  enforced.  They  were  com- 
manded to  serve  the  Lord  in  chastity ;  to  attend  in  the  choir  at 
the  seven  hours  of  the  divine  service  ;  to  eat  daily  in  the  common 
refectory  ;  and  to  sleep  each  night  in  their  own  dormitory.  If  in 
any  churches  these  practices  had  been  omitted,  they  were  to  be 
resumed :  and  the  incorrigible  members  were  to  be  expelled  in 
favour  of  others  more  willing  to  comply  with  the  duties  of  their 
profession." 

The  rivalry,  which  the  reformation  of  St.  Dunstan  had  excited 
between  the  clergy  and  the  monks,  was  still  kept  alive  by  occa- 
sional occurrences :  and  the  fortunes  of  each  party  varied  with 
the  power  or  the  fancy  of  its  protectors.  ^Ifric,  the  primate, 
established  a  colony  of  Benedictines  in  the  cathedral  of  Canter- 
bury, and  his  conduct  was  confirmed  by  a  charter  of  King  Ethel- 
bert  :^^  for  the  clergy,  who  served  the  church  of  St.  Edmund's, 
Canute  substituted  a  confraternity  of  monks  i^"  Leofric,  earl  of 
Coventry,  built  and  endowed  several   monasteries ;  and   the 

^*  Osbem,  p.  140.  Hoveden,  Florence  of  Worcester,  and  the  Saxon  Chronicle  add 
bones,  and  the  skulls  of  oxen.  The  Danish  army  had  just  dined,  and  were  intoxicated 
with  mead  or  wine.  Chron.  Sax.  p.  142.  Hoved.  f.  247.  Florrn.  Wig.  p.  614. 
The  archbishop  was  killed  at  Greenwich.     Ang.  Sac.  torn.  1.  p.  .5.     Thorn,  p.  1781. 

^^  These  particulars  are  related  by  the  contemporary  writer  in  the  Saxon  Chronicle, 
(ibid.)  and  by  Osbem,  who  received  them  from  the  mouths  of  Aifward  and  Godric,  the 
former  a  disciple  of  St.  Dunstan,  the  latter  of  St.  Elphege.     Osbem,  p.  145. 

S'  Con.  ^nham.  p.  292. 

68   Wilk.  p.  282.  284.     Mores,  Comment,  p.  84.  88. 

^9  The  body  of  St.  Edmund  was  translated  from  Hoxton  to  Bury,  and  a  monastery 
of  canons  erected  over  it  in  the  reign  of  Canute.  Lei.  Itiner.  vol.  ix.  p.  5.  MonasU 
Ang.  torn.  i.  p.  285. 


UNION    OP    MONKS    AND    CLERGY.  257 

magnificent  remains  of  the  abbey  of  Westminster  still  proclaim 
the  munificence  of  Edward  the  Confessor.  On  the  other  hand 
churches  were  frequently  transferred  by  the  partiaUty  of  their 
patrons  from  the  Benedictines  to  the  clergy  :^°  the  massacres  of 
the  Danes  compelled  the  monks  of  Canterbury  to  solicit  the 
assistance  of  the  canons :  several  abbeys  were  reduced  by  the 
barbarians  to  the  lowest  degree  of  poverty  ;  and  some,  with  their 
inhabitants,  were  committed  to  the  flames7^  The  Norman 
invasion  terminated  these  disputes.  The  petty  jealousies  of  party 
were  absorbed  in  the  general  confusion :  and  both  monks  and 
clergy,  instead  of  contending  against  each  other,  were  eager  to 
unite  their  influence,  in  order  to  preserve  their  respective  property 
from  the  rapacious  gripe  of  the  conquerors. 

70  See  the  council  of  iEnham,  (p.  292.)  Si  autem  cujuspiam  Monachorum  monas- 
terium,  velut  plerumque  mutata  temporum  vicissitudine  contingere  solet,  cum  canonicis 
constitutum  sit.  In  this  case  the  ejected  monk  was  to  appear  before  his  bishop,  and 
promise  to  observe  chastity,  wear  the  monastic  habit,  and  persevere  in  his  profession  till 
death.  The  last  instance  of  the  kind  which  I  can  find  is  that  of  Leofric,  bishop  of 
Crediton,  who  translated  his  see  to  Exeter,  ejected  the  religious,  and  introduced  a  society 
of  canons,  that  followed  the  rule  of  St.  Chrodogand  of  Metz.  Qui  contra  morem  An- 
glorum,  ad  formam  Lotharingiorum,  uno  triclinio  comederent,  uno  cubiculo  cubitarent. 
(Malm.  1.  ii.  f.  145.)  Had  the  historian  never  seen  the  canon  of  the  council  of  iEnham, 
which  is  referred  to  in  page  328 1 

7'  Ingulf,  f.  506,  507. 

33  y2 


258  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Missions  of  the   Anglo-Saxons — St.   Willibrord — St.    Boniface — St.   Willehad — St. 
Sigifrid  in  Sweden — Conversion  of  Denmarli — Of  Norway. 

In  the  preceding  pages  I  have  endeavoured  to  convey  to  the 
mind  of  the  reader  a  satisfactory  notion  of  the  disciphne,  poUty, 
and  principal  revohitions  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church :  in  the 
present  chapter  I  shall  attempt  to  describe  the  spiritual  conquests 
of  her  children  in  the  conversion  of  foreign  and  idolatrous  na- 
tions. Scarcely  had  Christianity  assumed  a  decided  superiority 
in  England,  when  many  of  the  converts  felt  themselves  animated 
with  the  spirit  of  the  apostles.  The  north  of  Germany,  inhabited 
by  kindred  tribes  of  barbarians,  presented  an  ample  field  to  their 
exertions:  the  merit  of  rescuing  them  from  the  dominion  of 
paganism,  inflamed  their  zeal :  and  they  eagerly  devoted  to  the 
pious  enterprise  their  abilities,  fortunes,  and  lives.  The  success 
of  their  labours  was  answerable  to  the  purity  of  their  motives: 
and  within  little  more  than  a  century  from  the  mission  of  St. 
Augustine,  the  rays  of  the  gospel  were  reverberated  from  the 
shores  of  Britain  to  the  banks  of  the  Weser,  the  Rhine,  and  the 
Danube. 

The  first  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  who  preached  on  the  continent, 
was  the  celebrated  St.  Wilfrid.  When  the  injustice  of  his 
enemies  compelled  him  to  abandon  his  native  country,  he  pru- 
dently avoided  the  liostile  ports  of  Gaul,  and  landed  on  the  more 
friendly  coast  of  Friesland.  Adelgise,  the  king,  received  the 
stranger  with  kindness,  and  gave  him  his  hand  as  a  pledge  of  his 
protection.  Prevented  from  prosecuting  his  journey  by  the  early 
inclemency  of  the  winter,  and  encouraged  by  the  frietidship  of  the 
king,  Wilfrid  announced  the  truths  of  the  gospel  to  the  Frisians  ; 
and  several  chieftains,  with  some  thousands  of  their  retainers,  re- 
ceived from  his  hands  the  sacrament  of  baptism.  When  Ebroin  (he 
was  mayor  of  the  palace  to  the  king  of  Neustria  and  Burgundy, 
and  the  personal  enemy  of  Wilfrid')  learned  his  arrival  in  Fries- 
land,  he  despatched  a  messenger  to  demand  the  fugitive,  and  pro- 
mised the  king  a  sack  of  gold,  as  the  reward  of  his  perfidy.     The 

'  Dagobert,  the  lawful  heir  to  the  crown  of  Austrasia,  had  in  his  youth  been  com- 
pelled to  seek  an  asylum  in  Ireland.  After  an  interval  of  some  years  his  friends  deter- 
mined to  place  him  on  the  throne.  At  their  request  Wilfrid  discovered  the  royal  exile; 
and  assisted  him,  probably  with  money  or  troops,  to  regain  possession  of  his  kingdom. 
(Edd.  vit.  Wilf.  c.  27.)  As  Ebroin  was  the  great  adversary  of  Dagobert,  he  was 
naturally  the  enemy  of  Wilfrid  ;  and  at  the  solicitation  of  the  king  of  Northumbria  had 
undertaken  to  arrest  him  in  his  journey  to  Rome.     Edd.  c.  24. 


ECGBERT    PLANS   THE    FOREIGN    MISSION.  259 

Frisian  received  the  proposal  with  indignation.  In  the  presence 
of  his  chieftains,  the  Anglo-Saxon,  and  the  ambassadors,  he  read 
the  letter  of  Ebroin,  and  tearing  it  in  pieces,  exclaimed  :  "  So  may 
the  Creator  divide  the  kingdom  of  that  prince,  who  perjures 
himself  to  God,  and  violates  his  promise  to  man."  Wilfrid  re- 
mained in  safety  nnder  the  protection  of  Adelgise  ;  and,  with  the 
return  of  spring,  resumed  his  journey.^ 

Tlie  preaching  of  Wilfrid  may  be  ascribed  to  accident  rather 
than  design  :  and  the  merit  of  establishing  the  missions  in  Ger- 
many must  be  allotted  to  Ecgbert,  a  Northumbrian  priest  of 
noble  extraction.  The  monasteries  of  Ireland  and  the  western 
isles  were  filled,  at  this  period,  with  men,  whose  well-earned 
reputation  was  acknowledged  by  the  other  Christian  nations  of 
Europe.  The  praise  of  their  virtue  and  learning  had  been  the 
favourite  theme  of  Aidan,  Finan,  and  Colman,  the  three  first 
bishops  of  Lindisfarne  :  and  the  desire  of  improvement  induced 
a  crowd  of  noble  youths  to  cross  the  sea,  and  assist  at  the  lessons 
of  these  foreign  masters.  In  Ireland  the  hospitality  of  the  natives 
gained  the  affection  of  the  strangers  ;  and  the  advantages  which 
they  enjoyed,  attached  them  to  their  voluntary  exile.-'  Of  the 
number  was  Ecgbert.  His  application  was  unwearied;  in  the 
course  of  a  few  years  he  saw  himself  surrounded  with  disciples; 
and  his  reputation  drew  to  his  school  many  of  his  countrymen. 
It  was  then  he  formed  the  design  of  diffusing  the  light  of  the 
gospel  through  the  north  of  Germany,  and  selected  for  his 
associates  the  most  learned  and  zealous  of  his  hearers.  But 
the  loss  of  the  ship  destined  to  transport  the  missionaries,  re- 
tarded his  departure:  a  dream,  or  the  advice  of  his  friends, 
suggested  an  improvement  of  the  original  plan.  The  personal 
exertions  of  Ecgbert  were  confined  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
western  islands  ;  and  the  foreign  missions  were  allotted  to  the 
zeal  of  his  more  robust  disciples.  As  their  precursor,  Wigbert 
was  sent  to  Friesland,  to  sound  the  dispositions  of  the  natives. 
Two  years  of  fruitless  labour  exhausted  his  patience,  and  he  re- 
turned to  relate  a  lamentable  tale  of  the  indocility  of  Radbode, 
the  successor  of  Adelgise,  and  of  the  ferocity  of  his  subjects.'* 
But  Wigbert  had  scarcely  reached  Ireland,  when  the  Franks,  un- 
der the  conduct  of  Pepin  of  Heristal,  wrested  from  the  Frisian 
prince  the  southern  part  of  his  dominions.  The  news  revived 
the  hopes  of  Ecgbert.  Pepin  was  a  Christian :  his  authority 
would  second  the  exertions  of  the  missionaries :  and  twelve 
Anglo-Saxons,  with  Willibrord  at  their  head,  sailed  from  the 
coast  of  Ireland  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rhine.* 

Willibrord  was  a  native  of  Northumbria.     His  education  had 
been  intrusted  to  the  care  of  the  monks  of  Rippon  ;  and  in  that 

2  EdJ.  c.  25,  26.     Ann.  675,  676.  3  Bed.  Hist.  1.  iii.  c.  27. 

4  Ibid.  1.  V.  c.  9.  *  Ann.  690.  Bed.  1.  v.  c  10. 


260  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

seminary  he  received  the  clerical  tonsure  and  the  monastic  habit. 
But  the  fame  of  Ecgbert  excited  the  emulation  of  the  young 
monk ;  his  thirst  after  knowledge  could  not  be  satisfied  with  the 
instructions  of  an  inferior  master ;  and,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  he 
sailed,  with  the  permission  of  his  abbot,  to  the  eastern  coast  of 
Ireland,  Ecgbert  was  charmed  with  the  modesty,  application, 
and  virtue  of  his  disciple  :  and  hesitated  not  to  appoint  him, 
when  he  had  scarcely  attained  his  thirty -second  year,  the  superior 
of  the  mission  in  Friesland.  By  the  natives  he  was  received 
"with  welcome.  His  views  were  sanctioned  by  the  approbation 
of  Pepin,  and  of  the  Roman  pontiff:  and  his  labours,  with  those 
of  his  associates,  were  rewarded  with  a  plenteous  harvest.  The 
multitude  of  the  converts  compelled  him  to  receive  the  episcopal 
dignity.  He  was  consecrated  at  Rome  by  Pope  Sergius  ;  fixed 
his  residence  at  Utrecht ;  assumed  the  style  of  metropolitan  of 
the  Frisians ;  and  ordained  for  the  more  distant  missions,  a 
competent  number  of  suffragan  bishops.  Pepin  and  his  successor 
frequently  displayed  the  highest  veneration  for  his  character, 
and  by  their  munificence  enabled  him  to  build  and  endow 
several  monasteries  and  churches.^ 

The  views  of  Willibrord  expanded  with  his  success.  He 
ventured  to  preach  to  the  independent  Frisians :  nor  was  he 
opposed  by  Radbode,  who  either  respected  his  virtues,  or  feared 
the  resentment  of  the  Franks.  The  territories  of  Ongend,  a 
ferocious  Dane,  were  next  visited  by  the  intrepid  missionary : 
but  the  threats  of  their  chieftain  rendered  the  natives  deaf  to  his 
instructions,  and  he  was  compelled  to  content  himself  with  the 
purchase  of  thirty  boys,  Avhom  he  designed  to  educate  as  the 
future  apostles  of  their  country.  In  the  isle  of  Foiseteland  his 
zeal  was  nearly  rewarded  with  the  crown  of  martyrdom.  In  a 
spring,  which  superstition  had  consecrated  to  the  service  of  the 
pagan  deities,  he  had  presumed  to  baptize  three  of  his  converts. 
The  profanation  alarmed  the  fanaticism  of  the  idolaters :  and 
the  permission  of  Radbode  was  asked  to  sacrifice  the  missionaries 
to  the  gods  whose  fountain  they  had  polluted.  By  the  order  of 
the  king  the  lots  were  cast.  Willibrord  escaped  :  but  one  of  his 
companions  was  immolated  to  the  vengeance  of  the  islanders.^ 

Among  the  disciples  of  Ecgbert  were  two  Anglo-Saxons, 
brothers,  of  the  name  of  Ewald.  The  first  news  of  the  success 
of  Willibrord  kindled  a  similar  ardour  in  their  breasts ;  and  with 
the  permission  and  benediction  of  their  teacher,  they  proceeded 
to  the  territories  of  the  Old-Saxons.  At  the  frontiers,  they  were 
received  by  the  reeve  of  a  neighbouring  village,  who  entertained 
them  hospitably  in  his  house,  and  despatched  a  messenger  to 


«  Bed.  1.  V.  c.  12.     Ep.  St.  Bonif.  p.  122, 
^  Act.  SS.  Bened,  stec,  iii.  torn.  1,  p,  601, 

.     * 


ASSOCIATES    OP    ST.    WILLIBRORD.  261 

inform  the  ealdorman  of  their  arrival.  But  the  priests  of  the 
canton  carefully  watched  the  conduct  of  the  strangers :  they 
observed  them  employed  in  the  rites  of  a  foreign  worship  ;  and, 
fearing  the  seduction  of  their  chief,  sacrificed,  in  a  moment  of 
jealousy,  the  two  missionaries  to  their  suspicions.  One  of  the 
brothers  was  despatched  by  a  single  stroke :  the  lingering 
torments  of  the  other  amused  and  satisfied  the  cruelty  of  his 
persecutors.  But  the  ealdorman  considered  their  fate  as  an 
insult  to  his  authority.  At  his  return,  he  put  the  murderers  to 
death,  and  ordered  the  village  to  be  razed.  By  Pepin  the  bodies 
of  the  missionaries  were  honoured  with  a  magnificent  funeral  at 
Cologne :  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  their  names  were  imme- 
diately enrolled  in  the  martyrology.^ 

Of  the  Anglo-Saxons  who  associated  themselves  to  the  labours 
of  Willibrord,  several  are  mentioned  in  history  with  peculiar 
praise ;  and  their  memory  was  long  revered  with  gratitude  by 
the  posterity  of  their  converts.     1.  Swidbert  was  one  of  his  first 
companions.     The  Boructuarii,  the  inhabitants  of  the  present 
dutchy  of  Berg,  and  the  county  of  Mark,  were  the  principal 
objects  of  his  zeal :  but  the  fruits  of  his  labours  were  interrupted 
and  destroyed  by  a  sudden  irruption  of  the  pagan  Saxons.     The 
country  was  laid  waste ;  the  natives,  incapable   of  resistance, 
emigrated  to  the  neighbouring  nations ;  and  the  missionary,  in 
his  distress,   was  compelled  to  solicit  the  assistance  of  Pepin. 
That  prince  gave  him  the  island  of  Keisserswerdt,  in  the  river 
Rhine ;  on  which  he  built  a  monastery,  and  from  which  he 
occasionally  made  excursions  to  instruct  the  remaining  inhabit- 
ants.^    2.  Adelbert,  a  prince  of  the  royal  race  of  Northumbria, 
abandoned  his  country  to  share  the  merit  and  fortunes  of  Willi- 
brord.    He  chose  the  north  of  Holland  for  the  exercise  of  his 
zeal ;  the  pagans  listened  with  docility  to  his  instructions ;  and 
his  memory  was  long  held  in  veneration  by  the  inhabitants  of 
Egmond,  the  place  of  his  residence  and  death. '<*     3.  The  Batavi, 
who  dwelt  in  the  island  formed  by  the  Rhine  and  the  Wahal, 
owed  their  conversion  to  the  instructions  of  Werenfrid.     Elste 
was  the  capital  of  the  mission ;  and  the  church  of  that  town  pre- 
served his  relics."     4.  Wiro,  Plechelm,  and  Otger,  three  Anglo- 
Saxons,  devoted  themselves  to  the  conversion  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Gueldres.     Pepin  revered  and  rewarded  their  virtues,  and 
successively  intrusted  to  the  two  former  the  direction  of  his  con- 
science.    Their  principal  residence  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Rure- 
mond.'^ 

8  Anno  692.  Bed.  1.  v.  c.  11.  In  Bede's  martyrology  the  third  of  October  is 
assigned  to  their  memory.     Smith's  Bede,  p.  428. 

9  Bed.  1.  V.  c.  12.  10  Act.  SS.  Bened.  ssec.  iii.  torn.  i.  p.  631. 
"  Act.  SS.  Bolland.  Aug.  28. 

'2  Soc.  BoUan.  Mai.  torn.  ii.  p.  309.  Jul.  torn.  iv.  p.  58.  Sep.  torn.  ii.  p.  612.  The 
Irish  writers  consider  Wiro  as  their  countryman  ;  but  on  the  authority  of  Alcuin  I  have 
called  him  an  Anglo-Saxon.     Ale.  de  Pont.  Ebor.  v.  1045. 


2G2  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

But  the  merit  of  converting  barbarous  nations  was  not  con- 
fined to  the  zeal  of  the  Northumbrian  missionaries  :  and  the  title 
of  apostle  of  Germany,  has  been  bestowed  by  posterity  on  a 
West-Saxon  of  the  name  of  Boniface.    He  was  born  at  Crediion, 
in  Devonshire,  and  at  an  early  age  discovered  a  strong  predilec- 
tion for  the  monastic  profession.     His  father  beheld  with  dis- 
pleasure the  inclination  of  his  son  :  but  a  dangerous  indisposition 
removed  or  subdued  his  objections;  and  the   young  Winfrid, 
(such  was  his  original  name,)  accompanied  by  the  friends  of  his 
family,  repaired  to  the  monastery  of  Exanceaster.    From  Exan- 
ceaster  he  was  soon  transferred  to  Nutscelle  ;  and  in  both  houses 
his  rising  virtues  and  abilities  commanded  the  esteem  and  admi- 
ration of  his  brethren.     After  having  acquired  every  species  of 
knowledge  which  was  valued  at  that  period,  he  was  advanced 
to  the  office  of  teacher :  his  school  was  frequented  by  a  croAvd 
of  students ;  and  to  facilitate   the  diffusion  of  knowledge,  he 
taught,  by  tlie  command  of  his  superiors,  in  the  neighbouring 
monasteries  and  convents.    At  the  age  of  thirty  he  was  ordained 
priest ;  and  the  eloquence  or  piety  of  his  sermons  increased  his 
former  reputation.     He  was  admitted  to  the  great  council  of  the 
nation  :  Ina,  king  of  Wessex,  honoured  him  with  his  confidence  ; 
and  the  ambition  of  the  monk,  had  he  listened  to  ambition,  might 
have  justly  aspired  to  the  highest  ecclesiastical  preferments.    But 
he  had  heard  of  the  spiritual  conquests  of  Willibrord  and  the 
other  missionaries :  and  their  example  had  kindled  in  his  breast 
a  desire  of  contributing,  like  them,  to  the  progress  and  diffusion 
of  Christianity.     The  abbot  Wibert  reluctantly  yielded  to  his 
entreaties :  and  Winfrid,  accompanied  by  three  of  his  brethren, 
sailed  from  the  port  of  London  to  the  coast  of  Friesland.     He 
could  not  have  chosen  a  more  inauspicious  moment.    Pepin  was 
dead  ;  Charles,  his  son  and  successor,  was  opposed  by  the  rival 
ambition  of  Ragenfrid  ;  and  Radbode  seized  the  favourable  op- 
portunity to  pour  his  barbarians  into  the  provinces  which  he  had 
been  formerly  compelled  to  cede  to  the  power  of  the  Franks. 
The  missionaries  fled  ;  the  churches  were  demolished  ;  and  pa- 
ganism  recovered  the  ascendancy.     Winfrid,  however,  pene- 
trated as  far  as  Utrecht ;  he  even  ventured  to  solicit  the  protec- 
tion of  the  king :  but  his  efforts  were  fruitless  ;  and  prudence 
induced  him  to  return  to  England,  and  expect  the  issue  of  the 
war  in  the  retirement  of  his  former  monastery.'^ 

But  in  England  his  humility  was  soon  alarmed  by  tiie  partial- 
ity of  his  brethren,  who  chose  him  for  their  superior.  To  elude 
their  importunity,  he  implored  the  assistance  of  Daniel,  bishop 
of  Winchester :  and  by  the  influence  of  that  prelate  a  new  abbot 
was  installed,  and  the  missionary  was  again  permitted  to  pursue 
his  apostolic  labours.    With  several  companions  he  sailed  to  the 

'3  St.  Willib.  vit.  St.  Bonif.  p.  255— 2G3.  edit.  Serrar. 


ST.  BONIFACE    PREACHES    IN    GERMANY.  263 

continent,  and  directed  his  steps  to  Rome,  carrying  with  him  a 
letter  from  his  diocesan.  As  soon  as  the  pontiff  had  learned  from 
it  the  views  and  qualifications  of  the  pilgrim,  he  applauded  his 
zeal,  pointed  out  Germany  as  the  theatre  of  his  future  labours, 
and  dismissed  him  with  his  advice  and  benediction.  By  Liut- 
prand,  king  of  Lombard y,  he  was  received  with  veneration. 
From  the  court  of  that  hospitable  monarch  he  crossed  the  Alps, 
traversed  the  territory  of  the  Bavarians,  and  entered  the  country 
of  the  Thuringii.  The  natives  had  formerly  listened  to  the  doc- 
trines of  the  gospel :  but  they  still  retained  the  habits  of  paganism, 
and  their  clergy  were  few,  ignorant  of  their  duties,  and  irregular 
in  their  morals.  Boniface  (he  had  now  assumed  a  Latin  name) 
instructed  the  people,  and  reformed  the  clergy.  But  he  was  re- 
called from  this  pious  work  to  the  first  object  of  his  choice,  by 
the  death  of  Radbode,  and  the  subsequent  successes  of  the 
Franks.  Descending  the  Rliine,  he  entered  Friesland,  offered  his 
services  to  Willibrord,  and  laboured  three  years  under  the  direc- 
tion of  that  apostolic  prelate.  The  archbishop  revered  the  vir- 
tues of  his  new  associate  ;  and  determined  to  ordain  him  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  see  of  Utrecht :  but  Boniface  declined  the  dignity, 
and  retired  with  precipitation  among  the  Hessians  and  the  Old- 
Saxons.  The  poverty  of  the  country,  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather,  and  the  caprice  of  the  barbarians,  furnished  a  long  and 
severe  trial  to  the  patience  of  the  missionary :  but  his  perse- 
verance subdued  every  obstacle  ;  and  within  a  few  years  he  saw 
himself  surrounded  by  a  numerous  and  fervent  society  of  Chris- 
tians.^* 

By  the  report  of  travellers,  Gregory  IL  was  first  informed  of 
the  conquests  of  Boniface  :  from  his  letters  he  learned  that  many 
thousands  of  the  natives  of  Hesse,  Saxony,  and  Thuringia,  had 
willingly  submitted  to  the  doctrines  of  the  gospel.  The  piety  of 
the  pontiff  was  gratified  :  he  summoned  the  missionary  to  Rome, 
conferred  on  him  the  episcopal  ordination,'^  and  sent  him  back 
with  honour  to  his  converts.  From  this  hour  spiritual  distinc- 
tions continued  to  flow  upon  him.     He  soon  received  the  pal- 

H   IbiJ.  p.  262—268. 

'^  An  ancient  custom  required  that  bishops,  at  their  ordination,  should  subscribe  a 
promise,  or  take  an  oath,  of  obedience  to  their  metropolitan.  That  which  was  exacted 
by  the  Roman  pontiles,  is  still  preserved  in  the  Liber  Diurnus  Rom.  Pont.  p.  69.  It  is 
divided  into  two  parts.  In  the  first,  the  bishop  promises  to  profess  the  faith,  maintain 
the  unity,  and  watch  over  the  ititerests  of  the  church:  in  the  second,  to  bear  true  alle- 
giance to  the  emperor,  to  oppose  all  treasonable  practices,  and  to  disclose  to  the  pontiff 
such  as  may  come  to  his  knowledge.  But  after  the  conquests  and  conversion  of  the 
northern  nations,  it  became  necessary  to  change  the  second  part,  and  adapt  it  to  the  par- 
ticular circumstances  of  the  bishop  to  whom  it  was  proposed.  Thus,  in  the  time  of 
Gregory  the  Great,  the  prelates  of  the  Longobards,  instead  of  the  promise  of  allegiance 
to  the  emperor,  swore  that  they  would  endeavour  to  preserve  a  just  peace  between  their 
nation  and  the  Romans.  (Lib.  Diurn.  p.  71.)  Another  alteration  was  made  at  the  or- 
dination of  St.  Boniface.  As  several  of  the  French  prelates  lived  in  the  open  infringe- 
ment of  the  canons,  he  was  made  to  promise  that  he  would  keep  no  communion  with 


264  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

Hum  with  the  metropoUtical  jurisdiction ;  was  authorized  to 
assume  the  title  of  envoy  of  St.  Peter,  and  legate  of  the  apostolic 
see ;  and  was  appointed  the  superior  not  only  of  the  German, 
but  also  of  the  Gallic  prelates.  To  relieve  the  fatigue  of  the 
reader,  I  shall  neglect  the  chronology  of  events,  and  rapidly  no- 
tice the  principal  of  his  actions  ;  1.  As  a  missionary  to  the  pagan 
nations ;  and,  2.  As  the  representative  of  the  Roman  pontiif. 

1.  The  first  care  of  the  missionary,  after  he  had  received  the 
episcopal  consecration,  was  to  increase  the  number  of  his  asso- 
ciates. In  a  circular  letter  addressed  to  the  bishops  and  the  prin- 
cipal abbots  in  England,  he  painted  in  lively  colours  the  wants 
of  the  mission,  and  exhorted  his  countrymen  to  assist  him  in 
liberating  the  souls  of  their  fellow-creatures  from  the  yoke  of 
ignorance  and  paganism.  His  exhortations  were  read  with  con- 
genial sentiments  by  the  more  fervent  of  the  monks  and  clergy : 
the  merit  of  converting  the  infidels,  and  the  hope  of  obtaining 
the  crown  of  martyrdom,  taught  them  to  despise  the  dangers  and 
difficulties  of  the  enterprise  ;  and  many  zealous  missionaries  suc- 
cessively crossed  the  sea,  and  placed  themselves  at  the  disposal 
of  the  new  apostle.  No  motives  but  those  of  the  purest  zeal 
could  have  supported  them  under  the  numerous  privations  and 
dangers  to  which  they  were  continually  exposed.  Bread,  in- 
deed, they  were  able  to  obtain  from  the  gratitude  of  their  prose- 
lytes, and  the  menaces  of  the  Franks  protected  them  from  the  in- 
sults of  the  vanquished  barbarians,  who  refused  to  listen  to  their 
doctrine  :  but  for  clothing,  and  almost  every  other  necessary,  they 
were  compelled  to  depend  on  the  casual  benevolence  of  their 
distant  friends ;  and  the  fruits  of  their  labours  were  frequently 
destroyed,  and  their  lives  endangered,  by  the  hostilities  of  the 
tribes  that  still  retained  the  religion  and  independence  of  their 
fathers.  By  one  incursion  no  less  than  thirty  churches  were 
levelled  with  the  ground.'^ 

The  next  object  of  the  archbishop  was  to  insure  a  permanent 
supply  of  missionaries.  With  this  view  he  erected  several 
monasteries,  and  exhorted  his  associates  to  copy  his  example  in 
their  different  districts.  His  first  foundation  was  the  small  cell 
at  Ordof ;  this  was  followed  by  the  larger  monasteries  of  Fritzlar, 
and  Amelburg :  and  to  them  succeeded  the  rich  and  magnificent 
abbey  of  Fulda.  An  extensive  forest,  known  by  the  name  of 
Buchow,  lay  in  the  midst  of  Franconia,  Hesse,  Wetteravia,  and 
Thuringia.  Through  it  ran  the  river  Fuld,  on  the  banks  of 
which  Boniface  discovered  a  spot,  adapted  in  his  opinion  to  the 
purposes  of  a  monastic  life.     A  grant  of  the  place  was  readily 

those  prelates,  but  would  endeavour  to  reform  them  ;  and  if  his  efforts  were  fruitless, 
would  denounce  them  to  the  apostolic  see.  Sed  et  si  cognovero  antistites  contra  in- 
stituta  antiqua  SS.  patrum  conversari,  cum  eis  nullam  habere  communionem  aut  con- 
junctionem,  sed  magis,  si  valuero  prohibere,  prohibebo;  sin  minus,  fideliter  statim 
domno  meo  apostolico  renunciabo.  Ibid.  p.  70. 
'6  St.  Bonif.  Ep.  91,  92. 


LABOURS    OF    ST.    BONIFACE.  265 

obtained  from  the  piety  of  Carloman,  the  son  of  Pepin  :  Sturm, 
his  beloved  disciple,  with  seven  associates,  cleared  the  wood, 
and  erected  the  necessary  buildings ;  and  Boniface  himself  taught 
them  the  strict  observance  of  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict.  The  abbey 
continued  to  flourish  after  the  death  of  its  founder,  and  within 
the  space  of  a  few  years  contained  four  hundred  monks.  Till  its 
late  secularization  its  superior  was  a  prince  of  the  empire,  and 
styled  himself  primate  of  all  the  abbots  of  Gaul  and  Germany.^^ 

For  the  education  of  the  female  sex,  Boniface  solicited  the 
assistance  of  Tetta,  the  abbess  of  Winburn  ;  and  Lioba,  with 
several  of  the  sisters,  readily  devoted  themselves  to  so  meritorious 
an  attempt.  To  these  he  afterwards  joined  several  other  English 
ladies,  who  were  animated  with  similar  views,  and  equally 
desirous  to  partake  in  the  merit  of  the  missionaries.  Lioba  was 
placed  in  the  convent  of  Bischofesheim,  on  the  Tuber ;  Tecla,  at 
Chitzingen,  in  Franconia;  Walpurge,  at  Heidenheim,  near  the 
Brentz  ;  and  Chunihildand  Chunitrude  were  sent,  the  former  into 
Thuringia,  the  latter  into  Bavaria.*^ 

As  Boniface  advanced  in  age,  he  found  himself  unequal  to  the 
administration  of  so  extensive  a  diocese.  With  the  permission  of 
the  pontitf,  and  the  consent  of  Carloman,  he  established  four 
episcopal  sees  at  Erford,  Buraburg,  Aichstad,  and  Wurtzburg; 
and  intrusted  them  to  the  care  of  four  of  the  most  zealous  among 
his  associates,  Adelhard,  Wintan,  Willibald,  and  Burchard.*^ 

2.  But  the  Anglo-Saxon  did  not  confine  his  pastoral  solicitude 
to  the  nations  whom,  by  his  preaching,  he  had  converted  to  the 
Christian  faith.  In  quality  of  apostolic  legate,  he  visited  Bavaria, 
and  was  received  by  the  Duke  Odilo  with  respect  and  kindness. 
The  Bavarian  church  was  then  governed  by  Vivilo,  a  prelate 
ordained  for  that  mission  by  the  sovereign  pontiff.  Boniface 
judged  that  a  greater  number  of  pastors  was  necessary  to  ac- 
celerate the  progress  of  the  gospel,  and  divided  the  country  into 
four  smaller  dioceses.  Vivilo  was  obliged  to  content  himself 
with  the  bishopric  of  Passau ;  John,  an  Anglo-Saxon,  was 
ordained  for  that  of  Saltzburg ;  and  Goibald  and  Erembert  were 
placed  in  the  churches  of  Ratisbon  and  Fresingen.2° 

During  the  preceding  century,  the  ambition  of  the  mayors  of 
the  palace  had  dissolved  the  bands  of  civil  subordination,  and 
ecclesiastical  polity,  in  the  empire  of  the  Franks.  The  regulations 
of  the  canons  were  openly  infringed  ;  the  highest  dignities  of  the 
church  were  usurped  by  powerful  and  rapacious  laymen;  and 
the  clerical  and  monastic  bodies  were  ignorant  of  the  duties  of 
their  profession.  To  recall  the  severity  of  the  ancient  discipline 
was  the  great  ambition   of  Boniface  :   and   Carloman,   whose 

17  Vit.  Bonif.  p.  271,  272.  277.     Ep.  142. 

'8  Othloni  vit.  St.  Bonif.  apud  Canis.  ant.  Lect.  torn.  iii.   Annal.  Bened.  torn.  ii. p.  72. 
'9  St.  Bonif.  Ep.  131,  132. 
20  Vit.  St.  Bonif.  auct.  Willibal.  p.  274. 
34  Z 


i!!ti6  AXTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHUKCH. 

piety  readily  listened  to  his  suggestions,  ordered  the  bishops  of 
Austrasia  to  obey  the  summons  of  the  legate.  They  met  him 
successively  in  council,  and  respectfully  subscribed  to  the  canons 
which  he  dictated.^'  Pepin  imitated  the  zeal  of  his  brother ;  a 
synod  of  three-and-twenty  bishops  assembled  at  Soissons ;  and 
by  the  care  of  Boniface,  a  uniformity  of  discipline  was  intro- 
duced throughout  all  the  churches  of  the  Franks. 

An  important  revolution  marks  the  history  of  this  period.  The 
sceptre  had  long  since  slipped  from  the  feeble  grasp  of  the  Me 
rovingian  kings  into  the  hands  of  Charles  Martel  and  his  sons. 
These  princes  at  first  contented  themselves  with  the  power,  with- 
out the  title  of  royalty  :  and,  on  the  calends  of  May,  the 
hereditary  monarch  of  the  Franks  was  annually  exhibited  to  the 
veneration  of  his  subjects.  But  Pepin  soon  dismissed  the  dan- 
gerous pageant :  Childric,  the  last  king  of  the  race  of  Clovis,  was 
shorn  in  the  monastery  of  Sithiu ;  and  Boniface,  if  we  may  be- 
lieve a  host  of  ancient  writers,  crowned  the  mayor  of  the  palace, 
according  to  the  wish  or  the  advice  of  Pope  Zachary.  No  point 
of  history  is,  ])erhaps  better  attested  than  the  share  which  the 
pontiff  and  his  legate  bore  in  this  transaction  :^^)  yet  several 
French  critics  have  ventured  to  call  it  in  question  ;  and  their 
rational  skepticism  may  be  excused  or  justified  by  the  silence  of 
Zachary  and  Boniface,  and  of  Anastasius  and  Willibald,  their 
ancient  biographers. 

Towards  the  close  of  his  life  the  archbishop  fixed  his  residence 
in  the  city  of  Mentz ;  and  with  the  consent  of  Pepin  and  the 
pontiff  ordained  to  succeed  him  his  disciple  Lull  us,  formerly  a 
monk  of  Malmesbury.  It  was  his  wish  to  resume  the  labours 
of  his  youth,  and  spend  his  last  breath  in  the  conversion  of  the 
pagans.  Attended  by  one  bishop,  three  priests,  three  deacons, 
four  monks,  and  forty-one  laymen,  he  descended  the  Rhine,  and 
penetrated  to  the  centre  of  East-Friesland.  By  his  exhortation 
some  thousands  of  the  idolaters  were  induced  to  abandon  the 
altars  of  the  gods,  and  to  submit  to  the  rite  of  baptism.  After  a 
short  delay  a  general  assembly  of  the  neophytes  was  summoned 
to  receive  the  sacrament  of  confirmation  on  the  vigil  of  Pentecost; 
and  in  a  tent  in  the  plain  of  Dockum  the  archbishop  waited  the 
arrival  of  his  converts.  At  the  break  of  day  he  was  informed 
that  a  body  of  Frisians,  completely  armed  and  of  hostile  aspect, 
were  rapidly  approaching.  The  laymen  prepared  to  defend  their 
lives :  but  Boniface,  going  out  of  his  tent,  bade  them  sheathe 
their  swords,  and  receive  with  patience  the  crown  of  martyrdom. 
He  had  scarcely  spoken,  when  the  barbarians  rushed  upon  them, 
and  immolated  the  whole  company  to  their  fury.  But  their 
avarice  was  disappointed:  and  instead  of  the  treasures  which 

21  Int.  epist.  St.  Bonif.  p.  110.  112. 

^2  See  Eginhard,  Annales  Laureshamenses,  Loiselani,  Fuldenses,  Bertiniani,  &c 
apud  Le  Cointe,  Annal.  torn.  iv. 


MISSION    OF    ST.    WILLEHAD.  267 

they  expected,  they  obtained  only  a  few  books,  with  the  u  e  of 
which  they  were  unacquainted.  At  the  news,  the  Christian 
Frisians  were  fired  witli  indignation:  tliey  assembled  in  great 
numbers,  and  within  three  days  revenged  the  death  of  their 
teacher  in  the  blood  of  his  murderers." 

The  fate  of  Boniface  did  not  arrest  the  zeal  of  his  country- 
men ;  and  the  nations  whom  he  had  converted,  listened  with 
docility  to  the  instructions  of  his  followers.  But  the  first  that 
added  a  new  people  to  the  Christian  name,  was  Willehad,  a 
Northumbrian  priest,  who,  with  the  permission  of  his  bishop  and 
of  King  Alhred,  sailed,  in  772,  to  the  northern  coast  of  Germany. 
As  soon  as  he  had  landed,  he  visited  the  plain  of  Dockum,  kissed 
the  ground  which  had  been  sanctified  by  the  blood  of  the  mar- 
tyrs, and  rose  from  prayer  animated  with  the  spirit  of  his  pre- 
decessor. With  irresistible  eloquence  he  preached  to  the  bar- 
barians the  doctrine  of  the  gospel.  The  dangers  to  Which  he 
was  frequently  exposed,  were  repaid  by  the  success  of  his 
labours ;  and  the  knowledge  of  the  true  God  was  successively 
planted  on  the  banks  of  the  Ems,  the  Weser,  and  the  Elbe. 
Wigmode,  the  country  lying  between  the  two  last  rivers,  became 
the  principal  theatre  of  his  zeal ;  and  during  seven  years  he 
governed  the  mission  with  the  authority,  but  without  the  ordi- 
nation, of  a  bishop.  When  the  Saxons  made  a  last  effort  to 
throw  off  the  yoke  of  the  Franks,  the  Christians  were  the  first 
victims  of  their  fury.  The  churches  erected  by  Willehad  were 
demolished ;  five  of  his  associates,  with  their  companions,  were 
massacred ;  and  the  missionary  himself  escaped  with  difficulty 
into  Friesland.  But  after  two  years,  the  fortune  of  Charlemagne 
invited  him  to  return,  and  he  was  ordained  the  first  bishop  of 
the  Saxons.  He  chose  for  his  residence  a  spot  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Weser,  where  he  built  a  cathedral,  and  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  city  of  Bremen.     He  died  in  789.^^ 

From  Germany  the  zeal  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  missionaries  in- 
duced them  to  cross  the  Baltic;  and  Sigfrid,  a  priest  of  York, 
about  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century,  preached,  at  the  request 

23  Vit.  S.  Bonif.  p.  279.  The  benefits,  which  Germany  received  from  the  ministry 
of  Boniface,  have  not  screened  him  from  the  severity  of  criticism  ;  and  the  gratitude  of 
Mosheim  has  induced  him  to  draw  a  disadvantageous  portrait  of  the  apostle  of  his 
country.  If  we  may  believe  him,  Boniface  often  employed  fraud  and  violence  to 
multiply  the  number  of  his  converts  ;  and  his  own  letters  prove  him  to  have  been  a  man 
of  an  arrogant  and  insidious  temper,  and  profoundly  ignorant  of  many  necessary  truths, 
and  of  the  real  nature  of  the  Christian  religion.  Mosh.  saec.  viii.  par.  1,  c.  1.  As  the 
German  historian  does  not  attempt  to  fortify  his  assertions  by  any  reference  to  ancient 
writers,  they  must  rest  on  his  own  authority  :  but  if  the  reader  think  proper  to  peruse 
either  the  letters  of  the  missionary,  or  his  life  by  St.  Wiilibald,  he  will  be  enabled  to 
form  an  accurate  notion  of  the  veracity  and  impartiality  of  his  accuser.  The  Anglo- 
Saxons  considered  Boniface  as  the  glory  of  the  nation.  He  died  in  755,  and  in  the 
first  synod  which  was  held  the  following  year,  they  enrolled«his  name  in  the  calendar, 
and  chose  him  for  one  of  the  patrons  of  their  church.     Ep.  Cuthb.  archiep.  p.  94. 

2''  Annal.  Bened.  torn.  ii.  p.  232.  255.  260.  291. 


268  ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    ANGLO-SAXON    CHURCH. 

of  Olave  Scotkonung,  king  of  Upsal,  to  the  natives  of  Sweden. 
The  prince,  his  family,  and  army,  received  the  sacrament  of  bap- 
tism ;  five  episcopal  sees  were  filled  with  pastors  by  the  exertions 
of  the  missionary;  and  though  he  lost  his  three  nephews  by  the 
cruelty  of  the  idolaters,  he  at  last  succeeded  in  fixing  the  church 
of  Sweden  on  a  firm  and  lasting  foundation.  He  died  in  1002, 
and  was  buried  at  Wexiow,  which  had  been  his  principal  resi- 
dence.^^ Ulfrid  and  Eskill,  two  of  his  countrymen,  were  mar- 
tyred some  time  after  by  the  inhabitants.^"^ 

In  Denmark  the  seeds  of  the  gospel  had  been  sown  at  diflferent 
periods  by  the  successors  of  St.  Willehad,  the  archbishops  of 
Bremen  :  but  their  success  had  been  limited  and  transitory  ;  and 
many  missions  were  begun,  many  generations  passed,  before  the 
fierce,  intractable  spirit  of  the  natives  could  be  induced  to  bend 
to  the  mild  precepts  of  Christianity.  A  share  of  the  merit  of  this 
pious  work  is  due  to  the  Anglo-Saxons  ;  several  of  whom  were 
transported  by  Canute  the  Great  to  Denmark,  that,  by  their  vir- 
tue and  preaching,  they  might  disseminate  the  Christian  faith 
among  his  subjects.  Bernard  presided  with  episcopal  authority 
in  Schonen  ;  Gerbrand  in  Zealand,  and  Reinher  in  Finland :  but 
all  three  acknowledged  the  superior  jurisdiction  of  Unuan,  arch 
bishop  of  Bremen.^^ 

The  first  of  the  Norwegian  kings  who  received  the  sacrament 
of  baptism,  was  Haco,  surnamed  the  good.  With  the  zeal  of  a 
proselyte  he  endeavoured  to  propagate  the  Christian  religion ; 
and  at  his  request  bishops  and  priests  were  sent  from  England  to 
his  assistance.  In  a  public  assembly  he  exhorted  the  deputies 
of  the  nation  to  embrace  the  new  worship:  but  they  despised 
his  eloquence  and  authority,  and  compelled  him  to  revert  to  the 
worship  of  his  fathers.^^  Paganism  retained  the  superiority  in 
Norway  till  the  accession  of  St.  Olave.  In  one  of  those  pirati- 
cal expeditions  which  were  the  darling  employment  of  the 
northern  chieftains,  he  was  converted  to  the  faith  by  a  hermit 
on  one  of  the  Scilly  islands.  When  he  had  obtained  the  crown 
by  the  death  of  Haco  the  bad,  he  made  it  his  principal  ambition 
to  convert  his  subjects ;  the  severity  of  his  laws  abolished  or  re- 
pressed the  practices  of  ancient  superstition  ;  the  priests  of  Wo- 
den were  put  to  death  without  mercy  ;  and  Norway  was  filled 
with  real  or  pretended  Christians.  His  assistants  and  advisers 
were  Anglo-Saxons ;  Grimkele,  bishop  of  Drontheim,  Sigefrid, 
Rodolf,  and  Bernard,  whose  labours  were  not  confined  to  the 
continent,  but  extended  to  all  the  islands  which  owned  the  do- 
minion of  the  king  of  the  Northmen.^^ 

'*  Apud  Benzel.  p.  1,  cit.  Butler,  Feb.  15.  25  Adam.  Bremen.  1.  ii.  c.  44. 

-'  Chron.  Holsatia;,  c.  10 — 13.     Adam.  Brem.  1.  ii.  c.  38. 

'^a  Snorre,  p.  138.        , 

29  Ibid.  223.  258.     Adam.  Bremen.  1.  ii.  c.  40.  43.     Anno  1027. 


NOTES. 


(A)— p.  64. 

Towards  the  close  of  his  reign,  Ethel wulf  made  a  valuable  dona- 
tion to  the  church.  It  is,  however,  difficult  to  ascertain  the  true  im- 
port of  this  donation.  Some  writers  have  described  it  as  the  esta- 
blishment of  tithes,  (Selden,  Hist,  of  Tithes,  c.  8,)  and,  in  defence  of 
their  opinion,  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  Ingulf.  (Tunc  primo  cum 
decimis  omnium  terrarum  ac  bonorum  aliorum  sive  catallorum  uni- 
versam  dotaverat  ecclesiam.  Ing.  f.  494.)  I  have,  however,  .shown 
(p.  64)  that  tithes  were  introduced  some  centuries  before :  nor  can  I 
conceiye  how  "  the  tenth  part  of  the  land"  can  mean  no  more  than 
the  donation  of  the  tenth  part  of  the  produce  of  the  land.  The  an- 
cient historians  may,  in  general,  be  divided  into  two  classes.  The 
first  appear  to  limit  the  grant,  whatever  may  have  been  its  ultimate 
object,  to  the  tenth  part  of  the  royal  demesne  lands.  (Teoj'an  bael 
hip  lonbep.  Chron.  Sax.  p.  76.  Totam  terram  suam  pro  Christo 
decimavit,  Ailred,  inter  x.  script,  p.  351,  Totam  terram  suam  de- 
cumavit.  Hunt.  I.  v.  p.  200.  Decimam  partem  terrae  mex.  Chart, 
apud  Willi,  p.  184.  Totam  terram  de  dominico  suo  decimavit. 
Annal.  Winton.  apud  Dudg.  Monast.  tom.  i.  p.  32.  Decimam  partem 
omnium  terrarum  in  manibus  suis  existentium  ecclesias  donavit  Angli- 
canae.  Rudborne,  p.  200.)  The  others,  and  in  general  the  more 
ancient,  extend  it  to  all  his  dominions.  (Decimam  totius  regni  sui 
partem  ab  omni  regali  servitio  et  tributo  liberavit,  et  in  sempiterno 
graphio  in  cruce  Christi  uni  et  trino  Deo  immolavit.  Asser,  p.  2. 
Hoved.  p.  232.  Decumavit  de  omni  possessione  sua  in  partem 
domini,  et  in  universo  regimine  principatus  sui  sic  instituit.  Ethelw. 
I.  iii.  c.  3,  f.  478.  Decimam  omnium  hydarum  intra  regnum  suum. 
Malm,  de  Reg.  I.  ii.  c.  2,  f.  20.)  There  are  also  two  charters  given  by 
Ethelwulf  on  this  subject.  The  first  is  dated  in  the  year  854,  and 
appears  from  the  signatures  to  have  regarded  only  the  kingdom  of 
Wessex.  In  it  he  says,  Perfeci,  ut  decimam  partem  terrarum  per 
regnum  meum  non  solum  sacris   ecclesiis  darem,  verum  etiain  et 

z2  269 


270  NOTES. 

ministris  meis  in  perpeluam  libertatem  habere  concederetn.  Malm, 
de  Pont.  1.  V.  p.  360,  edit.  Gale.  Regist.  Abend,  apud  Diigd.  Monast. 
torn.  i.  p.  100.  From  these  words  the  grant  appears  to  have  been 
made  to  the  secular  as  well  as  the  spiritual  thanes  ;  and  was,  perhaps, 
a  donation,  not  of  lands,  but  of  immunities.  This  idea  is  strength- 
ened by  the  additional  clause  in  the  copy  preserved  by  the  monks  of 
Malmesbury.  Terra  autem  ista,  quam  in  libertate  ponimus,  ad  eccle- 
siam  pertinens  Meldubesburg,  est  Piretune,  &c.  Malm,  ibid.  The 
second  charter  was  given  in  the  following  year,  and  subscribed  by  the 
kings  of  Mercia  and  East-Anglia,  and  by  all  the  bishops  of  England. 
The  donation  is  expressed  in  the  following  terms :  Aliquam  por- 
tionem  terrae  hereditariam,  antea  possidentibus  omnibus  gradibus, 
sive  famulis  et  famulabus  Dei  Deo  servientibus,  sive  laicis  miseris 
(perhaps  ministris,  as  in  the  former  charter,)  semper  decimam 
mansionem  ;  ubi  minimus  sit,  tum  decimam  partem  omnium  bonorum 
in  libertatem  perpetuam  donari  sanctre  ecclesise  digudicavi.  Wilk.  ex 
Ingul.  p.  183.  This  charter  appears  also  to  regard  lands,  which 
were  already  in  the  possession  of  the  clergy  and  laity,  (antea  possi- 
dentibus,) and  therefore  can  hardly  mean  any  thing  more  than  a  grant 
of  the  great  ecclesiastical  privilege,  that  is,  of  immunity  from  all 
secular  services,  to  the  tenth  part  of  such  lands.  Tliis  is  insinuated 
in  another  part  of  the  charter,  in  which  it  is  termed  a  partial  diminu- 
tion of  servitude.  Eo  libentius  pro  nobis  ad  Deum  sine  cessntione 
preces  fundant,  quo  eorum  servitutem  in  aliqua  parte  levigamus. 
Char.  ibid.  The  grant  of  Ethelvvulf  is  adverted  to  in  a  charter  said 
to  have  been  given  by  his  grandson,  Edward,  to  the  new  minster  at 
Winchester,  and  extracted  by  Alford  from  the  annals  of  Hyde.  Ego 
Edvardus  Saxonum  Rex,  ex  decimatione,  quam  avi  mei  decimaverunt, 
ex  eorum  propriis  terris  istius  regni,  ministris  suis  aliquibus,  sive 
etiam  peregrinis,  episcopis  et  bonis  presbyteris,  et  monasteriis  etiam 
emendandis,  et  pascendis  pauperibus,  tradiderunt  ea  ratione  ut  pro 
rege  raissarum  celebrationem  et  votivas  orationes  faciant,  &;c.  Alfordi 
Anna!,  torn.  iii.  p.  207. 


(B)— p.  G6. 

Here  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  notice  an  error,  to  which  the  au- 
thority of  respectable  names  has  imparted  the  semblance  of  truth.  It 
has  long  been  fashionable  to  decry  the  clergy  of  the  middle  ages. 
Among  their  real  or  imaginary  faults,  they  have  been  accused  of 
valuing  religion  only  as  the  source  of  temporal  wealth  ;  and  in  sup 


NOTES.  271 

port  of  tlie  charge,  we  are  perpetually  referred  to  the  clefinition  of  a 
good  Christian,  attributed  to  St.  Eloi,  bishop  of  Noyon,  in  the  seventh 
century.  The  history  of  tliis  delinition  may,  perhaps,  amuse  the 
reader.  Dachery,  a  Benedictine  monli,  had  rescued  from  the  moths 
and  cobwebs  an  old  manuscript,  containing  the  life  of  the  saint:  he 
published  it  in  the  fifth  volume  of  his  Spicilegium  ;  and  it  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Maclaine,  the  English  translator  of  Mosheim.  With  an 
eager  eye  this  writer  perused  its  contents,  and  selected  from  it  a  pas- 
sage, which  he  appended,  as  a  valuable  ornament,  to  the  text  of  the 
German  historian.  It  was  the  character  of  the  good  Christian  ;  and 
this  character  was  made  to  consist  in  paying  the  dues  of  the  church, 
and  performing  a  few  external  practices  of  devotion :  qualifications, 
which,  as  he  observes  more  at  length,  might  fill  the  cofli'ers  of  the 
clergy,  but  could  not  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  gospel.  (Mosh.  cent, 
vii.  part  2,  c.  3.)  The  present  of  Maclaine  was  gratefully  accepted 
by  the  prejudices  of  his  readers  ;  and  Robertson,  who  reprinted  it, 
publicly  acknowledged  his  obligations  to  him  for  the  perusal  of  so 
important  a  passage.  (Hist.  Charles  V.  vol.  i.  p.  218,  octavo  edit.) 
From  that  period,  it  has  held  a  very  distinguished  place  in  every  in- 
vective which  has  been  published  against  the  clergy  of  former  ages  : 
and  the  definition  of  the  good  Christian  has  been  re-echoed  a  thou- 
sand times,  by  the  credulity  of  writers  and  their  readers.  May  I 
hope  to  escape  the  imputation  of  skepticism,  when  I  own,  that  I  have 
always  been  inclined  to  mistrust  this  host  of  witnesses  and  their  quo- 
tations ?  I  at  last  resolved  to  consult  the  original  document,  nor  were 
my  expectations  disappointed.  I  discovered  that  the  bishop  of  Noyon 
had  been  foully  calumniated,  and  that,  instead  of  his  real  doctrine,  a 
garbled  extract  had  been  presented  to  the  public.  That  the  good 
Christian  should  ])ay  the  dues  of  the  church,  he  indeed  requires  :  but 
he  also  requires,  that  he  should  cultivate  peace  among  his  neighbours, 
forgive  his  enemies,  love  all  mankind  as  himself,  observe  the  precepts 
of  the  decalogue,  and  faithfully  comply  with  the  engagements  which 
he  contracted  at  his  baptism.  Non  ergo  vobis  sufflcit,  charissimi, 
quod  Chrislianum  nomen  accepistis,  si  opera  Christiana  non  facitis. 
lUi  enim  prodest,  quod  Christianus  vocatur,  qui  semper  Christi  prae- 
cepta  niente  retinet,  et  opere  perficit :  qui  furtum  scilicet  non  facit, 
qui  falsum  testimonium  non  dicit,  qui  nee  mentitur  nee  perjerat,  qui 
adulterium  non  conimittit,  qui  nullum  hominem  odit,  sed  omnes  sicut 
semetipsum  diligit,  qui  inimicis  suis  malum  non  reddit,  sed  magis  pro 
ipsis  orat,  qui  lites  non  concitat,  sed  discordes  ad  concordiam  revocat, 
&;c.  Dach.  Spicil.  torn.  v.  p.  213.  On  account  of  its  similarity,  I 
shall  subjoin  another  description  of  the  good  Christian,  from  an  An- 
glo-Saxon prelate,  Wulstan,  archbishop  of  York.     "  Let  us  always 


272  NOTES. 

profess  one  true  faith,  and  love  God  with  all  our  mind  and  might,  and 
carefully  keep  all  his  commandments,  and  give  to  God  that  part  (of 
our  substance)  which  by  his  grace  we  are  able  to  give,  and  earnestly 
avoid  all  evil,  and  act  righteously  to  all  others,  that  is,  behave  to 
others,  as  we  wish  others  to  behave  to  us.  He  is  a  good  Christian 
who  observeth  this."     Sermo  Lupi  Epis.  apud  Whel.  p.  487. 


(C)— p.  70. 

It  is  no  easy  matter  to  determine  the  relative  value  of  the  different 
denominations  of  Anglo-Saxon  money.  The  following  is  the  most 
accurate  information,  which  I  have  been  able  to  collect  on  this  subject. 

1.  The  principal  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  coins  appears  to  have  been 
the  silver  penny.  There  is  no  evidence  that  our  ancestors  possessed 
any  national  pieces  of  a  higher  value. 

By  a  statute,  made  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I.,  it  was  ordered,  that 
each  penny  should  weigh  thirty-two  grains  of  wheat,  taken  from  the 
middle  of  the  ear ;  that  twenty  of  these  pennies  should  make  one 
ounce ;  and  twelve  ounces  one  pound.  (Spelm.  Gloss,  voce  Denar.) 
This  statute  appears  not  to  have  altered,  but  only  to  have  declared  the 
legitimate  weight  of  the  English  penny.  Every  more  ancient  docu- 
ment agrees  in  dividing  the  pound  of  silver  into  the  same  number  of 
pennies. 

I  therefore  conceive  the  penny  always  to  have  been  the  two  hun- 
dred and  fortieth  part  of  a  pound  of  silver:  nor  can  I  assent  to  those 
writers,  who  have  ingeniously  contended  for  two  sorts  of  pennies ; 
the  larger,  of  which  five,  and  the  smaller,  of  which  twelve  are  be- 
lieved to  have  composed  the  shilling.  For  if  the  shilling  of  five 
pennies  had  contained  as  much  silver  as  that  of  twelve,  it  must  have 
been  indifferent  to  the  receiver,  what  shillings  were  offered  him  in 
payment :  nor  would  the  legislature  so  often  have  distinguished  be- 
tween the  two  sorts  of  shillings,  and  ordered  some  penalties  to  be 
discharged  in  shillings  of  five,  and  others  in  those  of  twelve  {)ennies. 

To  prove  the  existence  of  two  sorts  of  pennies,  it  has  been  observed 
that,  in  the  laws  of  Alfred,  mention  is  made  of  pounds  maepjia 
peninja,  (Leg.  Sax.  p.  35,)  and  in  those  ascribed  to  William  the  Con- 
queror, of  bener  deners.  (Turner,  vol.  iv.  p.  168.  I  have  not  found 
the  original  passage.)  But  I  conceive  the  first  passage  should  be  trans- 
lated shining  pennies,  or  pennies  fresh  from  the  mint ;  the  second, 


NOTES.  273 

better  pennies,  or  such  as  were  not  adulterated  with  too  great  a  quan- 
tity of  alloy.  From  Domesday  Book,  and  other  authorities,  we  know 
that,  when  the  king's  treasurers  suspected  tlie  purity  of  the  silver, 
they  refused  it:  and  that,  when  the  pennies  had  been  diminished  by 
remaining  long  in  circulation,  they  required  others,  or  a  greater  number 
to  make  up  the  weight.  iElfric  translates,  probata  moneta  publica, 
money  of  full  weight:  be  pullon  jepihce.  Thwaites,  Heptat. 
p.  30. 

For  the  convenience  of  smaller  payments,  the  penny  was  frequently 
clipped  into  two  equal  parts,  each  of  which  was  called  a  hsefling,  or 
half-penny  :  and  these  were  again  divided  into  halves,  which  were 
named  feorthlings,  or  farthings. 

In  the  Saxon  translation  of  the  gospels,  are  mentioned  the  wecg, 
(Matth.  xvii.  27,)  which  I  conceive  to  mean  only  a  piece  of  money, 
and  the  styca.  (Mark  xii.  42.)  In  this  passage,  two  stycas  are  said 
to  be  the  fourth  of  a  penny.  In  the  parallel  passage  in  St.  Luke, 
(xxi.  2,)  the  same  sum  is  called  two  feorthlings.  It  should,  however, 
be  observed,  that  the  translators  are  different — iElfric  in  the  latter, 
Aldred  or  Farmen  in  the  former.  In  the  year  1695,  a  considerable 
number  of  small  copper  coins,  supposed  to  be  stycas,  were  found  near 
Rippon.     Gibson's  Cam.  vol.  i.  p.  cciii. 

In  the  laws  of  Alfred,  (Leg.  Sax.  p.  45,)  and  of  Henry  I.  (ibid.  p. 
282,)  mention  is  made  of  the  third  part  of  a  penny.  I  am  ignorant 
whether  it  was  a  coin,  or  only  a  division  of  the  penny.  Most  pro- 
bably it  was  the  latter. 

2.  The  shilling  appears  to  have  denoted  a  certain  number  of  pen- 
nies, and  to  have  varied  in  value  at  different  times,  and  in  different 
places.  As  this  opinion  has  been  controverted,  I  may  be  allowed  to 
produce  a  few  instances,  by  which  I  conceive  it  may  be  clearly  esta- 
blished. 

From  the  laws  of  Ethelred  and  Canute,  (Leg.  Sax.  p.  113,  127,)  it 
appears  that  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings  were  the  half  of  five 
pounds.  Whence  it  follows,  that  the  pound  consisted  of  forty-eight 
shillings,  and  each  shilling  of  five  pennies,  since  the  pound  contained 
in  all  two  hundred  and  forty  pennies.  This  inference  is  confirmed  by 
vElfric,  who  assures  us,  that  when  he  wrote,  five  pennies  were  equal 
to  one  shilling.  Fip  penrnjap  jemacija^  senne  yciUinje.  Wilk. 
Gloss,  p.  416. 

From  the  laws  of  Henry  I.  it  appears,  that  fifty  shillings   were,  at 
that  period,  the  half  of  five  pounds.     (Leg.  Sax.  p.  372.)     Whence 
it  follows  that  the  pound  consisted  of  twenty  shillings,  and  each  shil- 
ling of  twelve  pennies,  as  the  pound  of  silver  was  still  coined  into  two 
35 


274  NOTES. 

hundred  and  forty  pennies.  This  inference  is  confirmed  by  several 
payments  in  Domesday  Book,  of  twenty  shillings  to  the  pound :  and 
by  the  Danegeid  of  the  year  1083,  wliicli,  by  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  is 
said  to  have  been  seventy-two  pennies,  (p.  185,)  by  other  historians, 
six  shillings.  (Mat.  Paris  p.  9,  Westmon.  p.  229,  and  Brompton, 
p.  978.) 

In  the  laws  of  Alfred,  the  different  wounds  which  may  be  inflicted 
on  the  human  body,  are  carefully  enumerated,  and  a  pecuniary  com- 
pensation is  assigned  to  each,  proportionate  to  the  injury  which  it 
was  supposed  to  occasion.  (Leg.  Sax.  p.  45.)  The  whole  chapter, 
with  the  same  fines,  is  inserted  in  the  laws  of  Henry  I. ;  but  the  Nor- 
man legislator,  to  prevent  mistakes,  admonishes  his  readers,  that  the 
shillings  which  are  mentioned  in  it,  are  only  shillings  of  five  pennies. 
(Ibid.  p.  281,  282.) 

In  the  laws  of  Ina,  and  of  Edward,  the  successor  of  Alfred,  we  are 
told,  that  the  heahfang  for  a  man,  whose  were  was  twelve  hundred 
shillings,  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings.  (Lex.  Sax. 
p.  25.  54.)  In  those  of  Henry  I.,  we  are  told,  that  the  healsfang 
of  a  man  whose  were  was  twelve  hundred  shillings,  or  twenty- 
five  pounds,  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings,  which, 
according  to  the  method  of  computation  then  in  use,  were  only  fifty 
shillings,  (qui  faciunt  hodie  solidos  quinquaginta.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  269.) 
Here  the  Norman  observes,  that  the  twelve  hundred  shillings,  which, 
according  to  the  ancient  laws,  were  still  demanded  for  the  were,  were 
the  ancient  shillings  of  five  pennies,  since  they  were  only  equal  to 
twenty-five  pounds,  and  that  the  one  hundred  and  twenty  shillings  for 
the  healsfang  were  of  the  same  description,  and  equal  to  no  more 
than  fifty  of  the  common  shillings  of  twelve  pence.  In  effect,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  shillings  of  five  pennies,  and  fifty  of  twelve, 
give  equally  six  hundred  pennies. 

According  to  the  laws  of  Alfred,  the  borhbryce  was  a  penalty  of 
five  pounds,  (Leg.  p.  35  ;)  according  to  those  of  Henry  I.,  it  was  one 
hundred  shillings.  (Leg.  p.  250.)  Five  pounds  of  two  hundred  and 
forty  pennies,  and  one  hundred  shillings  of  twelve  pennies,  give 
equally  twelve  hundred  pence. 

In  the  laws  of  Ethelred  and  Canute,  (Leg.  p.  113.  127,)  the 
grithbryce,  the  penalty  for  violating  the  peace  of  a  church  of  the 


Pounds. 

Shillings. 

Pennies. 

1st  class  was 

5 

= 

240 

= 

1200 

2d 

I 

= 

120 

= 

600 

3d 

I 

= 

60 

= 

300 

4th         " 

i 

= 

30 

= 

150 

NOTES.  275 

In  the  laws  of  Henry  I.,  (Leg.  p.  272,)  the  same  penalty  is  stated 
as  follows.     For  a  church  of  the 


Founds. 

Shillings. 

Pennies. 

1st  class  was 

5 

= 

100 

= 

1200 

2d 

1 
■3 

= 

50 

= 

600 

3d          " 

1 
4 

= 

25 

= 

300 

4th         " 

I 

8 

= 

12-6 

= 

150 

In  both  statements  the  value  is  the  same.  The  only  difference  is 
in  the  shillings,  which  in  the  first  are  shillings  of  five,  in  the  second 
of  twelve  pennies. 

From  these  instances  it  may  be. inferred — 1.  That  the  same  pecu- 
niary compensations  for  crimes  were  in  general  continued  by  the  Nor- 
man, which  had  been  originally  enforced  by  the  Saxon  princes : — 
2.  That  under  the  Saxons  they  were  paid  in  shillings  of  five,  under  the 
Normans,  in  shillings  of  twelve  pennies  : — 3.  That  the  pennies  con- 
tinued of  the  same  value,  and  the  only  difference  was  in  the  amount 
of  the  nominal  sum  called  a  shilling,  which  first  denoted  five,  and 
afterwards  twelve  pennies. 

It  is  difficult  to  discover  at  what  period  the  shilling  of  twelve  pen- 
nies was  first  employed.  That  it  was  introduced  by  some  of  the 
foreign  adventurers,  who,  during  the  ninth,  tenth,  and  eleventh  cen- 
turies, settled  in  England,  is  evident:  that  it  should  be  assigned  to  the 
national  partiality  of  the  Norman  conquerors,  is  highly  probable  : 
both  because  it  first  appears  in  the  English  laws  after  the  conquest, 
and  because  it  is  known  to  have  been  the  shilling  in  use  among  all  the 
provinces,  which  originally  composed  the  empire  of  the  Franks. 
(The  French  pound  contained  two  hundred  and  forty  pennies,  or 
twenty  shillings  of  twelve  pennies  each.  Mabil.  s?ec.  iv.  Bened. 
praef.  i.  p.  cxi.  It  was  fixed  at  this  sum  by  Pepin  and  Charlemagne. 
Du  Fresne,  Glos.  p.  894.  The  Spanish  pound  contained  three  hun- 
dred pennies,  and  only  twelve  shillings  of  twenty-five  pennies  each. 
Mabil.  Anal.  vet.  p.  551.)  To  this  opinion,  however,  it  may  be  ob- 
jected, that  in  the  history  of  Ely,  mention  is  made  of  payments  of 
twenty  shillings  to  the  pound,  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Edgar,  (Hist. 
Elian,  p.  473  :)  and  in  ^Elfric's  version  of  Exodus,  c.  xxi.  v.  10,  the 
macjj'abe,  which  Alfred,  in  his  laws,  declares  to  be  the  woman's 
dower,  (Leg.  Sax.  p.  39,)  is  said  to  be  twelve  shillings  of  twelve  pen- 
nies, (JJa  pmb  cpelp  yciUinjaj'  be  cpelp  peni^on.  Thwaites, 
Heptat.  p.  85.)  It  is  not,  however,  impossible,  that  the  monk  of 
Ely,  as  he  wrote  after  the  conquest,  miglit  adopt,  instead  of  the 
ancient,  the  new  method  of  computation,  which  was  more  intelligible 
to  his  readers  :  and  as  the  passage  in  iElfric  is  an   addition  to  the 


276  NOTES. 

original,  it  might,  perhaps,  be  inserted  by  some  of  his  copyists  as  a 
note,  and  have  crept  from  the  margin  into  the  text. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that,  even  among  the  Saxon  nations,  the 
shilling  did  not  always  denote  the  same  number  of  pennies.  The 
shilling  of  five  pennies,  was  the  shilling  of  Wessex ;  the  head,  as  it 
is  styled  by  Henry  I.,  of  the  empire  and  the  laws,  (Quae  caput  regni 
est  et  legum.  Leg.  Sax.  p.  265  :)  but  in  Mercia  the  shilling  appears 
to  have  contained  no  more  than  four  pennies. 

Tiiat  the  Mercians  followed  a  particular  method  of  calculation,  is 
insinuated  in  the  laws  of  Alhelstan,  from  which  we  learn  that  a  cer- 
tain sum  of  money  among  the  Angles,  was  equal  to  one  hundred 
pounds  in  the  Mercian  law.     (be  myp,cna  laje.     Leg.  Sax.  p.  71.) 

In  the  assessment  of  the  Weregild,  we  are  told,  that  among  the 
Mercians,  seven  thousand  two  hundred  shillings  are  equal  to  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  pounds.  (Ibid.  p.  72.)  Hence  it  follows,  that  sixty 
Mercian  shillings  made  a  pound,  and  that,  of  consequence,  each  shil- 
ling could  contain  no  more  than  four  pennies. 

This  inference  is  confirmed  by  a  passage  in  the  same  laws,  in 
which  four  pennies,  and  shortly  after  one  shilling,  are  mentioned,  as 
the  sum  contributed  by  each  member  of  an  association  in  London. 
Ibid.  p.  66. 

In  the  laws  ascribed  to  William  the  Conqueror,  we  are  told,  that 
the  shilling  English  is  four  pennies.  (Leg.  p.  221.)  If  the  reading 
be  correct,  this  must  be  the  Mercian  shilling. 

Hence  it  may  not  be  rash  to  infer,  that  the  shilling  denoted  among 
the  West-Saxons  five,  the  Mercians  four,  and  the  Normans  twelve 
pennies. 

In  ancient  charters  we  sometimes  meet  with  mention  of  sicli :  in 
Archbishop  Egbert's  dialogue,  (p.  272,  273.  275,)  of  sicli  and  argentei 
for  the  same  sum.  Both  words  were  borrowed  from  the  Latin  transla- 
tion of  the  Scriptures,  and  adopted  by  the  Saxon  writers  in  that  lan- 
guage, as  less  barbarous  than  the  national  term  scyllinge.  In  the  ver- 
nacular version  of  the  gospels,  argenteus  is  always  rendered  by  shil- 
ling, in  that  of  Genesis,  it  is  rendered  a  shilling,  p.  27,  and  a  penny, 
p.  43.  jElfric  translates  siclus  by  pcdhnj.  Gen.  xxiii.  16,  and 
Exod.  xxi.  32,  by  encpa.     Jos.  vii.  21. 

3.  Among  the  Angles,  (mne  mib  Enjlum.  Leg.  p.  71.  Perhaps 
the  Middle-Angles  mentioned  by  Bede,  1.  iii.  c.  21,)  the  pennies  seem 
to  have  been  computed,  not  by  shillings,  but  by  thrymsas.  The 
word  is  derived  from  ?>peo  or  bpmi,  and  appears  to  mean  three  pen- 
nies. That  such  was  the  real  value  of  the  thrymsa,  may  be  deduced 
from  the  laws  of  Athelstan,  from  which  we  learn  that  two  hundred 


NOTES.  277 

and  sixty-six  thrymsas  among  the  Angles,  were  equal  to  two  hundred 
shillings  among  the  Mercians.  (Leg.  p.  71.)  Two  hundred  and 
sixty-six  thrymsas  of  three  pennies,  give  seven  hundred  and  ninety- 
eight  pennies,  and  two  hundred  Mercian  shillings  of  four,  give  eight 
hundred  pennies.  The  difference  is  only  two,  and  in  so  large  a  sum 
might  have  been  overlooked  by  the  legislator,  for  the  sake  of  a  round 
number.  Such  instances  occur  in  the  Saxon  laws.  See  Leg.  Sax. 
p.  269. 

4.  Of  the  value  of  the  sceatta,  I  am  compelled  to  confess  my 
ignorance.  From  a  diligent  comparison  of  the  sums  mentioned  in 
the  laws  of  Ethelbert,  king  of  Kent,  the  sceatta  appears  to  have  been 
the  twentieth  part  of  a  shilling.  Hence,  if  the  shilling  in  these  laws 
be  that  of  Wessex,  the  sceatta  will  be  one-fourth,  if  that  of  Mercia, 
one-fifth  of  a  penny.  But  at  the  distance  of  three  centuries  it  appears 
to  denote  a  much  greater  sum.  In  the  laws  of  Athelstan,  the  king's 
Weregild  is  said  to  be,  according  to  the  custom  of  Mercia,  thirty 
thousand  sceattas,  which,  by  the  computation  mentioned  above,  will 
amount  to  no  more  than  twenty-five  pounds.  Yet  we  are  told  imme- 
diately after,  that  it  is  equal  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  pounds,  which 
makes  each  sceatta  equal  to  one  penny  and  the  twenty-fourth  part  of 
a  penny.     I  suspect  the  correctness  of  the  passage. 

5.  The  ora  first  appears  in  the  convention  between  Edward  and 
Guthrun,  king  of  the  Danes  ;  it  is  often  mentioned  afterwards,  and 
appears  to  have  been  peculiar  to  the  countries  in  which  the  Danes 
were  settled.  In  the  laws  of  Ethelred,  the  ora  is  said  to  be  the 
fifteenth  part  of  a  pound.  (Spelm.  Gloss,  voce  Ora.  Wilk.  Gloss. 
voce  Hustinge.)  It  was,  therefore,  equal  to  sixteen  pennies ;  and 
such  is  the  value  ascribed  to  it  by  ^Elfric,  according  to  Spelman, 
(ibid.)  and  by  the  register  of  Burton,  according  to  Camden.  (Gib- 
son's Camden,  Wiltshire,  p.  130.)  Twenty  oras,  if  the  register  be 
correct,  were  equal  to  two  marks,  or  three  hundred  and  twenty  pen- 
nies. But  though  sixteen  new  pennies  made  an  ora,  yet  in  many 
payments  twenty  were  exacted  on  account  of  the  diminution  of  the 
coin  by  circulation.     Domesday,  Gale,  p.  759.  765. 

6.  The  mancus  was  the  eighth  of  a  pound.  iElfric,  after  observ- 
ing that  five  pennies  make  a  shilling,  adds,  and  thirty  pennies  a 
mancus.  (Wilk.  Gloss,  voce  Manca.)  It  is  said  in  one  chapter  of  the 
laws  of  Henry  I.,  (c.  34,)  that  thirty  shillings  of  five  pennies  make 
five  mancuses ;  and  in  another,  that  twelve  common  shillmgs  and  six- 
pence make  five  mancuses.  In  each  passage  the  mancus  appears  to 
have  contained  thirty  pennies. 

7.  The  mark  is  so  frequently  mentioned  among  the  different  deno- 

2  A 


278  NOTES. 

minations  of  Saxon  money,  that  it  must  appear  surprising  any  doubt 
should  exist  respecting  its  value.  By  Spelman  (Gloss,  voce  Marca) 
it  is  said  to  have  been  at  one  period  equal  to  no  more  than  two  pen- 
nies. But  he  was  deceived  by  a  law  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  the 
true  meaning  of  which  may  be  discovered  from  a  parallel  law  of 
William  the  Conqueror.  (Compare  Leg.  p.  198,  with  p.  222.)  Other 
writers  have  pronounced  the  mark  to  be  the  same  sum  with  the  mancus : 
and  in  some  passages,  particularly  in  the  laws  of  Henry  I.,  these  two 
denominations  appear  to  be  used  indiscriminately.  But  this  I  am  in- 
clined to  ascribe  to  the  negligence  of  the  copyists,  who  might  easily 
confound  words  so  similar  to  each  other  as  marca  and  manca.  At  an 
early  period  after  the  conquest,  the  mark  was  two-thirds  of  a  pound, 
(at  this  value  it  was  called  on  the  continent  the  English  mark.  Du 
Fresne,  Gloss,  p.  438,)  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  it  to  have 
been  the  same  under  the  Saxon  princes.  This  I  shall  endeavour  to 
prove,  by  showing  that  the  latter  computation  agrees,  and  the  former 
disagrees,  with  the  relative  value  of  the  sums  mentioned  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  laws. 

In  the  convention  between  Alfred  and  Guthrun,  the  life  of  an  English 
and  a  Danish  thane  is  declared  to  be  of  equal  value :  and  the  com- 
pensation for  each  is  said  to  be  eight  half-marks  of  gold :  that  is,  if 
the  mark  were  two-thirds  of  a  pound,  thirty-two  ounces ;  if,  like  the 
mancus,  one-eighth,  six  ounces.  Under  the  Normans,  the  value  of 
gold  to  silver  was  as  one  to  nine  or  ten,  (Spel.  Gloss,  p.  397.  Wilk. 
Gloss,  p.  416  ;)  and,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  the  same  proportion  seems 
to  have  obtained  under  the  Saxons.  In  this  supposition  thirty-two 
ounces  of  gold  will  be  worth  about  twenty-five  pounds  of  silver,  and 
six  ounces  of  gold  worth  about  five  pounds.  To  decide  which  of 
these  computations  deserves  the  preference,  we  need  only  examine 
the  laws  of  Ethelred  and  Henry  I.,  in  which  the  same  law  is  re- 
enacted,  and  the  penalty  is  declared  to  be  twenty-five  pounds  of  silver. 
(See  Leg.  Sax.  p.  47.  105.  265.) 

Among  the  Danes,  the  lahslite,  the  fine  for  violating  the  law,  was 
five  marks,  if  the  criminal  were  a  king's  thane ;  three,  if  he  were  a 
landholder;  and  twelve  oras,  if  he  were  a  countryman.  (Leg.  p.  101.) 
Supposing  the  mark  to  be  no  more  than  the  mancus,  the  thane  would 
pay  thirty  shillings,  the  landholder  eighteen,  and  the  countryman 
thirty-eight  shillings  and  two-pence,  which  is  evidently  wrong.  But 
supposing  the  mark  to  be  two-thirds  of  a  pound,  the  thane  would 
pay  one  hundred  and  sixty  shillings,  the  landholder  ninety-six,  and 
the  countryman  thirty-eight  and  two-pence,  which  appears  nearer  to 
the  truth. 


NOTES. 


279 


In  the  laws  attributed  to  Edward  the  Confessor,  (Leg.  p.  199,)  the 
manbote  to  be  paid  to  the  king  or  arclibishop,  for  the  murder  of  one 
of  their  retainers,  was  three  marks ;  to  a  bishop  or  earl,  forty-eight 
shillings  of  five  pennies,  equal  to  twenty  of  twelve ;  to  a  thane, 
twenty-four  of  five  pennies,  or  ten  of  twelve.  Supposing  the  mark 
to  be  two-thirds  of  a  pound,  three  marks  are  ninety-six  sliillings  of 
five  pennies,  and  forty  of  twelve.  That  this  is  the  true  value  of  the 
three  marks,  will  appear  from  the  gradual  diminution  of  the  manbote 
in  geometrical  proportion. 

Marks.  Shillings  of  5.  Shillings  of  12. 

King's  manbote  3  =  96  =  40 

Bishop's  manbote        5  =  48  =  20 

Thane's  manbote         ^  =  24  =  10 

Hence,  I    conclude   the  Anglo-Saxon   mark   was    two-thirds  of  the 

pound,  or  one  hundred  and  sixty  pennies. 

The  Saxon  money  may,  therefore,  be  reckoned  as  follows : 

Pennies. 
The  pound  1  =  240 

The  mark  f  =  160 

The  mancus  &         .      =  ^^ 

Theora  A  =  ^^ 

The  greater  shilling  2V  =  1^ 

The  common  shilling        ^\  ==  5 

The  Mercian  shilling        ^V  =  ^ 

The  thrymsa  ,g  =  3 

The  penny  ^t^  =  1 


(D)— p.  83. 

The  most  accurate  account  of  the  discipline  observed  in  the  double 
monasteries,  among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  occurs  in  the  life  of  St.  Lioba, 
written  by  Ralph,  a  monk  of  Fulda,  and  contemporary  historian.  In 
quo  (Winburne)  duo  monasteria  antiquius  a  regibus  gentis  illius  con- 
structa  sunt,  muris  altis  et  firmis  circumdata,  et  omni  sufficientia 
sumptuum  rationabili  dispositione  procurata,  unum  scilicet  clerico- 
rum,  alterum  feminarum.  Quorum  ab  initio  fundationis  suae  ea  lege 
disciplinse  ordinatum  est,  ut  neutrum  eorum  dispar  sexus  ingrederetur. 
Nunquam  enim  virorum  congregationem  femina,  aut  virginum  contur- 


280  NOTES. 

bernia  quisquam  virorum  intrare  permittebatur,  exceptis  solummodo 
presbyteris,  qui  in  ecclesias  earum  ad  agenda  Missarum  ofRcia  tantum 
ingredi  solebant,  et  consummata  celeriter  oratione  stalim  ad  sua  re- 
dire.  Feminarum  vero  quacumque  saeculo  renuntians  earum  collegio 
sociari  voluerat,  niinqiiam  exitiira  intrabat,  nisi  causa  rationabilis  vel 
macrme  cujiislibet  utilitatis  existens  earn  cum  consilio  emitteret.  Porro 
ipsa  congregationis  mater,  quando  aliquid  externum  pro  utilitate  Mo- 
nasterii  ordinare  vel  mandare  necesse  erat,  per  fenestram  loquebatur. 
Tetta  abbatissa  virgines  cum  quibus  indesinenter  manebat,  adeo  im- 
munes  a  virorum  voluit  esse  consortio,  ut  non  tantum  laicis  aut  cle- 
ricis,  verum  etiam  ipsis  quoque  Episcopis  in  congregationem  earum 
negaret  ingressum.  Vit.St.  Liobae  apud  Mab.  Act.  SS.  Bened.  saec.  3, 
p.  246.     See  also  Bede,  1.  iv.  c.  7;  iii.  c.  11. 


(E)— p.  92. 

I  SHALL  take  this  opportunity  to  add  a  few  miscellaneous  remarks 
concerning  the  Anglo-Saxon  monks  at  this  period. 

For  several  centuries,  as  Mabillon  had  justly  observed,  (Saec.  Bened. 
iv.  pra3f.  1,  n°  52,)  the  distinction  of  different  orders  of  monks  was 
unknown.  Whatever  diversity  might  exist  in  their  private  discipline, 
they  considered  each  other  as  brethren,  and  professors  of  the  same 
institute.  Hence  they  made  no  difficulty  to  alter,  as  they  thought 
proper,  the  internal  police  of  their  own  monasteries,  to  borrow  new  re- 
gulations from  each  other,  and  to  join  in  the  observance  of  two  or  more 
rules  at  the  same  time,  in  those  points  in  which  they  did  not  contra- 
dict each  other.  Many  instances  might  be  adduced  from  the  historians 
of  other  countries,  nor  are  they  wanting  in  the  records  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxons.  The  discipline  established  at  Weremouth,  by  St.  Bennet 
Biscop,  was  collected  from  the  customs  of  seventeen  foreign  monas- 
teries, (ex  decern  et  septem  monasteriis,  Bed.  vit.  Abbat.  p.  297  ;)  St. 
Botulf  composed  his  rule  from  that  of  St.  Benedict,  the  customs  of 
the  ancient  monks,  and  the  suggestions  of  his  own  judgment.  Quod 
transmarinis  partibus  didicerat  de  monachorum  districtiori  vita  et  regu- 
lari  consuetudine,  memoriter  repetendo  quotidianis  inculcationibus 
subditos  consuescit  solita  mansuetudine.  Praecepta  salutis  secundum 
B.  patris  Benedicti  documentum,  vetera  novis,  nova  veteribus  miscens, 
nunc  antiquorum  instituta,  nunc  per  se  intellects  discipulos  edocuit. 


NOTES.  281 

Vit.  St.  Botul.  auctore  Felice,  in  actis  SS.  Benedic.  torn.  iii.  p.  2.  At 
Lindisfarne,  after  the  departure  of  the  Scottish  monks,  was  observed 
a  rule  composed  by  St.  Eata,  the  first  Anglo-Saxon  abbot,  afterwards 
the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  was  added,  and  both  were  observed  together. 
Nobis  regularem  vitam  componens  constituit,  quam  usque  hodie  cum 
regula  Benedicti  observamus.  Vit.  St.  Cuth.  auctore  anonymo  sed 
antiquo,  cit.  Mab;  Annal.  Bened.  torn.  i.  p.  275. 

The  great  number  of  monks  belonging  to  some  monasteries,  will 
probably  surprise  the  reader.  At  Winchelcomb  they  amounted  to 
three  hundred,  (Monas.  Ang.  torn.  i.  p.  190  ;)  at  Weremouth  and  Jar- 
row  to  six  hundred,  (Bed.  vit.  Abbat.  p  301  :)  and  in  the  houses 
established  by  St.  Wilfrid,  to  some  thousands.  (Ed.  vit.  Wilf.  c.  24.) 
It  were,  however,  inaccurate  to  suppose,  that  all  these  were  withdrawn 
from  the  occupations  of  social  life,  to  attend  solely  to  pious  exercises. 
In  the  most  populous  monasteries,  a  very  small  proportion  of  the 
members  were  permitted  to  study  the  sciences,  or  to  aspire  to  holy 
orders  :  the  greater  part  (five-sixths  according  to  the  monk  of  Win- 
chelcomb) were  employed  in  the  daily  occupations  of  husbandry,  and 
the  mechanic  arts,  in  which  they  acquired  a  much  greater  proficiency 
than  any  of  their  contemporaries.  In  illo  magno  religiosorum  nu- 
mero,  vix  fortassis  quadraginta  aut  circiter  in  sacerdotes  aut  clericos 
ordinari  cerneres :  reliqua  vero  multitudo  heremitarum  et  laicorum 
more,  diversis  artificiis,  et  aliis  manuum  laboribus  operam  dantes,  pro 
his,  quae  in  necessariis  defuerunt,  prout  ab  antiquo  boni  fecere  mo- 
nachi,  diligenter  prospiciebant.  Regist.  Winchel.  in  Monas.  Ang. 
tom.  1.  p.  190. 

The  dress  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  monks  and  nuns  was  not  uniform. 
It  is  noticed  as  an  instance  of  uncommon  austerity,  that  the  abbess 
Edilthryda  denied  herself  the  use  of  linen,  (Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  19 ;) 
and  St.  Cuthbert  is  praised  for  having  forbidden  the  woollen  garments 
of  his  disciples  to  be  dyed.  (Bed.  vit.  St.  Cuth.  c.  16.)  The  Saxons 
in  o-eneral  were  passionately  addicted  to  dress,  and  great  admirers  of 
the  most  gaudy  colours.  Among  these  scarlet  was  the  favourite  ;  and 
flammea  puella  is  used  by  Archbishop  Lullus  to  denote  a  lady  of 
fashion.  (Ep.  St.  Bonif.  45,  p.  63, j  Variety,  however,  as  we  learn 
from  St.  Aldhelm,  was  deemed  necessary:  and  from  his  expressions  we 
may  infer,  that  the  weavers  employed  looms  with  several  treadles,  and 
understood  the  art  of  ornamenting  their  webs  with  figures,  formed  by 
threads  of  different  colours.  (Panuculse  purpureis,  imo  diversis  colo- 
rum  varietatibus  fucatae,  inter  densa  filorum  stamina  ultro  citroque 
decurrant,  et  arte  plumaria  omne  textrinum  opus  diversis  imaginum 
toraciclis  perornent.  St.  Aid.  de  laud.  Virg.  p.  305.)  He  himself  pos- 
36  2  A  2 


282  NOTES. 

sessed  a  chasuble  (a  vestment  for  the  celebration  of  mass)  of  a  scarlet 
colour,  decorated  with  figures  of  peacocks,  each  of  which  was   en- 
closed in  a  circle  of  black.  (Gale,  p.  351.)  It  was  not  long  before  this 
taste  violated,  in  many  instances,  the  original  simplicity  of  the  mo- 
nastic habit.     Of  the  ladies,  who  retired  to  the  convents,  many  were 
descended  from  the   most  illustrious   families  :    in  the  cloister  they 
devoted  their  leisure  hours  to  works  of  ornament ;  and  often  retained 
a  great  part  of  the  dress  which  they  had  worn  in  a  secular  life.     St. 
Aldhelm  has  described  the  appearance  of  one  of  these  noble  or  royal 
nuns.     Her  under  vest  (subucula)  was  of  fine  linen,  and,  if  the  text 
be  accurate,  of  a  violet  colour ;  above  this  she  wore  a  scarlet  tunic, 
(tunica  coccinea,)  with  wide  sleeves,  and  a  hood  striped  with  silk, 
(manicae  et  caputium  sericis  clavatas  ;)  her  shoes  were  of  red  leather ; 
the  locks  on  her  forehead  and  temples  were  curled  with  irons  ;  and  a 
veil  (mafortium)  was  tied  to  her  head  with  ribands,  crossed  over  her 
breast,  and  permitted  to  fall  behind  to  the  ground.     He  adds,  that  her 
nails  were  pared  to  a  point,  that  they  might  resemble  the  talons  of 
the  falcon.     St.  Aid.  ibid.  p.  364.     The  principal  difference  between 
this  dress  and  that  of  the  secular  ladies  appears  to  have  been,  that  the 
latter  suspended  crescents  of  gold  and  silver  (lunulse)  on  their  necks, 
wore  bracelets  round  their  arms,  rings  enchased  with  jewels  on  their 
fingers,  and  employed  stibium  to  paint  the  face.    Id.  p.  307.     The 
dress  of  the  more  dissipated  among  the  clergy  and  monks  is  said  to 
have  borne  a  great  resemblance  to  that  of  the  nuns  above  described. 
Id.  p.  364.     But  they  affected  to  wear  their  tunics  shorter,  and  imi- 
tated the  secular  thanes  by  wrapping  fillets  of  different  colours  round 
their  legs,  (see  an  instance  of  this  custom  in  Strutt's  engraving  from 
the   ancient   MSS.      Horda  Angelcynn.  vol.  i.  p.  47,)   and   covering 
their  heads  with  the  lappets  of  their  robes,  which  were  made  to  re- 
semble a  mantle.    (Imitantur  saeculares  in  vestitu  crurum  per  fasciolas, 
et  per  coculas  in  circumdatione  capitis  in  modum  pallii.    Con.  Cloves, 
p.  99.)     These  robes  were  faced  with  silk,  and  ornamented  with  ver- 
micular figures,  (Ep.  St.  Bonif.  105,  p.  149  :)  the  silk  was  of  a  crimson 
colour,  striped  with  white,  green,  or  yellow.     (Carmen  Aldhel.  inter 
ep.  Bonif.  p.  89.)     In  the  correspondence  between  the  missionaries 
in  Germany  and  their  friends  in  England,  is  mentioned  a  great  va- 
riety of  presents.     Among  these  are  several  articles  of  the  clerical 
and  monastic  dress,  the  figure  of  which  is  perhaps  now  unknown ; 
but  which  were  made  of  silk,  silk  and  wool,  wool,  and  linen :  some 
were  lined  with  furs,  and  others  woven  in  imitation  of  them.  (Ep.  St. 
Bonif.  p.  15.  105.  117.  126.  152.  155.) 

These  innovations  in  the  monastic  dress  were  not,  however,  uni- 


NpTES.  283 

versal.  Many  monasteries  retained  with  scrupulous  exactitude  the 
severe  simplicity  of  their  founders  :  and  the  vanity  of  the  others  was 
deservedly  chastised  by  the  zeal  of  the  more  vigilant  prelates,  and  the 
decrees  of  the  national  councils.  Among  the  former,  St.  Aldhelm, 
(De  laud.  Vir.  passim.)  and  St.  Boniface,  (Ep.  ad  Cuth.  apud  Wilk. 
p.  93  ;)  among  the  latter,  the  synods  of  Cloveshoe  and  Calcuith  were 
conspicuous.  By  the  synod  of  Cloveshoe,  works  of  ornament  were 
discouraged  in  nunneries,  a  greater  attention  to  prayer  and  reading 
was  recommended,  and  such  habits  ordered  to  be  worn  as  became 
those  who  had  renounced  forever  the  pleasures  and  the  vanities  of  the 
world.  In  the  synod  of  Calcuith,  the  papal  legates  severely  con- 
demned the  use  of  garments  dyed  with  Indian  colours,  (tinctis  Indiae 
coloribus.  Id.  p.  147.  From  a  passage  in  the  life  of  St.  Ansegisus, 
Act.  SS.  Bened.  scec.  iv.  vol.  i.  p.  634,  in  which  the  Indian  colour  is 
distinguished  from  the  green  and  red,  I  should  suspect  it  to  be  the 
same  as  is  still  known  by  the  name  of  indigo.)  The  clergy  and 
monks  were  also  ordered  to  adopt  the  habits  of  their  brethren  in  the 
east.  (Ibid.  By  the  east  were  meant  the  nations  on  the  continent,  as 
appears  from  comparing  this  passage  with  another,  p.  151.)  Whether 
this  regulation  was  ever  enforced  I  am  ignorant.  If  it  were,  the  dress 
of  the  monks  would  be  as  follows  :  a  close  woollen  tunic  of  a  white 
colour,  reaching  to  the  feet,  over  which  was  worn  a  wider  robe,  with 
long  sleeves  and  a  cowl  of  the  same  stuff,  but  of  a  darker  colour.  On 
many  occasions  this  was  exchanged  for  a  shorter  vest  of  nearly  the 
same  figure,  with  this  exception,  that  it  only  reached  to  the  elbows 
and  thighs.  They  were  called  the  tunic,  cowl,  and  scapular.  (Tunica, 
cuculla,  scapulare.     Mab.  Act.  SS.  Ben.  saec.  v.  praaf.  n°  59.) 

Of  the  canonical  dress  of  the  clergy,  I  have  met  with  no  exact  de- 
scription. From  Ingulf,  (f.  500)  we  learn,  that  Turketul  ordered  the 
clergy,  who  served  the  church  of  St.  Pega,  to  wear  chlamydem 
nigram,  vestesque  talares,  ac  omnes  nigri  coloris.  The  chlamys  was 
an  open  robe,  fastened  with  a  clasp.     Isidor.  orig.  1.  xix.  c.  24. 

The  warm  bath  was  in  frequent  use  in  monasteries  at  this  period. 
It  was  recommended  as  conducive  to  cleanliness  and  health.  St.  Wil- 
frid bathed  every  evening  during  many  years.  Edd.  vit.  St.  Wilf.  c. 
21.  People  bathed  before  communion  through  respect  to  the  sacra- 
ment. Mab.  saec.  iv.  tom.  ii.  prasf.  n°  187.  Bede  mentions  with 
praise  the  self-denial  of  St.  Edilthryda,  who  seldom  used  the  warm 
bath,  except  on  the  vigils  of  Easter,  Pentecost,  and  the  Epiphany. 
He  adds,  that  all  the  other  nuns  were  accustomed  to  bathe  before  her 
Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv.  c.  19. 

In  the  histories  of  some  monasteries,  mention  is  made  of  recluses. 


284  NOTES. 

A  recluse  was  a  woman  of  approved  piety,  whom  the  abbot  permitted 
to  reside  in  a  cell  near  the  church,  and  to  attend  daily  at  the  divine 
service.  She  generally  wore  the  same  habit  as  a  nun,  and  submitted 
to  the  same  regulations.  Of  this  description  was  Etheldrida,  a  Mer- 
cian princess,  who  had  been  promised  in  marriage  to  Ethelbert,  king 
of  ihe  East-Angles.  Shocked  at  the  barbarous  murder  of  her  in- 
tended husband,  (he  was  killed  by  order  of  her  father  Offa,  on  his 
arrival  at  the  court  of  Mercia,)  she  determined  to  forsake  the  world, 
and  devote  herself  to  a  religious  life.  Croyland,  which  had  been 
founded  by  a  prince  of  her  family,  was  the  object  of  her  choice ;  and 
the  monks  erected  apartments  for  her  in  a  corner  of  the  church.  In 
this  situation  she  spent  the  rest  of  her  days.  Her  cell  afforded  a 
secure  asyhim  to  her  cousin  Witlaff,  king  of  Mercia,  and  concealed 
him  during  four  months  from  the  resentment  of  his  victorious  enemy, 
Egbert,  king  of  Wessex.     Cart.  Witlaf.  apud  Ingulf,  f .  487. 

It  was  seldom  that  more  than  one  recluse  was  permitted  to  reside 
near  the  monastery.  If  the  abbot  received  many  applications,  he 
sometimes  built  a  convent  in  the  rjeighbourhood,  appointed  a  prioress, 
and  drew  up  a  code  of  laws  for  its  inhabitants.  Matt.  Paris,  vit. 
Abbat.  p.  992.     Men,  as  well  as  women,  sometimes  became  recluses. 


(F)— p.  94. 

The  houses  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  appear  to  have  resembled  those 
of  the  other  northern  tribes  of  that  period.  The  walls  were  built  of 
wood  or  stone,  the  roofs  of  branches  of  trees  covered  with  straw  or 
reeds.  An  aperture  in  the  centre  transmitted  the  smoke.  (Bed.  1.  iii. 
c.  X.)  The  habitation  which  St.  Cuthbert  built  for  himself  in  the  isle 
of  Fame,  consisted  of  two  separate  rooms,  surrounded  by  a  wall  two 
yards  high.  The  latter  was  built  with  stone  and  turf:  the  rooms  were 
partly  excavated  in  the  rock.  (Bed.  p.  243.  263.)  Even  the  palace 
of  the  king  of  Northumbria  was  nothing  more  than  a  large  hall,  with 
two  opposite  openings  for  doors.  The  hearth  was  in  the  middle  of 
the  floor.  (Bed.  1.  ii.  c.  13.) 

In  the  erection  of  their  churches,  the  converts  followed  the  method  of 
the  countries  from  which  their  teachers  came.  The  Irish  missionaries 
taught  them  to  build  churches  of  split  oak,  which  Bede  distinguishes 
by  the  name  of  the  Irish  method,  (1.  iii.  c.  25,)  and  which  appears  to 


NOTES.  285 

have  kept  its  ground  in  Ireland  during  several  centuries.  (Vit.  St. 
Malachiae,  auctore  D.  Bern.  c.  v.  xiii.)  Of  this  method  of  building, 
a  curious  specimen  still  remains  in  Greenstead  church,  in  the  county 
of  Essex.  The  walls  are  formed  of  the  trunks  of  oaks  six  feet  high, 
sawed  in  half.  Being  cut  away  at  the  bottom  into  a  tenon,  they  are 
inserted  into  a  groove  cut  in  a  horizontal  piece  of  timber,  which 
serves  as  the  base  sustainment.  A  second  horizontal  square  timber, 
by  way  of  entablature,  grooved  like  the  first,  receives  the  ridges  of 
the  trunks,  which  stand  with  their  sawed  faces  inwards,  and  within 
one  inch  of  each  other.  At  the  gable  end  the  trunks  rise  gradually 
pediment-wise  to  the  height  of  fourteen  feet.  The  interstices  between 
the  trunks  admitted  the  light;  but  we  find  from  Bede,  (Vit.  Cuth.  c. 
xlvi.)  that  they  were  sometimes  filled  with  straw  :  others  nailed  skins 
against  them ;  Eadbert  of  Lindisfarne  covered  them  entirely  with  lead. 
Id.  1.  iii.  c.  25. 

The  Roman  missionaries,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  the  build- 
ings of  Italy,  introduced  the  custom  of  building  churches  of  stone : 
and  the  superior  elegance  and  solidity  of  these  soon  superseded  the 
method  of  building  with  wood. 

The  cruciform  shape,  which  has  since  been  usually  given  to 
churches,  was  then  seldom  adopted.  The  first  instance  of  the  kind 
in  England  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  the  church  at  Ramsey, 
built  in  969,  (Gale,  Hist.  Ram.  c.  20 :)  but  the  contrary  appears 
from  a  poem  written  in  England  long  before  that  period,  in  which 
mention  is  made  of  a  church  built  in  the  shape  of  a  cross.  (Ethel- 
wulf,  de  Abbat.  Lindis.  c.  22.)  In  general,  however,  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  churches  approached  the  form  of  a  square.  (Ibid.  c.  20.  Bed. 
1.  ii.  c.  14.) 

The  ceilings  were  flat,  framed  with  oak,  and  supported  by  rows 
of  columns.  (Lei.  Col.  vol.  i.  p.  24.  Ale.  de  Pont.  v.  1507.  Edd. 
vit.  Wilf.  c.  17.)  From  them  were  suspended  a  great  number  of 
lamps. 

Ut  ccelum  rutilat  stellis  fulgentibus,  omnes 
Sic  tremulas  vibrant  subter  testudine  templi 
Ordinibus  variis  funalia  pendula  flammas. 

Ethel,  de  Abbat.  c.  20. 

In  the  walls  were  formed  spiral  staircases.  (Edd.  vit.  Wilf.  c.  20.) 
The  body  of  the  church  was  surrounded  by  numerous  porches,  each 
of  which  formed  a  distinct  chapel.  (Bed.  1.  ii.  c.  3.  Ed.  vit.  Wilf.  c. 
17.  20.) 


286  '  NOTES. 

Emicat  egregiis  laquearibus  intus  alque  fenestris, 
Pulchraque  porticibiis  I'ulget  circumdata  multis. 

Ale.  de  Pont.  v.  1507. 

Plures  sacris  altaribus  asdes, 
Qu3G  retinent  dubiuin  liminis  inlroitum. 
Quisquis  ut  ignotis  deambulat  atria  plantis 

Nesciat  unde  meat,  quove  pedem  referat. 
Onmi  parte  quia  fores  conspiciuntur  apertas, 
Nee  patet  uUa  sibi  semita  certa  via3. 

Wolstan  in  Aet.  SS.  Ben.  vol.  iii.  p.  629. 

The  chureh  at  Ramsey  was  ornamented  wiih  two  towers,  one  at  the 
western  entrance,  and  another  in  the  centre  of  the  transept  supported 
by  four  arches.  (Hist.  Rames.  e.  20.)  The  tower  of  the  new  chureh 
at  Winchester  was  at  the  eastern  extremity.  (Wolst.  p.  630.)  But  I 
conceive  that  originally  the  towers  were  distinct  from  the  churches 
like  the  celebrated  round  towers  that  are  still  remaining  in  Ireland. 
Thus  a  tower  had  been  erected  before  the  western  entrance  of  the  old 
church  at  Winchester,  as  we  learn  from' Wolstan. 

Turris  erat  rostrata  tholis  quia  maxima  quaedam 
Illius  ante  sacri  pulcherrima  limina  templi,  &c. 

Act.  SS.  Ben.  vol.  ii.  p.  70. 

If  I  may  be  allowed  to  conjecture  on  a  subject  which  has  exercised 
the  ingenuity  of  many  writers,  I  conceive  such  towers  to  have  been 
originally  built  at  a  short  distance  from  the  church,  that  the  walls  might 
not  be  endangered  by  their  weight,  and  that  they  were  not  considered 
merely  as  an  ornament,  but  used  as  beacons  to  direct  the  traveller  to- 
wards the  church  or  monastery.  Lights  were  kept  burning  in  them 
during  the  night.  At  least  such  was  the  fact  with  respect  to  the  new 
tower  at  Winchester,  which,  we  learn  from  Wolstan,  consisted  of  five 
stories,  in  each  of  which  were  four  windows,  looking  towards  the  four 
cardinal  points,  that  were  illuminated  every  night.  (Wols.  p.  631.) 


(G)— p.  98. 

That  the  Anglo-Saxon  monks,  by  their  virtue,  their  learning,  and 
their  utility,  deserved  the  esteem  of  their  contemporaries,  can  scarcely 


NOTES.  2S7 

be  denied  by  those,  who  are  acquainted  with  their  true  liistory.  It 
must,  however,  be  acknowledged  that  the  merit  of  all  was  not  equal, 
and  that  in  several  monasteries  the  severe  discipline  of  their  founders 
was  gradually  abandoned  Experience  showed  that  opulence  was  not 
in  general  the  soil  the  most  favourable  to  the  growth  of  monastic 
virtue.  But  the  cause  should  be  ascribed  to  the  circumstances  of  the 
times.  The  wealth  and  importance  attached  to  the  dignity  of  abbot, 
often  stimulated  the  ambition,  and  rewarded  the  intrigues  of  men,  the 
least  qualified  for  so  elevated  an  office.  When  the  prince  assumed 
the  right  of  nominating  to  the  vacant  abbeys,  the  merit  of  the  candi- 
date was  frequently  the  last  recommendation  which  he  required:  and 
if  the  freedom  of  election  was  granted  to  the  monks,  they  were  often 
compelled,  by  the  rapacity  of  an  unprincipled  neighbour,  to  purchase 
the  protection  of  some  powerful  family,  by  giving  their  suffrages  to 
one  of  its  members.  If  we  peruse  the  catalogue  of  those  who  go- 
verned the  more  opulent  monasteries,  we  shall  find  them  filled  with 
names  of  royal  or  noble  descent:  and  of  these  superiors,  though 
several  maintained  with  honour  the  reputation  of  the  order,  and  the 
regularity  of  the  monks,  many  considered  themselves  as  little  more 
than  secular  thanes.  They  abandoned  to  others  the  care  of  the  com- 
munity, followed  the  sovereign  to  the  field  of  battle,  and  mixed  in  the 
pleasures  and  occupations  of  the  world.  The  consequence  was  na- 
tural. The  sterner  virtues  of  the  institute  were  suffered  to  languish ; 
discipline  was  relaxed ;  and  the  private  monk  imitated,  in  many  in- 
stances, the  dissipation  of  his  superior.  See  Wilkins,  p.  93.  97. 
Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  25.  Ep.  ad  Egb.  p.  311.  Ep.  Ale.  apud  Canis.  xxiii. 
p.  411.     Mat.  Paris,  vit.  Abbat.  p.  992.     Gul.  Thorn,  p.  1781. 


(H)— p.  103. 

The  belief  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church,  respecting  the  supremacy 
of  St.  Peter,  is  so  well  established,  that  I  shall  not  stop  to  unravel  the 
web  which  the  sophistry  of  Hicks  (Gram.  p.  20)  and  Whelock 
(Hist.  p.  237)  has  spun  from  some  expressions  in  the  Saxon  homilist. 
Yet  I  may  observe,  that  the  superior  dignity  of  the  apostle  is  asserted 
in  the  very  passage  which  is  the  subject  of  their  triumph.  Nu  bep]» 
Pecpup  p  hip  o^Se  jecacnunje  ftaejie  hal^an  jelaJJunje  on 
}>Bepe  he  ly  ealbop  unbep  Ejiipc.  "Now  Peter  beareth  the  type 
or  resemblance  of  the  holy  church ;  in  which  he  is  the  prince  under 


288  NOTES. 

Christ."  Whel.  p.  237.  Whelock,  indeed,  has  rendered  the  Saxon 
word  ealbop  by  senior,  Eistob  by  bishop,  (Sax.  Homil.  pref.  p.  xl. :) 
but  that  it  should  be  prince  or  chief,  is  plain  from  the  context,  from 
Alfred's  version  of  Bede,  in  which  ealbojx  always  answers  to  prin- 
ceps,  and  from  the  original  sermon  of  St.  Augustine,  (Sermo  13,  de 
verb.  Dom.,)  from  which  this  passage  was  borrowed  by  the  homilist, 
and  which  has  the  words,  principatum  tenens. 


(I)— p.  107. 

The  reader  has  already  seen,  that  the  council  of  Cloveshoe  was 
convoked  in  obedience  to  the  command  of  the  pontiff,  and  to  avoid 
the  sentence  of  excommunication,  with  which  he  had  threatened  the 
Anglo-Saxon  prelates.  I  shall  proceed  to  notice  the  manner  in  which 
Henry  has  undertaken  to  prove,  from  the  same  council,  that  the  Eng- 
lish church  was  independent  of  the  church  of  Rome.  He  was  urged 
to  the  attempt  by  the  apparent  success  of  Inett,  (vol.  i.  p.  177 :)  but 
he  applied  to  the  work  with  greater  boldness ;  and  the  master  must  be 
content  to  yield  the  palm  to  his  scholar. 

In  Henry's  ingenious  narrative  we  are  told — 1.  That  the  council  was 
held,  probably,  at  the  suggestion  of  St.  Boniface :  2.  That  its  canons 
were,  for  the  most  part,  taken  from  those  of  the  synod  of  Mentz, 
which  that  prelate  had  transmitted  to  Archbishop  Cuthbert :  3.  But 
that  the  English  council  made  a  very  important  alteration  in  the  canon 
respecting  the  unity  of  the  church.  In  that  formed  by  St.  Boniface, 
the  bishops  professed  their  obedience  to  St.  Peter  and  his  vicar  :  in 
that  published  by  the  English  prelates,  no  mention  was  made  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  but  it  was  declared  that  "sincere  love  and  affection 
ought  to  be  among  all  the  clergy  in  the  world,  in  deed  and  judgment, 
without  flattery  of  any  one's  person."  "  This  remarkable  caution," 
adds  the  historian,  "  in  the  language  of  the  canon,  is  a  suflicient  proof 
that  the  clergy  of  England  were  not  yet  disposed  to  bend  their  necks 
to  the  intolerable  and  ignominious  yoke  of  Rome."  Hen.  vol.  iii. 
p.  225. 

It  must  be  confessed,  that  the  art  with  which  this  narrative  is  com- 
posed, does  honour  to  the  ingenuity  of  its  author.  The  idea,  that  the 
synod  was  assembled  at  the  suggestion  of  St.  Boniface,  and  that  the 
canons  were  selected  from  those  which  had  been  transmitted  from 
Germany  to  the  Saxon  metropolitan,  is  well  calculated  to  justify  the 


NOTES.  289 

inference  which  he  was  so  anxious  to  establish.  The  only  defect  is, 
that  the  whole  system  has  been  raised  on  a  treacherous  foundation ; 
on  the  speculations  of  a  modern  writer,  instead  of  the  documents  of 
ancient  history.  Henry's  account  is  contradicted,  in  every  particular, 
by  the  very  acts  of  the  council.  1.  In  the  prooeraium  the  bishops 
assert,  that  they  had  assembled,  not  at  the  suggestion  of  St.  Boniface, 
but  at  the  peremptory  command  of  Pope  Zachary.  2.  The  canons 
sent  from  Germany  were  only  nine  in  number,  and  were  comprised 
in  a  few  lines,  (Wilk.  p.  91  :)  those  published  at  Cloveshoe  amounted 
to  thirty,  and  are,  many  of  them  at  least,  of  considerable  length. 
(Ibid.  p.  95 — 100.)  How  the  latter  could  be  selected  from  the 
former,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive.  In  reality,  there  are  only  two  or 
three  passages  in  which  they  bear  any  resemblance  to  each  other. 
3.  The  English  bishops  made  no  alteration  in  the  canon  respecting 
the  unity  of  the  church.  There  is  no  such  canon  in  either  collection. 
As  the  bishops  assembled  at  Mentz  had  been  sent  into  Germany  by 
the  popes,  to  labour  in  the  conversion  of  the  pagans,  it  was  natural 
for  them  to  express  their  obedience  to  the  apostolic  see ;  but  the 
English  prelates  were  in  different  circumstances,  and  no  reason  can 
be  assigned  why  they  should  adopt  the  same  conduct.  They,  there- 
fore, did  not  transcribe  tlie  first  canon  of  the  council  of  Mentz  ;  much 
less  did  they  make  any  alteration  in  it.  To  give  some  colour  of  plau- 
sibility to  his  story,  Henry  has  had  recourse  to  a  ruse  de  guerre, 
which  is  sometimes  employed  by  controversial  writers.  He  has 
framed  a  new  title  for  the  second  of  the  canons  of  Cloveshoe,  omit- 
ted its  commencement,  and  interpolated  it  in  an  important  passage. 
The  true  title  is  not  the  unity  of  the  church,  but  the  unity  of  peace, 
(De  unitate  pacis.  Wilk.  p.  95  :)  and  the  object  of  the  canon  is  to 
inform  us  that  the  bishops  had  signed  an  engagement  to  live  in  peace 
and  amity  among  themselves,  without  interfering  with  each  others' 
rights,  or  flattering  any  particular  person.  The  engagement  which 
restrains  the  meaning  of  the  canon  to  the  contracting  parties,  Henry 
has  prudently  omitted :  and,  to  extend  its  operation,  has  ingeniously 
inserted  the  words,  "  all  the  clergy  in  the  world."  Ipsi  prsesules,  say 
the  acts,  ad  se  ipsos  verba  mutuae  exhortationis  verterunt,  ....  et 
secundo  loco  sub  testificatione  quadam  confirmaverunt,  ut  pacis  inlimae 
et  sincera?  charitatis  devotio  ubique  inter  eos  (all  the  clergy  in  the 
world,  in  Henry's  translation,)  perpetuo  permaneat,  atque  ut  una  sit 
omnium  concordia  in  omnibus  juribus  ecclesiasticae  religionis,  in  ser- 
mone,  in  opere,  in  judicio,  sine  ciijusquam  adulatione  personae. 
Wilk.  ibid. 

But  the  historian  has  another  argument  in  reserve.     "  So  careful," 
37  2  B 


290  ^OTES. 

he  adds,  "  were  the  prelates  to  guard  against  the  encroachments  of  the 
popes  on  the  independency  of  the  church  of  England,  that  applica- 
tions to  Rome  in  diliicult  cases  were  discouraged  by  the  twenty-fifth 
canon,  and  bishops  directed  to  apply  only  to  their  metropolitan  in  a 
provincial  synod,"  As  Henry  has  not  translated  this  canon,  and  I 
am  unable  to  discover  in  it  the  discouragement  of  which  he  speaks,  I 
shall  content  myself  with  transcribing  it  for  the  perusal  of  the  reader. 
Unusquisque  episcoporum,  si  quid  in  sua  dioecesi  corrigere  et  emen- 
dare  nequiverit,  idem  in  synodo  coram  Archiepiscopo,  et  palam  om- 
nibus ad  corrigendum  insinuet.  Wilk,  p,  98.  Did  Henry  really 
believe  that  this  canon  was  framed  "  to  guard  against  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  popes  ?"  If  he  had  read  a  letter  to  which  he  some- 
times refers,  he  would  have  known  that  it  was  originally  composed 
by  St.  Boniface,  who  adds  immediately  after  it :  Sic  enini,  ni  fallor, 
omnes  episcopi  debent  metropolitano,  et  ipse  Romano  pontifici,  si 
quid  de  corrigendis  populis  apud  eos  impossibile  est,  notum  facere,  et 
sic  alieni  fient  a  sanguine  animarum  perditarum.  Ep.  St.  Bonif.  ad 
Cuthb.  Archiep.  apud  Wilk.  p.  91. 


(K)-p.  115. 

St.  Wilfrid,  by  his  earnest  endeavours  to  introduce  the  canonical 
observances  among  his  countrymen,  and  his  successful  appeals  to  the 
justice  of  the  pontiffs,  has  been  rewarded  with  the  severest  reproaches 
by  the  enemi-es  of  the  church  of  Rome.  To  paint  his  character  in 
the  most  odious  colours,  has  been  the  favourite  theme  with  modern 
writers.  Among  a  host  of  competitors,  I  have  assigned  the  prece- 
dency to  Carte :  and  that  the  reader  may  form  some  notion  of  his 
merit,  I  shall  subjoin  a  few  passages  from  his  work,  and  confront 
them  with  the  original  history  of  Eddius 

1.  According  to  Carte,  (p.  250,)  1.  Eddius  (c.  24,  p.  63)  says, 

"  Wilfrid's    appeal   appeared    so  not  that  the  appeal  excited  either 

new  and  singular,  that  it  occasion-  surprise  or  ridicule,  but  that  the 

ed  a  general  laughter,  as  a  thing  flatterers   of  the   king   expressed 

quite  ridiculous."     He  refers    to  their  joy  by  their  laughter.     Adu- 

Eddius,   c.    24.     Henry    thought  latoribus    cum    risu    gaudentibus. 

this  observation  so  important,  that  They   laughed   at  Wilfrid's   dis- 

he  was  careful  to  copy  it.  grace.     Qui  ridetis  in  meam  con- 

demnationem.     Ibid. 


NOTES. 


291 


2.  Carte  accuses  Eddius  of 
misrepresentation,  when  he  says, 
that  Wilfrid  was  advised  to  ap- 
peal by  his  fellow-bishops,  (cum 
consilio  co-episcopoiam  suorum. 
Ed.  c  24,  p.  6.3 ;)  because  no 
one  but  Winfrid,  the  deposed 
bishop  of  Mercia,  could  give  such 
advice.     Carte,  p.  250. 

.3.  Carte  asserts,  that  the  king 
of  Northumbria  would  not  restore 
the  deposed  prelate,  because  he 
conceived  the  conduct  of  the  pon- 
tiff to  be  derogatory  to  the  rights 
of  the  crown,  (p.  251.) 

4.  According  to  Carte,  (p.  252,) 
the  king  offered  him  a  part  of  his 
former  diocese,  if  he  would  re- 
nounce the  authority  of  the  papal 
mandate.  He  refers  to  Eddius, 
c.  25. 

5.  If  we  may  believe  Carte, 
(p.  254.)  Wilfrid  made  his  sub- 
mission to  Theodore,  and  employ- 
ed the  good  offices  of  the  bishop 
of  London  to  procure  a  reconci- 
liation. His  authority  is  Eddius, 
c.  42. 

6.  To  prove  that  this  reconci- 
liation was  not  owing  to  any  re- 
spect which  the  metropolitan  paid 
to  the  papal  authority,  but  solely  to 
his  esteem  for  the  personal  merit 
of  Wilfrid,  he  sends  his  reader  to 
the  letter  of  Theodore  to  King 
Ethelred,  p.  254. 


2.  The  assertion  of  Eddius  is 
confirmed  by  Wilfrid's  petition  to 
the  pontiff,  in  which  he  observes, 
that  though  several  bishops  were 
present  with  Theodore,  not  one 
of  them  assented  to  his  measures. 
In  conventu  Theodori,  aliorumque 

tunc   temporis    antistitum 

absque  consensu   cujuslibet  epis- 
copi.     Ed.  c.  29,  p.  66. 

3.  According  to  Eddius,  the 
ground  of  the  objection  was,  that 
the  papal  decree  had  been  pur- 
chased with  money ;  pretio  re- 
dempta.     Edd.  c,  33,  p.  69. 

4.  Eddius  informs  us,  that  the 
king  offered  him  a  part  of  his 
former  diocese,  if  he  would  ac- 
knowledge the  papal  mandate  to 
be  a  forgery.  Si  denegaret  vera 
esse.     Ed.  c.  35,  p.  70. 

5.  If  Eddius  is  to  be  credited, 
it  was  Theodore,  who,  actuated 
by  remorse  for  his  past  injustice, 
sent  for  Wilfrid  and  the  bishop  of 
London,  and  solicited  the  forgive- 
ness of  the  man  whom  he  had  in- 
jured.    Ed.  c.  42,  p.  73. 

6.  Theodore,  in  his  letter  to 
King  Ethelred,  assigns  the  au- 
thority of  the  pontiff  as  the  cause 
of  his  reconciliation.  Idcirco  ego 
Theodorus,  humilis  episcopus, 
decrepita  aetate,  hoc  tuae  Beatitu- 
dini  suggero,  quia  Apostolica  hoc, 
sicut  scis,  commendat  auctoritas. 
Ep.  Theod.  apud  Wilk.  p.  64. 
Ed.  c.  42,  p.  74.  Pope  John  as- 
serts the  same.  Ut  ex  ejus  dictis 
apparuit,  decretis  pontificalibus 
obsecutus  erat.     Ibid.  c.  52,  p.  82. 


292 


NOTES. 


7.  Carte  informs  us,  that,  when 
the  controversy  was  terminated  at 
the  synod  of  Nid,  it  was  agreed, 
without  conforming  to  the  terms 
of  the  papal  decree,  that  Wilfrid 
should  be  restored  to  his  see  of 
Hexham,  and  monastery  of  Rip- 
pon,  p.  259. 


8.  According  to  Carte,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  bishops,  during  this 
contest,  were  careful  to  oppose 
the  introduction  of  appeals,  and 
to  preserve  the  independence  of 
their  church. 


7.  Yet  the  restoration  of  Hex- 
ham and  Rippon  was  all  that  Wil- 
frid demanded  from  the  pontiff. 
Ed.  c.  49,  p.  79.  It  was  also  as 
much  as  the  papal  decree  requir- 
ed, which  is  thus  explained  by 
Archbishop  Brithwald.  Ut  prs- 
sules  ecclesiarum  hujus  provinciae 
cum  Wilfrido  episcopo  pacem 
plene  perfecteque  ineant,  et  partes 
ecclesiarum,  quas  olim  ipse  re- 
gebat,  sicut  sapientes  mecum  ju- 
dicaverint,  restituant.  Ed.  c.  58, 
p.  85. 

8.  It  is  evident,  from  the  whole 
history  of  Eddius,  that  both  the 
archbishops,  instead  of  opposing 
the  introduction  of  appeals,  ac- 
knowledged their  legality,  and 
sent  messengers  to  Rome,  to  sup- 
port their  own  decisions.  Ed.  c. 
29,  p.  66;  c.  50,  p.  79. 


(D— p.  120. 

This  poem  was  written  about  the  year  810,  and  published  by  Ma- 
billon,  (Saec.  iv.  torn.  ii.  p.  302,)  from  a  copy  of  a  MS.  at  Cam- 
bridge, sent  to  him  by  Gale.  In  his  preface  he  observes,  that  it  proves 
the  existence  of  a  monastery  in  the  isle  of  Lindisfarne,  distinct  from 
that  built  by  St.  Aidan.  (Praef.  n°  213.)  But  the  learned  monk  was 
undoubtedly  deceived  by  the  title  of  Monachus  Lindisfarnensis  eccle- 
siac,  which  is  given  to  Ethelwold,  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the 
poem.  It  is  evident  from  the  text,  that  the  coenobium  St.  Petri  to 
which  he  belonged,  was  not  in  the  island ;  and  the  copy  from  which 
Leland  made  his  extracts,  appears  not  to  have  contained  the  addition 
of  Monachus  Lindisfarnensis  ecclesiae.  Lei.  Collect  vol.  i.  p.  362. 
In  his  catalogue  of  British  writers,  Leland  informs  us,  that  Ethelwold 
was  a  monk  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Peter,  ad  orientale  littus  Berni- 
ciorum.     Lei.  de  Script,  p.  140. 


NOTES.  293 


V       (M)-p.  122. 

Wolstan's  poem  contains  a  curious  description  of  the  old  church 
at  Winchester.     The  following  is  the  account  of  the  organ  : 

Talia  et  auxistis  hie  organa,  qualia  nusquam 

Cernuntur,  gemino  constabilita  solo. 
Bisseni  supra  sociantur  in  ordine  folles, 

Inferiusque  jacent  quatuor  atque  decern. 
Flatibus  alternis  spiracula  maxima  reddunt, 

Quos  agitant  validi  septuaginta  viri, 
Brachia  versantes,  multo  et  sudore  madentes, 

Certatimque  suos  quique  monent  socios, 
Viribus  ut  totis  impellant  flamina  sursum, 

Rugiat  et  pleno  capsa  referta  sinu. 
Sola  quadringentas  quae  sustinet  ordine  musas, 

Quas  manus  organici  temperat  ingenii. 
Has  aperit  clausas,  iterumque  has  claudit  apertas, 

Exigit  ut  varii  certa  camoena  soni. 
Considuntque  duo  concordi  pectore  fratres, 

Et  regit  alphabetum  rector  uterque  suum. 
Suntque  quater  denis  occulta  foramina  Unguis 

Inque  suo  retinet  ordine  quseque  decem. 
Hue  aliae  currunt,  illuc  aliaeque  recurrunt, 

Servantes  modulis  singula  puncta  suis, 
Et  feriunt  jubilum  septem  discrimina  vocum, 

Permixto  lyrici  carmine  semitoni. 

IVolstani  carm.  Ssec.  Ben.  v.  p.  631. 

Besides  organs,  other  musical  instruments  appear  to  have  been  era- 
ployed  in  the  church. 

Et  simul  hymnisona  fratrum  coeunte  corona, 
Quisque  tuum  votum,  qua  valet  arte,  canit. 

Cimbalicae  voces  calamis  raiscentur  acutis, 
Disparibusque  tropis  dulce  camoena  sonat. 

Ibid.  p.  632. 


2b2 


294  NOTES. 


(N)— p.  123. 

To  the  reader,  who  has  formed  his  notions  of  antiquity  on  the  cre- 
dit of  modern  writers,  it  may,  probably,  create  surprise,  that  I  have 
dared  b)  pronounce  the  doctrine  of  the  real  presencej'to  have  been  the 
doctrine  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church.  What !  he  will  ask,  have  not 
Parker,  and  Lisle,  and  Usher,  and  Whelock,  and  Hicks,  and  Collier, 
and  Carte,  and  Littleton,  and  Henry  shown  that  the  ancient  belief  of 
our  ancestors,  respecting  the  sacrament  of  the  eucharist,  perfectly 
coincides  with  that  established  by  the  reformed  churches  ?  But  facts 
are  to  be  proved,  not  by  authority,  but  by  evidence  :  and  to  this  for- 
midable phalanx  of  controvertists,  philologists,  and  historians,  may  be 
opposed  a  still  more  formidable  array  of  contemporary  and  unques- 
tionable vouchers.  My  opinion  was  not  hastily  assumed.  It  was  the 
result  of  long  and  patient  investigation ;  and  before  I  am  condemned 
of  temerity,  I  trust  the  reader  will  have  the  candour  to  peruse  the 
following  observations : 

I.  The  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  may  be  divided 
into  two  periods,  that  which  preceded,  and  that  which  followed  the 
Danish  devastations  in  the  ninth  century.  Of  these,  the  first  must  be 
acknowledged  to  have  been  the  more  brilliant.  The  writers  whom 
it  produced,  were  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  any  of  their  contempo- 
raries in  the  other  nations  of  Europe.  The  works  of  several  have 
survived  the  revolutions  of  one  thousand  years,  and  are  still  extant  to 
attest  the  religious  creed  of  their  authors.  To  search  in  them  for  a 
single  passage,  which  denies  the  real  presence,  will  be  a  fruitless  la- 
bour:  but  testimonies,  which  tacitly  suppose,  or  expressly  assert  it, 
may  be  discovered  in  almost  every  page.  By  a  long  acquaintance 
with  them  in  the  composition  of  these  sheets,  I  have  earned  the  right 
to  make  this  assertion. 

But  to  the  reader,  something  more  is  due  than  mere  assertion.  'I'o 
satisfy  his  judgment,  without  fatiguing  his  patience,  I  shall  subjoin  a 
few  short  quotations,  from  the  acts  of  the  council  of  Calcuith,  the 
homilies  of  the  venerable  Bede,  and  the  Anglo-Saxon  pontificals. 

1.  A  custom,  which  originated  in  the  earlier  ages  of  Christianity, 
had  introduced  a  law,  that  no  church  should  be  dedicated,  unless  the 
remains  of  some  martyr  reposed  within  its  walls.  In  England,  the 
difllculty  of  observing  this  regulation  induced  the  bishops  of  the 
council  of  Calcuith  (anno  816)  to  ordain,  that  when  the  proper  relics 
could  not  be  procured,  the  eucharist  should  be  consecrated,  and  care- 


NOTES.  295 

fully  preserved  in  the  church.  The  reason  which  they  assign,  is 
remarkable :  "  Because  the  eucharist  is  the  body  and  blood  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ ;"  (quia  corpus  et  sanguis  est  Domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi.  Con.  Calc.  apud  Wilk.  p.  169  :)  words  which,  in  this  case, 
appear  to  imply  not  only  a  real,  but  also  a  permanent  presence,  that  is 
not  confined  merely  to  the  time  of  manducation. 

2.  Bede,  the  brightest  luminary  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church,  in  a 
homily  on  the  vigil  of  Easter,  forcibly  expresses  the  notion,  which  he 
had  been  taught  to  entertain  respecting  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass,  and  the 
sacrament  of  the  altar.  "  When  we  celebrate  the  mass,"  says  he,  "  we 
again  immolate  to  the  Father  the  sacred  body  and  the  precious  blood  of 
the  Lamb,  with  which  we  have  been  redeemed  from  our  sins."  Mis- 
sarum  solemnia  cclebrantes,  corpus  sacrosanctum  et  preciosum  agni 
sanguinem,  quo  a  peccatis  redempti  sumus,  denuo  Deo  in  profectum 
nostrae  salutis  immolamus.     Hom.  in  vig.  Pas.  tom.  vii.  p.  6. 

3.  Egbert,  archbishop  of  York,  lived  before  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
century.  His  pontifical,  written  in  Anglo-Saxon  characters,  was  pre- 
served in  the  church  of  Evreux  in  Normandy.  The  abbey  of  Ju- 
miege,  in  the  same  prdvince,  possessed  another  Anglo-Saxon  pontifical 
of  nearly  the  same  age.  From  both,  Martene,  a  Maurist  monk, 
published  several  copious  extracts  in  his  treatise  De  antiquis  Ecclesiae 
Ritibus,  (anno  1700  et  seq. :)  and  from  them  may  be  readily  learned 
the  doctrine  of  our  ancestors,  respecting  the  eucharist.  In  the  office 
of  ordination,  the  bishop  is  directed  to  invoke  the  blessing  of  God  on 
the  priest  whom  he  ordained,  that  he  might  be  endowed  with  every 
virtue,  and  might  transform,  by  an  immaculate  benediction,  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ.  (Tu,  Domine,  super  hunc  famulum  tuum  ill. 
quern  ad  presbyterii  honorem   dedicamus,  manum  tuae  benedictionis 

infunde,  ut purum  atque  immaculatum  ministerii  tui  donum 

custodiat,  et  per  obsequium  plebis  tuae  corpus  et  sanguinem  filii  tui 
immaculata  benedictione  transformet.  Pontif.  Egberti  apud  Martene, 
tom.  ii.  p.  353.  Pontif.  Gemet.  ibid.  p.  366.)  The  vessel,  in  which 
the  eucharist  was  preserved,  is  called  the  bearer  of  the  body  of  Christ, 
(corporis  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  gerulum.  Pontif.  Egbert,  apud 
Mart.  lib.  ii.  p.  258.  Pontif.  Gemet.  p.  266,)  and  a  new  sepulchre 
for  the  body  of  Christ,  (hoc  vasculum  corporis  Christi  novum  sepul- 
chrum  spiritus  sancti  gratia  perficiatur.  Pont.  Egb.  ibid.)  The 
corporale  is  said  to  be  a  piece  of  linen,  on  which  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ  are  consecrated,  and  in  which  they  are  covered  or  wrapped 
up,  (haec  linteamina  in  usum  altaris  tui  ad  consecrandum  super  ea,  sive 
ad  tegendum  involvendnmque  corpus  et  sanguinem  filii  tui.  Pont. 
Egb.  ibid.  p.  255.     Pon.  Gemet.  p.  265  :)  and  the  altar  is  said  to  be 


296  aoTKs. 

consecrated,  that  on  it  "a  secret  virtue  may  turn  the  creatures  chosen 
for  sacrifice  into  llie  body  and  blood  of  the  Redeemer,  and  transform 
them  by  an  invisible  change,  into  the  sacred  liosts  of  the  Lamb,  that, 
as  the  word  was  made  flesh,  so  the  nature  of  the  offering  being 
blessed,  may  be  elevated  to  the  substance  of  the  Word,  and  what 
before  was  food,  may  here  be  made  eternal  life."  Quod  electas  ad 
sacrificium  creaturas  in  corpus  et  sanguinem  redemptoris  virtus  secreta 
convertat,  et  in  sacras  agni  hostias  invisibili  mutatione  transcribat,  ut 
sicut  verbum  caro  factum  est,  ita  in  verbi  substantiam  benedicta  obla- 
tionis  natura  proficiat,  et  quod  prius  fueral  alimonia,  vita  hie  efficiatur 
ajterna.     Pont.  Gemet.  p.  263. 

II.  The  second  period,  compared  with  the  first,  may  almost  be 
called  an  age  of  darkness.  The  writers  whom  it  produced  were 
fewer  in  number,  and  inferior  in  merit.  Among  them  was  ^Elfric, 
a  monk  who  studied  in  the  school  of  St.  Ethelwold,  and  after  passing 
through  the  different  gradations  of  ecclesiastical  preferment,  was  raised 
at  last  to  the  metropolitan  chair  of  Canterbury.  He  has  left  some 
translations,  and  several  sermons.  But  he  is  chiefly  remarkable  for 
the  novelty  and  obscurity  of  his  language,  respecting  the  eucharist. 
He  frequently  inculcates  that  "  the  eucharistic  differs  from  the  natural 
body  of  Christ:  and  that  the  former  is  indeed  his  body,  but  after  a 
spiritual,  not  after  a  bodily  manner."  (Na  lichamhce  ac  japclice. 
Serm.  in  die  Pasc.  p.  7,  edit.  Lisle.)  These  expressions  have  been 
accepted  with  gratitude  by  Protestant  writers,  (Lisle  praef.  Usher, 
answer  to  Chall.  p.  77.  Whelock,  p.  462.  Inett,  vol.  i.  p.  351. 
Henry,  Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  202,  quarto,)  and  their  author  has  been  hailed 
as  the  first  of  the  English  reformers.  (Wise  apud  Mores,  xxix.) 
But  Catholic  polemics  have  refused  to  surrender  him  to  their  adversa- 
ries, and  have  eagerly  maintained  the  orthodoxy  of  his  sentiments. 
(Smith,  Flores  Hist.  p.  90.  Cressy,  Hist.  p.  912.  Alford,  Annal. 
tom.  iii.  p.  440.)  To  enable  the  reader  to  form  an  opinion  on  this 
controverted  subject,  it  will  be  proper  to  quit  for  a  while  the  concerns 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church,  and  attend  to  the  religious  disputes  on 
the  continent. 

During  the  ninth  century,  several  of  the  most  eminent  scholars  in 
France  exercised  their  ingenuity  in  discussing  difiicult  and  obscure  points, 
relative  to  the  sacrament  of  the  eucharist.  From  the  doctrine  univer- 
sally received,  that  the  eucharist  was  truly  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ, 
it  was  inferred  by  some  (Haimo,  bishop  of  Halberstad,  and  his  fol- 
lowers) that  the  sacrament  contained  no  mystery  or  sign,  because  the 
sign  was  necessarily  excluded  by  the  reality.  This  argument  did  not 
satisfy  the  reason  of  others,  (Paschasius  Ratbertus,  Hincmar,  &c.,) 


NOTES,  297 

who  admitted  both  the  sign  and  the  reality  ;  and  added,  that  the  body 
of  Christ  contained  in  the  eucharist,  was  the  identical  body,  which 
had  been  born  of  the  virgin,  and  had  suffered  on  the  cross.  A  tliird 
party  rejected  both  the  former  opinions  ;  and  contended  for  a  triple 
distinction  of  the  body  of  Christ:  viz.  the  body  born  of  the  virgin, 
the  body  contained  in  the  eucharist,  and  his  mystical  body,  the  church. 
Among  the  latter  was  Ratramn  or  Berlramn,  a  monk  of  Corbie,  whose 
dissertation  I  shall  notice,  as  it  is  intimately  connected  with  the  doc- 
trine of  vElfric. 

The  treatise  of  Bertram  is  short,  and  divided  into  two  parts.  In 
the  first,  he  proposes  to  solve  the  question,  whether  there  be  in  the 
eucharist  any  mystery  or  figure.  With  Paschasius,  he  decides  in  the 
affirmative.  His  principal  argument  is  the  following: — After  the 
consecration,  the  bread  and  wine  have  become,  or  have  passed  into, 
the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  (facta  sunt,  p.  20,  transitum  fecerunt, 
p.  18:)  consequently  they  are  changed.  But  no  change  has  been 
made  outwardly  or  corporally :  therefore  it  has  been  made  inwardly 
or  spiritually  :  therefore  the  eucharist  is  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ; 
not  indeed  corporally,  but  spiritually ;  and  of  consequence  a  mystery 
or  figure  must  be  admitted.  He  adds,  lest  his  meaning  should  be 
misunderstood,  that  he  does  not  assert  the  simultaneous  existence  of 
two  things  so  different  as  a  body  and  a  spirit,  but  that  the  same  thing 
in  one  respect,  is  the  appearance  of  bread  and  wine,  and  in  another, 
is  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ.  Non  quod  duarum  sint  existentiae 
reruni  inter  se  diversarum,  corporis  videlicet  et  spiritiis,  veriim  una 
eademque  res  secundum  aliud  species  panis  et  vini  consistit,  secundum 
aliud  autem  corpus  et  sanguis  Christi.  The  principal  difficulty  in 
this  part  of  the  treatise,  is  to  discover  the  exact  signification,  which 
Bertram  affixes  to  the  words  corporally  and  spiritually.  To  me  he 
appears  to  mean,  that  in  the  eucharist  the  body  of  Christ  exists,  not 
with  the  properties  of  bodies  in  their  natural  state,  but  after  a  manner 
which  is  spiritual  or  mysterious,  and  imperceptible  to  the  senses.^ 

In  the  second  part  he  inquires,  whether  the  eucharistic  be  the  same 
as  the  natural  body  of  Christ.  To  prove  that  it  is  not,  he  observes 
that  the  natural  body  was  visible  and  palpable,  the  eucharistic  is  invisi- 
ble and  impalpable ;  that  the  natural  body  appeared  to  be  what  it  was, 
the  eucharistic  appears  to  be  what  it  is  not:  whence  he  infers  that  they 
are  different,  and  consequently  cannot  be  the  same.     This  argument 

'  Thus  he  says,  p.  42,  in  the  person  of  Christ:  Non  ergo  carnem  meam  vel  san- 
guinem  meum  vobis  corporaliter  comedendum  vel  bibendum,  et  per  partes  distributum 
distribuendum  pupetis  ....  sed  vere  per  mysterium  panem  et  vinum  in  corporis  et 
sanguinis  mei  conversa  substantiam  a  credentibus  sumendaia. 

38 


298  NOTES. 

he  pursues  through  several  pages  ;  and  after  comparing  the  eucharistic 
body  of  Christ  with  his  mystical  body,  the  congregation  of  the  faith- 
ful;'' he  concludes  with  begging  the  reader  not  to  infer  from  what  he 
has  said,  that  he  denies  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  to  be  received 
in  the  eucharist.  Non  ideo,  quoniam  ista  dicimus,  putetur  in  mysterio 
sacramenti  corpus  domini  vel  sanguinem  ipsius  non  a  tidelibus  sumi, 
quando  fides,  non  quod  oculus  videt,  sed  quod  credit,  accipit,  p.  134. 
Though  Bertram,  through  the  whole  of  this  treatise,  attempts  to  prove 
that  the  natural  and  eucharistic  body  of  Christ  are  not  the  same,  he 
appears  to  confine  the  dill'erence  to  the  manner  in  which  they  exist, 
(secundem  speciem  quam  gerit  exterius,  p.  94.)  In  one  passage  he 
plainly  asserts  their  identity,  when  he  says,  that  Christ,  on  the  night 
before  his  passion,  changed  the  substance  of  bread  into  his  own  body, 
which  was  about  to  suffer,  and  the  creature  of  wine  into  his  own  blood, 
which  was  to  be  shed  on  the  cross.  Paulo  antequam  pateretur  panis 
substantiam,  et  vini  creaturam  convertere  potuit  in  proprium  corpus 
quod  passurum  erat,  et  in  suum  sanguinem,  qui  post  fundendus  exta- 
bat,  p.  40.  Perhaps  the  true  sentiments  of  Bertram  may  be  safely 
collected  from  those  of  Rabanus  Maurus,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  who 
lived  at  the  same  time,  and  defended  the  same  cause.  This  writer 
expressly  declared,  that  the  diflerence  for  which  he  contended,  was 
entirely  confined  to  the  external  appearance.  Manifestissime  cognos- 
cetis,  non  quidem  (quod  absit !)  naturaliter,  sed  specialiter  aliud  esse 
corpus  Domini,  quod  ex  substantia  panis  ac  vini  pro  mundi  vita  quo- 
tidie  per  spiritum  sanctum  consecratur,  quod  a  sacerdote  postmodum 
Deo  patri  suppliciter  ofl["ertur;  et  aliud  specialiter  corpus  Christi,  quod 
natum  est  de  Maria  virgine,  in  quod  istud  transfertur.  Dicta  cujus- 
dam  sapien.  apud  Mab.  s<ec.  iv.  vol.  ii.  p.  593.^ 

In  the  tenth  century,  about  the  time  in  which  St.  Dunstan  restored 
the  monastic  order  in  England,  these  disputes  were  revived  in  France. 
As  the  devastations  of  the  Danes  had  interrupted  the  succession  of 
the  English  monks,  colonies  of  instructors  were  obtained  from  the 

2  It  is  perhaps  to  these  opinions  that  Paschasius  alludes,  when  he  contemptuously 
mentions  the  ineptias  de  tripartito  corpore  Christi.  Apud  Mabil.  soec.  iv.  torn.  ii. 
prfcf.  n°  55. 

'  The  English  translator  of  Bertram  is  positive,  that  in  the  Latin  of  this  age,  the 
word  species  signified  the  specific  nature  of  a  thing.  This  passage  proves  his  mis- 
take, as  in  it  species  and  natura  are  opposed  to  each  other.  Here  I  may  observe,  that 
the  orthodoxy  of  Bertram  was  never  questioned  before  the  reformation.  From  the 
catalogues  of  the  monastic  libraries  in  Leiand,  copies  of  his  work  appear  not  to  have 
been  scarce ;  and,  five  years  before  the  first  printed  edition,  he  is  cited  as  a  champion 
of  the  Catholic  faith,  by  Dr.  Fisher,  the  learned  and  virtuous  bishop  of  Rochester. 
(Pra;f.  lib.  iv.  adver.  CEcolamp.  ann.  1526.) 


NOTES.  299 

French  monasteries :  and,  at  the  prayer  of  Elhelwold,  the  abbots  of 
Fleury  and  Corbie  commissioned  some  of  tlieir  disciples  to  teach  at 
Abingdon  and  Winchester.  It  was  in  these  estabhshments  that  ^Ifric 
was  educated,  and  in  them  he  imbibed  from  his  foreign  masters  the 
doctrine  of  Bertram,  which  he  afterwards  most  zealously  inculcated. 

Among  the  works  of  iElfric,  much  importance  has  been  attached  by 
controversial  writers,  to  his  sermon  on  tlie  sacrifice  of  the  mass. 
Nearly  one-half  of  it  consists  of  extracts  from  the  work  of  Bertram  ; 
and  of  these  extracts  it  has  been  asserted,  perhaps  with  more  boldness 
than  prudence,  that  they  contain  the  doctrine  of  the  Protestant  church 
in  the  clearest  terms,  and  cannot  by  any  ingenuity  be  reconciled  with 
the  tenets  of  the  church  of  Rome.  (Henry,  vol.  ii.  p.  202.)  That 
the  reader  may  be  able  to  judge  for  himself,  I  shall  translate,  as 
literally  as  I  can,  the  passage  on  which  this  assertion  is  chiefly 
founded,  preserving  such  Saxon  expressions  as  are  still  intelligible, 
and  inserting  those  sentences  which  Henry  has  suppressed.  Below  I 
shall  add  the  original  Latin  of  Bertram,  that  the  translation  of  iElfric 
may  more  readily  be  compared  with  it.  The  Saxon  may  be  seen  at 
the  end  of  ^Elfrie's  treatise  on  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  pub- 
lished by  Lisle  in  1623,  and  in  Whelock's  edition  of  Bede's  History, 
p.  462. 

"  Much  is  there  between  the  invisible  might  of  the  holy  husel,  and 
the  visible  appearance  of  its  own  kind.  In  its  own  kind  it  is  cor- 
ruptible bread  and  corruptible  wine  ;  but,  after  the  might  of  the  divine 
word,  it  is  truly  Christ's  body  and  his  blood,  not  indeed  in  a  bodily, 
but  in  a  ghostly  manner.*  Much  is  there  between  tlie  body,  in  which 
Christ  suffered,  and  the  body  which  is  hallowed  to  husel. ^  Truly  tho 
body,  in  which  Christ  suffered,  was  born  of  the  flesh  of  Mary,  with 
blood  and  with  bone,  with  skin  and  with  sinews,  in  human  limbs,  and 
with  a  reasonable  living  soul.  But  his  ghostly  body,  which  we  call 
the  husel,  is  gathered  of  many  corns,  without  blood  and  bone,  with- 
out limbs  and  a  soul  f  and  therefore  nothing  is  to  be  understood  in  it 

''  Christi  corpus  et  sanguis  superficie  tenus  considerata  creatura  est  mutabilitati 
corruptelocque  subjecta:  si  mysterii  vero  perpendas  virtutem,  vita  est  participantibus 
se  tribuens  immortalitatem,  p.  28.  Ad  sensum  quod  pertinet  corporis,  corruptibile  est, 
quod  fides  vero  credit,  incorruptibile,  p.  100. 

*  Multa  dilTerentia  separantur  corpus,  in  quo  passus  est  Christus,  et  hoc  corpus 
quod  in  mysterio  passionis  Christi  quotidie  a  fidelibus  celebratur,  p.  88. 

6  Ilia  namque  caro,  quse  crucifixa  est,  de  virginis  came  facta  est,  ossibus  et  nervis 
compacta,  humanorum  membrorum  lineamentis  distincta,  rationalis  animffi  spiritu 
vivificata  in  propriam  vitam.  At  vero  caro  spiritualis,  qusD  populum  credentem  spi- 
ritualiter  pascit,  secundum  speciem  quam  f^erit  exleruis,  frumenti  granis  manu  artificis 


300  NOTES. 

after  a  bodily,  but  all  is  to  be  understood  after  a  ghostly  manner.'' 
AVhatever  there  is  in  the  husel,  which  giveth  us  the  substance  of  life, 
that  Cometh  of  the  ghostly  might  and  invisible  operation.'*  For  this 
reason  tiie  holy  husel  is  called  a  sacrament;  because  one  thing  is  seen 
in  it,  and  anotlier  understood.''  That  which  is  seen,  hath  a  bodily 
appearance ;  that  which  we  understand,  hath  a  ghostly  might. *° 
Certainly  Christ's  body,  that  suffered  death,  and  arose  from  death, 
dies  now  no  more ;  it  is  eternal  and  impassible.  The  husel  is  tem- 
poral, not  eternal,  corruptible,  and  dealed  into  pieces,  chewed  between 
the  teeth,  and  sent  into  the  stomach.*^  But  it  is  nevertheless  all  in 
every  part  according  to  the  ghostly  might.  Many  receive  the  holy 
body,  but  it  is  nevertheless  all  in  every  part  according  to  the  ghostly 
sacrament.  Though  some  men  receive  a  smaller  part,  yet  there  is  not 
more  might  in  a  greater  part  than  in  a  smaller.  Because  it  is  entire 
in  all  men,  according  to  the  invisible  might.*^  This  sacrament  is  a 
pledge  and  a  figure  :  Christ's  body  is  truth.  This  pledge  we  hold 
sacramentally,  till  we  come  to  the  truth,  and  then  this  pledge  will 
end."  Truly  it  is,  as  we  said  before,  Christ's  body  and  his  blood, 
not  after  a  bodily,  but  after  a  ghostly  manner.**  Nor  shall  ye  search 
how  it  is  made  so  :  but  hold  that  it  is  made  so."'^ 

How  such  language  as  this  would  sound  from  a  Protestant  pulpit, 
I  shall  not  pretend  to  determine  :*"  but  this  I  am  free  to  assert,  that 

consistit,  nullis  nervis  ossibusque  compacta,  nulla  membrorum  varietate  distincta,  nulla 
rationali  substantia  vegetata,  nullos  proprios  potens  motus  exercere,  p.  94. 

^  Nihil  in  esca  ista,  nihil  in  potu  isto  corporaliter  sentiendum,  sed  totum  spiritua- 
liter  attendendum,  p.  86. 

8  Quidquid  in  ea  vitae  prsEbet  substantiam,  spiritualis  est  potcntioe,  et  invisibilis 
efiicientia?,  divinaeque  virtutis,  p.  94. 

5  Ostcndit  (St.  Isidorus)  omne  sacramentum  aliquid  secreti  in  se  continere,  et  aiiud 
esse  quod  visibiliter  appareat,  aliud  vero  quod  invisibiliter  sic  accipiendum,  p.  62. 

'"  Exterius  quod  videtur,  speciem  habet  corpoream,  .  .  .  interius  vero  quod  intelli- 
gitur,  fructuin  spiritualem,  p.  126, 

"  Corpus  Christi,  quod  mortuum  est,  quod  resurrexit,  .  .  .jam  non  moritur  .... 
jcternum  est  jam,  non  passible.  Hoc  autem  quod  in  ecclesia  celebratur,  temporale 
est,  non  ajternum,  corruptibile  non  incorruptum,  p.  99,  100. 

'2  This  passage  I  do  not  find  in  Bertram. 

'3  Hoc  corpus  pignus  est  et  species:  illud  Veritas.  Hoc  enim  geritur  donee  ad 
illud  pervcniatur:  ubi  vero  ad  illud  perventum  fuerit,  hoc  removebitur,  p.  114. 

"  Est  quidcm  corpus  Christi,  sed  non  corporale  sed  spirituale  :  est  sanguis  Christi, 
sed  non  corporalis  sed  spiritualis,  p.  80. 

"^  Nee  istic  ratio  qui  fieri  potuit  est  disquirenda,  sed  fides,  quod  factum  sit  adhi- 
benda,  p.  36. 

"''  Indeed  I  cannot,  as  T  am  unable  to  understand  the  doctrine  of  the  established 
church  on  this  subject.     After  an  attentive  perusal  of  Archbishop  Seeker's  thirty- 


NOTES.  301 

no  Catholic  divine  will  pronounce  it  repugnant  to  the  Catholic  doc- 
trine. 

1.  If  the  body  of  Christ  exist  at  all  in  the  eucharist,  it  is  evident 
that  it  does  not  exist  after  the  manner  of  a  natural  body.  Hence,  to 
express  this  difference  of  existence,  some  distinction  is  necessary. 
By  Bertram  and  iElfric,  the  words  naturaliter  and  spiritualiter  were 
adopted :  by  the  council  of  Trent,  naturaliter  and  sacramentaliter 
were  preferred.  (Sess.  13,  c.  1.)  Many  Catholics,  however,  still  pre- 
serve the  old  distinction  of  Bertram.  (Veron,  reg.  fid.  c.  xi.)  I  shall 
cite  only  Holden,  an  Englishman,  and  an  eminent  member  of  the  uni- 
versity of  Paris.  Summa  doctrina;  nostras  in  eo  sita  est,  ut  verum  et 
reale  corpus  Christi  profiteamur  esse  in  hoc  sacramento,  non  more 
corporeo  et  passibili,  sed  spiritual!  et  invisibili,  nobis  omnino  incog- 
nito. Hold.  Anal.  fid.  p.  192,  edit.  1767.  If  this  distinction  be  a 
test  of  Protestantism,  the  church  of  Rome  must  resign  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  her  children. 

2.  It  is  true  that  ^Elfric  denies  the  perfect  identity  of  the  natural 
and  eucharistic  body  of  Christ.  But  the  same  doctrine  is  admitted  by 
the  most  orthodox  among  the  Catholic  writers.  Lanfranc,  the  first 
Norman  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  strenuous  opponent  of 
Berengarius,  in  the  eleventh  century,  asserts,  that  if  we  consider  the 
manner  in  which  the  eucharistic  body  exists,  we  may  truly  say,  it  is 
not  the  same  body  which  was  born  of  the  virgin.  Ut  vere  dici  possit, 
et  ipsum  corpus,  quod  de  virgine  sumptum  est,  nos  sumere,  et  non 
ipsum  :  ipsum  quidem,  quantum  ad  essentiam  verseque  naturae  proprie- 
tatem ;  non  ipsum  autem,  si  spectes  panis  vinique  speciem.  Lanf.  Adver. 
Bereng.  c.  18.  With  Lanfranc  agrees,  and  that,  too,  in  stronger  terms, 
Bossuet,  the  great  champion  of  Catholicity  in  the  seventeenth  century. 
En  un  sens  et  n'y  regardant  que  la  substance  c'est  le  meme  corps  de 
Jesus  Christ,  ne  de  Marie  :  mais  dans  un  autre  sens,  et  n'y  regardant 
que  les  manieres,  e'en  est  un  autre,  qu'il  s'est  fait  par  ses  paroles. 


sixth  lecture  on  the  catechism,  I  have  only  learned,  that  the  unworthy  communicant 
"  receives  what  Christ  has  called  his  body  and  blood,  that  is,  the  signs  of  them,"  but 
that  the  worthy  communicant  "eats  his  flesh  and  drinks  his  blood,  because  Christ  is 
present  to  his  soul,  becoming,  by  the  inward  virtue  of  his  spirit,  its  food  and  suste- 
nance." If  the  reader  wish  for  more  information  on  this  subject,  he  may  consult 
Bishop  Porteus.  He  "  believes  Christ's  body  and  blood  to  be  verily  and  indeed  taken 
and  received  by  the  faithful,  in  the  Lord's  Supper ;  that  is,  a  union  with  him  to  be 
not  only  represented,  but  really  and  effectually  communicated  to  the  worthy  receiver." 
Confutation  of  errors,  p.  37.  If  these  right  reverend  divines  have  clear  ideas  on 
this  subject,  it  must,  I  think,  be  confessed,  that  they  also  possess  the  art  of  clothing 
them  in  obscure  language. 

2C 


302  NOTES. 

Bos.  torn.  iii.  p.  182.  This  is  the  general  language  of  Catholic 
divines :  but  there  have  been  some  who  have  adopted  still  stronger 
language.  Ce  corps  sacramentel,  quoiqu'il  n'a  pas  ete  immole  sur  la 
croix,  ne  laisse  pas  d'etre  le  corps  de  J.  C.  parceque  sa  sainte  ame  y 
est  unie,  et  que  son  ame  est  uiiie  personellenient  au  verbe.  Instruct, 
sur  I'eucharistie  par  I'eveque  de  Boulogne,  p.  36.  With  the  truth  of 
their  opinion,  I  have  no  concern  :  but  if  it  has  been  maintained  with- 
out the  imputation  of  heterodoxy,  I  cannot  see  what  there  is  in  the 
writings  of  yElfric  repugnant  to  the  Catholic  faith. 

3.  The  observation  of  ^Elfric,  that  the  eucharist  is  a  pledge  and  a 
figure,  is  stricdy  conformable  to  the  doctrine  of  the  church  of  Rome. 
The  same  is  expressly  asserted  in  the  office  of  the"  sacrament,  used 
by  that  church.  In  the  anthem  at  the  magnificat,  the  eucharist  is 
called  a  pledge  of  future  glory,  (pignus  futura?  gloriae ;)  in  the  prayer 
after  the  communion  it  is  called  a  figure,  almost  in  the  language  of 
^Ifric  :  (quam  pretiosi  corporis  et  sanguinis  tui  temporalis  perceptio 
prsefigurat.) 

If  these  observations  do  not  convince  the  reader  of  the  Catholicity 
of  iElfric,  he  may  peruse  the  passage  immediately  following  that 
which  I  have  transcribed.  In  it,  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  doctrine, 
he  appeals  to  two  miracles,  in  which  he  pretends  that  the  eucharist, 
by  the  divine  permission,  appeared  to  different  persons  under  the  form 
of  flesh  and  blood.  (Lisle,  p.  7.  Whelock,  p.  427.)  What  credit 
may  be  due  to  these  miracles,  is  foreign  to  the  present  subject :  but  I 
cannot  persuade  myself  that  any  person,  who  denied  the  supernatural 
conversion  of  the  bread  and  wine  into  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ, 
would  ever  attempt  to  prove  by  such  miracles  the  truth  of  his  opinion. 

It  is  perpetually  inculcated  by  modern  writers,  that  the  doctrine  of 
.^Ifric  was  the  national  belief  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  In  one  respect 
this  assertion  is  true.  jElfric,  as  well  as  his  countrymen,  believed, 
that  in  the  mass  the  bread  and  wine  were  made,  by  the  divine  power, 
the  body  and  blood  of  Christ.  But  ingenious  men  have  always  as- 
sumed the  privilege  of  speculating  on  the  mysteries  of  Christianity : 
nor  have  their  speculations  been  condemned,  as  long  as  they  have  not 
trenched  on  the  integrity  of  faith.  In  this  career,  iElfric  exercised 
his  abilities  under  the  guidance  of  Bertram :  and  I  think  I  have  shown 
that  his  opinions  are  not  repugnant  to  the  established  doctrine  of  the 
Catholic  church.  His  language  and  distinctions  were  certainly  sin- 
gidar :  but  I  am  at  a  loss  to  conceive  why  we  must  consider  them  as 
the  standard  of  Anglo-Saxon  orthodoxy.  With  respect  to  them 
iElfric  stands  alone.  He  has  neither  precursor  nor  successor.  It  is 
in  vain  to  search  for  a  single  allusion  to  his  particular  opinions,  either 


NOTES.  303 

in  the  works  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  writers,  or  in  the  acts  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  councils,  that  preceded,  accompanied,  or  followed  him.  But 
it  were  easy  to  select  numerous  instances,  both  prior  and  posterior  in 
time,  in  which  the  contrary  doctrine,  that  the  natural  and  eucharistic 
body  of  Christ  are  the  same,  is  frequently  and  forcibly  inculcated. 
1.  The  passage  which  I  have  already  transcribed  from  Bede,  asserts, 
that  the  body  of  the  Lamb,  which  is  immolated  on  the  altar,  is  that 
by  which  we  were  redeemed  from  our  sins :  and,  in  another  part,  the 
same  venerable  author  observes,  that  the  blood  of  Christ  is  not  now 
shed  by  the  hands  of  the  Jews,  but  received  by  the  mouths  of  the 
faithful.  Sanguis  illius  non  infidelium  manibus  ad  perniciem  ipsorum 
funditur,  sed  fidelium  ore  suam  sumitur  in  salutem.  Hom.  in  Epiph. 
tom.  vii.  2.  To  Bede  I  shall  add  Alcuin.  In  the  Caroline  books, 
which  were  principally  composed  by  him,  and  to  which  modern 
writers  frequently  refer  their  readers,  we  are  told,  that  the  eucharist  is 
not  an  image,  but  the  truth,  not  the  shadow,  but  the  body,  not  a  figure 
of  future  things,  but  that  which  was  prefigured  by  things  past,  &c. 
Non  enim  corporis  et  sanguinis  dominici  mysterium  imago  jam  dicen- 
cKim  est,  sed  Veritas ;  non  umbra  sed  corpus  ;  non  exemplar  futuro- 
rum,  sed  id  quod  exemplaribus  praefigurabatur :  nee  ait,  hsec  est  imago 
corporis  mei,  sed  hoc  est  corpus  meum,  quod  pro  vobis  tradetur. 
Carol,  lib.  iv.  c.  14.  3.  But  Bede  and  Alcuin  may,  perhaps,  be  con- 
sidered as  too  early  :  let  us,  therefore,  consult  the  writers  who  follow- 
ed iElfric  in  the  eleventh  century.  In  a  Franco-theotisc  MS.,  once 
the  property  of  Canute  the  Great,  (Cott.  MSS.  Cal.  A.  7.  Wanley, 
p.  225,)  Christ  is  represented  as  speaking  to  his  apostles  at  the  last 
supper,  and  declaring,  that  "  he  gave  to  them  his  body  to  eat,  and  his 
blood  to  drink,  that  body  which  he  should  give  up  to  be  crucified,  and 
that  blood  which  he  should  shed  for  them,"  (jibu  ik  lu  bechu 
samod  ecan  endi  drmcan.  ches  an  erchu  seal  ^eban  endi  jiocan. 
Hicks,  Gram.  p.  191.)  In  another  MS.  (Tib.  c.  i.)  of  the  same,  or 
perhaps  of  a  later  date,  we  are  told,  that  "  Christ  did  not  say,  take 
this  consecrated  bread,  and  eat  it  in  place  of  my  body,  or  drink  this 
consecrated  wine  in  place  of  my  blood :  but  without  any  figure  or 
circumlocution,  this,  said  he,  is  my  body,  and  this  is  my  blood.  And 
to  cut  off  all  the  windings  of  error,  he  added,  which  body  shall  be 
delivered  for  you,  and  which  blood  shall  be  shed  for  you."  (Non 
dixit  dominus,  accipite  panem  hunc  consecratum,  et  comedite  in  vice 
corporis  mei,  vel  bibite  vinurii  hoc  consecratum  in  vice  san- 
guinis mei ;  sed  nulla  figura,  nulla  circuitione  usus,  hoc,  inquit,  est 
corpus  meum,  hie  est  sanguis  mens.  Utque  omnes  excluderet  erro- 
rum  ambages,  quod,  inquit,  corpus  pro  vobis  tradetur,  et  qui  sanguis 


304  NOTES. 

pro  vobis  fundetur.  Wanley  MSS.  p.  221.)  These  instances  ap- 
pear to  mc  to  prove  not  only  that  the  real  presence,  but  also  tliat  the 
identity  of  the  natural  and  the  eucharistic  body  of  Christ  was  believed 
by  the  Saxon  church  as  late  as  the  period  of  the  Norman  conquest. 

This  note  has  insensibly  swelled  to  the  bulk  of  a  dissertation.  To 
the  reader  who  is  desirous  to  learn  the  real  sentiments  of  antiquity,  I 
trust,  that  I  shall  stand  in  need  of  no  apology.  But  I  had  ven- 
tured to  contradict  an  opinion  which  had  been  zealously  propagated 
by  a  host  of  respectable  writers  :  and  I  owed  it  both  to  the  public  and 
myself,  to  state  the  reasons  on  which  I  refused  to  bend  to  their  au- 
thority.    Of  the  validity  of  these  reasons,  it  is  for  others  to  judge. 


(0)— p.  129. 

The  three  days  preceding  the  fast  of  Lent,  which  are  still  called 
shrovetide,  (i.  e.  confession-tide,)  were  the  time  particularly  allotted  to 
confession.  The  public  imposition  of  penance  was  reserved  for  the 
mass  of  Ash-Wednesday.  (Egbert.  Pcenitent.  apud  Wilk.  p.  127.) 
In  the  morning,  those  who  were  disposed  to  repair,  in  the  face  of  their 
brethren,  the  insult  which,  by  their  scandalous  behaviour,  they  had 
offered  to  religion  and  morality,  were  admonished  to  repair  to  the 
porch  of  the  church,  barefoot,  and  in  sackcloth.  At  the  proper  hour 
the  bishop  introduced  them  into  the  church,  and  lay  prostrate  before 
the  altar,  while  the  choir  chanted  the  thirty-seventh,  fiftieth,  fifty- 
third,  and  fifty-first  psalms.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  last,  he  rose, 
and  recited  the  following  prayer:  "O  Lord  our  God,  Avho  art  not 
overcome  by  our  offences,  but  art  appeased  by  our  repentance,  look 
down,  we  beseech  thee,  on  these  thy  servants,  who  confess  that  they 
have  sinned  against  thee.  To  wash  away  sin,  and  grant  pardon  to 
the  sinner,  belongs  to  thee,  who  hast  said  that  thou  wiliest  not  the 
death,  but  the  repentance  of  sinners.  Grant,  then,  0  Lord,  to  these, 
that  they  may  perform  their  course  of  penance,  and  having  amended 
their  bad  actions,  rejoice  in  eternal  happiness,  through  Christ  our 
Lord."  He  then  imposed  his  hands  on  them,  placed  ashes  and  sack- 
cloth on  their  heads,  and  informed  them,  that  as  Adam,  for  his  disobe- 
dience, had  been  excluded  from  paradise,  so  they,  for  their  crimes, 
would  be  expelled  from  the  church.  While  the  clergy  led  them  to 
the  porch,  was  sung  the  anthem,  "  In  the  sweat  of  thy  brow  thou 
shalt  eat  thy  bread,  until  thou  return  to  the  dust  from  which  thou 


NOTES.  305 

wert  taken  ;  for  dust  thou  art,  and  into  dust  thou  shalt  return."  They 
then  prostrated  themselves  on  the  ground,  four  prayers  were  said  over 
them,  and  the  gates  were  closed.  During  the  rest  of  Lent,  they  re- 
mained in  the  buildings  belonging  to  the  church,  and  performed  the 
penitential  exercises,  which  had  been  prescribed  them.  Pontihcale 
Egberti,  apud  Martene,  part.  2,  p.  41.     Pontif.  Gemet.  ibid.  p.  44. 

On  the  Thursday  before  Easter,  the  penitents,  who  had  completed 
their  course,  were  publicly  reconciled.  After  the  gospel,  they  were 
again  introduced  into  the  church,  and  cast  themselves  on  the  pave- 
ment. The  bishop  ascended  the  pulpit,  and  pronounced  over  them 
several  forms  of  absolution.  Of  these  the  greater  part  were  depre- 
catory; some  were  absolute.  He  began  by  the  following  prayer: 
"  Attend,  O  Lord,  to  our  supplications,  and  hear  me,  who  first  stand 
in  need  of  thy  mercy.  It  was  not  through  my  merit,  but  through  thy 
grace,  that  thou  didst  appoint  me  to  be  thy  minister.  Grant  me  the  con- 
fidence to  perform  the  duty  which  thou  hast  intrusted  to  me,  and  do  thou 
thyself,  by  my  service,  perform  the  part  which  belongs  to  thy  mercy." 
He  then  continued  :  "  In  the  place  of  the  blessed  Peter,  the  prince  of 
the  apostles,  to  whom  the  Lord  gave  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing, 
we  absolve  you,  as  far  as  you  are  obliged  to  confess,  and  we  have 
power  to  remit.  May  the  Almighty  God  be  to  you  salvation  and  life, 
and  forgive  you  all  your  sins."  ,  "  King  of  kings,  and  Lord  of  lords, 
who  sittest  at  the  right  hand  of  the  Father  to  intercede  for  us,  look 
down  on  these,  thy  servants,  and  hear  them  begging  for  the  remission 
of  their  sins.  Have  mercy,  O  Lord,  on  their  sighs,  have  mercy  on 
their  tears.  Thou,  O  Saviour,  knowest  the  nature  of  man,  and  the 
frailty  of  flesh.  Spare,  therefore,  O  Redeemer  of  the  world,  spare 
thy  servants  returning  to  thee,  whose  mercy  has  no  bounds :  heal 
their  wounds,  forgive  their  offences,  release  the  bonds  of  their  sins." 
They  now  rose  from  the  pavement,  and  the  fiftieth  psalm  was  sung. 
The  bishop  proceeded  thus  :  "  O  God,  the  restorer  and  lover  of  inno- 
cence, extend,  we  beseech  thee,  the  hand  of  thy  mercy  to  these,  thy 
servants,  whom  we  raise  from  the  dust,  and  preserve  them  immacu- 
late from  the  stain  of  sin.  For,  it  is  the  glory  of  our  church,  that  as 
thou  hast  given  to  the  blessed  apostle,  the  prince  of  our  mission,  the 
power  of  binding  and  of  loosing,  so,  by  means  of  his  disciples,  the 
teachers  of  thy  truth,  tliou  hast  appointed  us  to  hind  thy  enemies,  and 
loose  those  who  are  converted  to  thee.  Therefore,  we  beseech  thee, 
O  Lord  our  God,  be  present  to  the  ministry  of  our  mouth,  and  loose 
the  bonds  of  the  sins  of  thy  servants,  that,  freed  from  the  yoke  of 
iniquity,  they  may  walk  in  the  path  which  leads  to  eternal  happiness." 
"  I,  a  bishop,  though  sinful  and  unworthy,  confirming  this  absolution 
39  2  c2 


306  NOTES. 

with  my  hand,  my  mouth,  and  my  heart,  humbly  implore  the  cle- 
mency of  God,  that,  by  his  power,  and  at  our  prayer,  he  absolve  you 
from  all  the  bonds  of  your  sins,  and  from  whatever  you  have  negli- 
gently committed  in  thought,  word,  and  deed :  and  after  absolving 
you  by  his  mercy,  bring  you  to  eternal  happiness.  Amen."  The 
penitents  then  made  their  offering,  assisted  at  the  sacrifice,  and  re- 
ceived the  communion.  Pontif.  Egb.  ibid.  Pontif.  Gemet.  ibid.  Of 
the  prayers  in  the  originals,  I  have  omitted  some,  and  abridged  others. 
Whether  all  were  repeated  at  once,  I  am  uncertain :  perhaps  the 
bishop  selected  those  which  pleased  him  best. 

I  shall  take  this  occasion  to  subjoin  a  short  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  sacrament  of  confirmation  was  conferred  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  church. 

Of  confirmation,  the  sole  minister  was  the  bishop.  (Wilk.  Leg.  Sax. 
p.  167.)  It  was  regularly  given  immediately  after  baptism  :  but  as 
the  bishop  could  not  always  be  present,  he  was  careful,  in  his  annual 
visits,  (Wilk.  Con.  p.  95.  146.  213 ;  Bed.  Vit.  Cuth.  c.  xxix.,)  to  ad- 
minister it  to  those  who  had  been  lately  baptized.  Extending  his 
hands  over  them,  he  prayed  that  the  seven-fold  gifts  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  might  descend  upon  them  :  and,  anointing  the  forehead  of  each, 
repeated  these  words :  "  Receive  the  sign  of  the  holy  cross,  with  the 
chrism  of  salvation  in  Christ  Jesus  for  eternal  life.  Amen."  Their 
heads  were  then  bound  with  fillets  of  new  linen,  which  were  worn 
during  the  next  seven  days.  The  bishop  at  the  same  time  said : — "  O 
God,  who  gavest  the  Holy  Spirit  to  thy  apostles,  that  by  them  and 
their  successors  he  might  be  given  to  the  rest  of  the  faithful,  look 
down  on  our  ministry,  and  grant  that  in  the  hearts  of  those,  whose 
foreheads  we  have  this  day  anointed,  and  confirmed  with  the  sign  of 
the  cross,  the  Holy  Spirit  may  descend,  and,  dwelling  there,  make 
them  the  temples  of  his  glory.  Amen."  He  then  gave  them  his 
benediction,  and  the  ceremony  was  finished.  Egb.  Pontif.  apud 
Mart.  1.  i.  c.  2,  p.  249. 


(0)— p.  143. 

The  origin  of  the  ceremonies,  which  during  many  centuries  have 
accompanied  the  coronation  of  princes,  has  by  some  writers  been 
ascribed  to  the  policy  of  usurpers,  who  sought  to  cover  the  defect  of 
their  title  under  the  sanction  of  religion.    Carte,  in  a  long  and  learned 


NOTES.  307 

dissertation,  has  laboured  to  prove  that  Phocas,  who  assumed  the  im- 
perial purple  in  602,  was  the  first  of  the  Christian  emperors  whose 
coronation  was  performed  as  a  religious  rite.  (Carte,  Hist.  vol.  I, 
p.  290.)  It  is,  indeed,  true,  that  Phocas  was  the  first  who  is  ex- 
pressly said  to  have  received  the  regal  unction  at  his  inauguration : 
but  it  is  equally  true,  that  most,  perhaps  all,  of  his  predecessors,  from 
the  accession  of  Theodosius  in  450,  were  crowned  by  the  hands  of 
the  patriarch  of  Constantinople :  and  the  very  selection  of  that  pre- 
late to  perform  the  ceremony,  v/ill  justify  the  inference  that  the  coro- 
nation of  the  emperors  was  not  merely  a  civil  rite,  but  accompanied 
by  acts  of  religious  worship.  Carte,  indeed,  contends  that  the  pa- 
triarch was  chosen,  because  he  was  the  first  officer  in  the  empire:  but 
this  assertion  is  supported  by  no  proof,  and  is  overturned  by  the 
testimony  of  the  poet  Corippus,  to  whom  he  appeals.  That  writer, 
in  his  description  of  the  coronation  of  the  emperor  Justin,  in  565, 
expressly  mentions  the  prayers  and  benediction  of  the  patriarch. 

Postquam  cuncta  videt  ritu  perfecta  priorum 
Pontificum  summus  plenaque  aetate  venustus, 
Astantem  benedixit  eum,  coelique  potentem 
Exorans  Dominum,  sacro  diademate  jussit 
Augustum  sancire  caput,  summoque  coronam 
Imponens  capiti  feliciter — 

CoRiP.  1.  ii. 

With  respect  to  other  princes,  Gildas,  who  wrote  before  the  acces- 
sion of  Phocas,  informs  us,  that  the  kings,  who  reigned  in  Britain 
about  the  close  of  the  fifth  century,  were  accustomed  to  receive  the 
regal  unction,  (Gild.  p.  82  :)  and  from  the  fact  recorded  of  St.  Co- 
lumba  by  his  ancient  biographer,  Cuminius,  it  appears  that  the  princes 
of  Ireland  in  the  sixth  century,  were  crowned  with  ceremonies  re- 
sembling the  ordination  of  priests.  (Cum.  vit.  St.  Colum.  p.  30.)  Are 
we  then  to  believe  that  the  Byzantine  emperors  borrowed  the  rite  of 
coronation  from  the  petty  princes  of  Britain  and  Ireland  ?  To  me 
it  appears  more  probable,  that  the  Irish  chieftains,  and  also  the  British, 
after  their  separation  from  the  empire,  and  the  recovery  of  their  inde- 
pendence, caused  themselves  to  be  crowned  with  the  same  ceremonies, 
which  they  knew  to  have  been  adopted  by  the  Roman  emperors.  If 
this  be  true,  the  coronation  of  those  princes  must  have  been  performed 
with  religious  rites  as  early  as  the  commencement  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury. 

Carte  is  equally  unfortunate  when  he  asserts  Eardulf,  the  usurper 


308  NOTES. 

of  the  Northumbrian  sceptre  in  797,  to  have  been  the  first  Anglo- 
Saxon  prince,  who  was  anointed  at  his  coronation.  (Carte,  p.  293.) 
The  Saxon  Chronicle  assures  us  that  Egferth,  the  son  of  OfTa  of 
Mercia,  was  consecrated  king  in  785.  '  To  cyninje  jehaljob. 
Chron.  Sax.  p.  64. 


(P)— p.  169. 

Mabillon,  in  his  Analecta  Vetera,  (p.  168,)  has  published  an  an- 
cient litany,  which  he  has  entitled  Veteres  Litanicc  Anglicanaj.  He 
discovered  the  original  manuscript  at  Rheims,  and  was  induced  to  give 
it  that  title  from  a  petition  contained  in  it  for  the  prosperity  of  the 
clergy  and  people  of  the  English.  (Ut  clerum  et  plebera  Anglorum 
conservare  digneris,  p.  169.)  As  none  of  the  persons  mentioned  in  it, 
are  known  to  have  lived  after  the  year  650,  we  may  infer,  that  it  was 
composed  towards  the  expiration  of  the  seventh  century. 

Were  it  certain  that  this  litany  originally  belonged  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  church,  it  would  be,  undoubtedly,  a  curious  document.  But  I 
think  there  are  many  reasons  to  question  it.  From  a  diligent  inspec- 
tion it  will  appear,  1.  That  the  litany  does  not  contain  the  name  of 
any  Anglo-Saxon,  or  even  of  any  missionary  to  the  Anglo-Saxons:  for 
the  St.  Augustine,  inserted  between  SS.  Gregory  and  Jerome,  seems 
to  be  the  celebrated  bishop  of  Hippo.  2.  Neither  does  it  contain  the 
name  of  any  of  the  ancient  saints  of  Britain,  who  were  afterwards 
revered  by  our  ancestors.  3.  The  majority  of  the  names  are  evi- 
dently British  ;  and  of  these  all  which  are  known,  belonged  to  persons 
who  flourished  in  Wales,  Ireland,  Scotland,  and  Arraorica.  If  this 
litany  had  been  formerly  in  use  among  the  Saxons,  how  happened 
it  that  all  these  names,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  should  have  been 
afterwards  expunged,  and  others  admitted  in  their  place  ? 

For  these  reasons  I  am  inclined  to  think  the  learned  editor  was 
deceived.  The  litany  appears  to  me  to  have  belonged  to  some  of  the 
many  British  churches,  which  the  fate  of  war  subjected  to  the  power 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries :  and  to  this 
circumstance  I  would  ascribe  the  insertion  of  the  petition  in  favour 
of  the  English  clergy  and  people. 

The  most  ancient  document  respecting  the  saints  revered  by  the 
Anglo-Saxons,  is  the  martyrology  of  Bede.  It  was  written  about  the 
year  700;   and  seems  to  have  been  confined  to  the  saints,  whose 


NOTES.  309 

festivals  were  kept  by  the  monks  of  Weremouth  and  Jarrow.  Of  the 
missionaries  he  mentions  only  SS.  Augustine,  Paulinus,  and  Mellitus; 
of  the  natives  8S.  Cuthbert,  Edilthryda,  and  the  two  Ewalds.  In 
Dachery's  Spicilegium  (torn.  x.  p.  126)  is  another  martyrolog'y 
written  in  verse,  and  ascribed  also  to  Bede,  in  which  are  added  the 
names  of  Egbert,  Wilfrid,  Wilfrid,  and  Bosa. 

In  the  Cotton  Library,  Jul.  A.  10,  and  the  Library  of  Corpus 
Christi  College  at  Cambridge,  D.  5,  are  two  imperfect  manuscript 
copies  of  an  ancient  martyrology  or  menology.  The  latter  was  written 
about  the  beginning,  the  former  about  the  end  of  the  tenth  century. 
(Wanley,  p.  106.  185.)  From  them  both  I  have  extracted  the  follow- 
ing calendar  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  saints  ;  with  a  few  of  the  foreign 
saints,  to  show  the  connexion  between  the  English  church,  and  the 
churches  on  the  continent. 

January. 

12.  St.  Benedict,  (abbot  of  Weremouth  and  Jarrow.) 
16.  St.  Fursey,  (abbot  and  hermit.) 

February  is  lost. 

March. 

1.  St.  Ceadda,  bishop  (of  Lichfield.) 
7.  St.  Easterwine,  (abbot  of  Weremouth  and  Jarrow.) 
12.  The  day  of  the  departure  of  St.  Gregory,  our  father,  who  sent 
baptism  to  us  in  Britain. 

20.  St.  Cuthbert,  bishop. 

April. 

11.  .St.  Guthlake,  hermit  (at  Croyland.) 

21.  St.  Ethelwald,  (bishop,)  hermit  at  Fame  Island. 
24.  St.  Wilfrid,  bishop. 

May. 

6.  St.  Eadbryht,  bishop  at  Fame  Island. 

7.  St.  John,  bishop  in  Northumbria. 

36.  The  memory  of  St.  Augustine,  the  bishop  who  first  brought 
baptism  to  the  English  nation.     His  see  was  at  Canterbury. 


310  NOTES. 

June. 

9.  St.  Columba,  otherwise  called  St.  Columcylle 

22.  St.  Alban,  martyr  in  Britain. 

23.  St.  Edilthryda,  virgin,  queen  of  Northumbria. 

July. 

29.  St.  Lupus,  bishop. 

August. 

1.  St.  Germanus,  bishop. 
5.  St.  Oswald,  king  of  Northumbria. 
31.  St.  Aidan,  bishop. 

September. 

5.  St.  Bertin,  abbot  (of  Sithiu.) 

8.  St.  Orner,  bishop  (of  Terouenne.) 

25.  St.  Ceolfrid,  abbot  (of  Weremouth  and  Jarrow.) 

October. 

3.  SS.  Ewalds,  martyrs. 
11.  St.  Ewelburh,  (Edelburgh,)  abbess  (of  Barking.) 

26.  St.  Cedd,  bishop.     He  was  brother  to  St.  Ceadda. 

November. 

6.  St.  Winnoc,  abbot  (of  Wormhoult,  near  Berg  St.  Winnoc.) 
17.  St.  Hilda,  abbess  (of  Whitby.) 

December. 

14.  St.  Hygebald,  abbot  (in  Lincolnshire.) 

From  the  names  it  is  evident  that  this  calendar  was  originally 
appropriated  to  the  north  of  England.  I  have  not  met  with  any 
belonging  to  the  southern  churches :  but  from  a  litany  in  a  MS.  of  the 
Norfolk  library,  belonging  to  the  Royal  Society,  Wanley,  (p.  291,) 
extracted  the  following  names. 

Martyrs :  SS.  Edward,  Oswald,  Edmund,  Alban,  Kenelm,  iEthel- 
briht. 


NOTES.  'ill 

Bishops  and  confessors  :  SS.  Cuthbert,  Swithin,  Dunstan,  Ethel- 
wold,  Birnstan,  Elphege,  Rumwold,  Columban,  Erconwald,  Hedda, 
Frithestan,  Guthlake,  Iwig. 

Virgins :  SS.  Etheldrithe,  Eadgive,  Sexburh,  Eadburh,  Withburh, 
^theldrilhe,  Mildrithe,  Osgith,  Mildburh,  Fritheswith,  iElhelburh, 
Waerburh,  JElg'iva,  Maerwenn,  and  iEthelflacda. 


(Q)-p.  176. 

On  the  subject  of  images,  the  learning  of  the  two  Spelmans  has 
enabled  them  to  make  some  curious  discoveries.  Alfred  the  Great, 
in  the  preface  to  his  laws,  inserted  an  abridgment  of  the  decalogue, 
in  which  were  omitted  the  words — "  Thou  shalt  not  make  to  thyself 
any  graven  thing."  Now,  what  could  be  the  cause  of  this  omission? 
Sir  Henry  Spelman  gravely  informs  us,  that  it  was  made  out  of  com- 
pliment to  the  church  of  Rome,  which,  from  the  time  when  she  first 
adopted  the  worship  of  images,  had  expunged  the  second  command- 
ment from  the  decalogue.  The  king,  however,  appears  to  have  felt 
some  compunction  for  the  fraud,  and,  to  compound  the  matter  with  his 
conscience,  added  the  following  prohibition :  "  Thou  shalt  not  make 
to  thyself  gods  of  silver,  nor  gods  of  gold."  Thus  far  Sir  Henry 
Spelman.  Cone,  tom.  i.  p.  363.  Sir  John  Spelman  pursued  his 
father's  discoveries,  and  informed  the  public,  that  the  addition  irritated 
the  court  of  Rome,  and  was  one  of  the  offences  which  deprived  the 
king  of  the  honour  of  canonization.  Spelm.  Life  of  Alfred,  p.  220, 
edit.  Hearne.  These  most  important  discoveries  have  been  gratefully 
received,  and  carefully  re-echoed  by  the  prejudice  or  ignorance  of  later 
historians.  (SmoUet,  vol.  i.  p.  374.  Henry,  vol.  iii.  p.  251.)  Fortu- 
nately, however,  the  Spelmans  did  not  grasp  at  universal  praise :  and 
if  any  modern  antiquary  wish  to  dispute  with  them  the  palm  of  ab- 
surdity, he  may  still  exert  his  sagacity  to  discover  why  the  king  omitted 
another  very  important  prohibition:  "  Thou  shalt  not  covet  thy  neigh- 
bour's wife."  Perhaps  an  ordinary  reader  would  ascribe  both  omissions 
to  the  same  cause :  a  persuasion  that  the  clauses  omitted  were  suffi« 
ciently  included  in  those  that  were  retained. 


312  NOTES. 


(R)— p.  192. 

At  the  time  when  our  ancestors  were  converted,  different  Latin 
versions  of  tlie  Scriptures  were  in  use  among  the  western  Christians. 
The  same  diversity  prevailed  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  during 
ils  infancy.  At  Lindisfarne  the  psalms  were  sung  according  to  a 
translation  from  the  Greek,  corrected  by  St.  Jerome :  at  Canterbury 
according  to  another  translation  from  the  Greek,  which  Eddius  calls 
the  fifth  edition.  (Quintam  editionem.  Edd.  vit.  St.  Wilf  p,  45.  Act. 
SS.  Bened.  sajc.  iv.  torn.  i.  p.  678.)  At  Weremouth,  the  abbot  Ceol- 
frid  procured  for  his  monks  three  pandects  (Bibles)  of  the  new,  and 
one  of  the  old  translation.  (Bed.  vit.  Abbat.  Wirem.  p.  299.)  The 
new  translation  was  that  by  St.  Jerome.  It  quickly  superseded  the 
old,  except  in  the  church  office,  in  which  they  continued  to  sing  the 
psalms,  and  a  few  other  parts,  after  the  more  ancient  version.  In  his 
commentaries  Bede  generally  agrees  with  the  present  Vulgate,  though 
he  sometimes  refers  to  the  old  translation.  (Expos.  Genes,  p.  34.  36. 
edit.  Wharton :)  but  in  his  exposition  of  the  canticle  of  Habacuc  he 
has  followed  the  ancient  version,  though  he  occasionally  quotes  that 
of  St.  Jerome,  and  the  different  readings  in  old  MSS.  (Expos,  cant. 
Abac.  p.  199.  203.  205,  &c.) 

In  the  Anglo-Saxon  version  of  the  gospels,  published  at  London  in 
1571,  and  reprinted  by  Junius  and  Marshall,  at  Dordrecht,  in  1665, 
are  several  readings,  which  correspond  with  the  celebrated  MS.  of 
Beza,  edited  by  Dr.  Kipling.  This  has  encouraged  an  idea  that  the 
Anglo-Saxon  church  used  a  Latin  version  of  the  Scriptures  very  dif- 
ferent from  the  Vulgate.  It  may,  however,  be  observed,  that  all  the 
existing  MS.  copies  of  the  Scripture,  which  are  known  to  have  be- 
longed to  the  Anglo-Saxons,  are  of  St.  Jerome's  translation.  Of  these 
some  are  very  ancient.  In  the  library  belonging  to  the  dean  and 
chapter  of  Durham,  are  two  very  fair  copies  of  the  four  gospels, 
written  about  the  year  700,  (A.  11.  16.  A.  11.  17.)  In  the  British 
Museum,  (Nero.  D.  4,)  is  another  MS.  of  the  gospels,  beautifully  writ- 
ten, about  the  year  686,  by  Eadfrid,  who  was  afterwards  bishop  of  Lin- 
disfarne, Ethelwald,  his  successor,  illuminated  and  ornamented  it  with 
several  elegant  drawings.  By  the  anachoret  Bilfrith,  it  was  covered 
with  gems,  silver  gilt,  and  gold,  in  honour  of  St.  Cuthbert;  and 
Aldred,  the  priest,  afterwards  added  an  interlineary  version.  During 
the  removal  of  St.  Cuthbert's  body  in  885,  this  copy  was  lost  in  the 
sea,  but  recovered  three  days  afterwards.     If  we  may  believe  Simeon 


NOTES.  313 

0t  Durham,  it  had  not  been  injured  by  the  water,  (Sim.  p.  117 :)  but 
Mr.  Wanley  thought  he  could  discover  some  stains,  which  he  ascribed 
to  that  accident.  It  is  still  in  the  best  preservation.  In  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Stone,  at  Stonyhurst,  is  another,  and  still  more 
ancient  MS.  of  St.  John's  gospel,  believed  to  be  the  same  which  is 
said  by  Bede,  to  have  belonged  to  St.  Boisil,  the  master  of  St.  Cuth- 
bert.  An  inscription,  in  a  more  recent  hand,  states  it  to  have  been 
taken  out  of  the  tomb  of  the  saint;  but  this  is,  probably,  a  mistake. 
The  contemporary  history  of  the  translation  of  St.  Cuthbert  says, 
that  the  MS.  buried  with  him  was  a  book  of  the  gospels,  (Act.  SS. 
Bened.  ssec.  iv.  p.  296 :)  and  that  the  copy  of  St.  John,  which  had 
belonged  to  St.  Boisil,  was  preserved  in  the  church  in  a  case  of  red 
leather,  and  was  held  by  the  bishop  in  his  hand,  while  he  preached  to 
the  people  during  the  translation,  (ibid.  p.  301.) 

As  all  these  MSS.  contain  the  version  of  St.  Jerome,  I  suspect  the 
agreement  between  the  Anglo-Saxon  translation  and  the  Codex  Bezae, 
to  be  accidental.  A  similar  agreement  exists,  in  many  instances,  be- 
tween that  Codex  and  the  celebrated  MS.  of  the  abbey  of  Corbie; 
nor  is  it  improbable  that  a  copy  of  that  MS.  might  be  brought  into 
England  by  some  of  the  monks,  who,  at  the  invitation  of  St.  Dun- 
stan,  left  Corbie  to  instruct  the  Anglo-Saxon  ccenobites.  It  was  soon 
after  that  period,  that  the  translation  was  made. 


(S)— p.  192. 

It  is  well  known,  that  several  of  the  Greek  vowels  and  diphthongs 
are  differently  sounded  by  the  present  inhabitants  of  Greece,  and  the 
learned  in  some  of  the  more  western  nations.  After  the  revival  of 
literature,  the  arguments  or  authority  of  Manutius,  Erasmus,  Sir  John 
Cheke,  Beza,  Gretser,  and  others,  induced  several  universities  to 
reject  the  old,  and  adopt  a  new  pronunciation.  To  decide  on  the  re- 
spective merits  of  the  two  systems,  would  be,  perhaps,  a  difficult  at- 
tempt :  but  to  inquire  in  what  manner  the  Anglo-Saxons  were  taught 
to  pronounce  the  Greek  letters,  is  a  subject  of  curious  and  more  easy 
investigation.  It  was  by  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  that  the  know- 
ledge of  the  language  was  introduced  into  England.  (Bed.  Hist.  1.  iv. 
c.  2.)  lie  was  born  at  Tarsus,  in  Cilicia,  and  versed  in  Grecian 
literature ;  whence,  it  were  not  rash  to  infer,  that  the  pronunciation 
40  2D 


314  NOTES. 

whicli  he  taught,  was  the  same  as  was  followed  at  that  period  by  the 
natives  of  Greece. 

In  the  Cotton  Library,  Galba,  A.  18,  is  a  small  MS.,  said  to  have 
once  belonged  to  King  ^Ethelstan.  It  was  written  in  703,  thirteen 
years  after  tlie  death  of  Theodore,  (ibid.  f.  16.)  It  contains  a  calen- 
dar with  ornamental  paintings,  a  psalter,  prayers,  and  a  fragment  of  a 
litany  in  the  Greek  language,  but  in  Anglo-Saxon  characters.  The 
writer  appears  to  have  been  ignorant  of  Greek,  and  either  to  have 
transcribed  some  other  copy,  or  to  have  written,  while  another  person 
dictated.  Hence,  his  work  contains  several  errors ;  but  his  general 
system  of  spelling  clearly  shows  the  sounds  which  were  then  given 
to  the  vowels  and  diphthongs.  For  the  satisfaction  of  the  reader,  I 
shall  transcribe  the  Our  Father,  and  an  abridgment  of  the  Creed : 
but  it  will  be  necessary  to  premise,  that  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  spelling, 
the  vowels  a,  e,  i,  should  be  sounded  in  the  same  manner  as  they  are 
sounded  in  the  pronunciation  of  Latin,  by  all  the  nations  of  Europe, 
except  the  English, 

IlaT'fp   9JJ.IUV    o     tv    •rotj    oi'pai'Otj  .  ayicuriOrjT'co  -to  ora^ua      dov  '    fXOftci    rj 

Pater   imon  o   yn  (t)ys  uranis     agiasthito     onaman   su  •  elthetu  e 

EaotXjta  eov'  ytvr^Or^fi^   •fo    OfXji/ia     o«,  coj     iv   ov^avG)  xao  (fit  t'j^j  yj^'j  •  tov 

basilia     s     genitthito  to  theliman  su  oss  en  uaranu  ke  ep  tas  gis  .  ton 

aptov    irfiiov   tov    fTiioviiiov     6oj    riiiiiv    ar^fxipov,  xai  a'ftj  y-i.i(.v  ta  offtXr^uafa 

arton  imon  ton  epiussion  doss  imin  simero.  ke  affes  imin  ta  offilemata 

r^ixuiv   (jj  xat  r^jxni;  afcefiiv   ton;  ofpuXitaii  r^fiuiv'   xao  firj  (i6evtyxr^i  T^fia-^  ft? 

imon  OS  ke  imis  afhomen  tas  ophiletas  imon.  ke  mi  esininkes  imas  is 

tttipa-ij.Lov,    a>Xa  prcrat  r^fia^  arto  tov  Ttovr^pH. 

perasmon,  ala  ryse  imas  apo  tu  poniru. 

Jliattvi^  fif  Oiov  Tiatipa  rCavtoxpatopa,  xai  f^f  x9''?ov  Jr^^w  mov   avtH   tov 

Pistheu  is  then  patera  pantocratero  .  ce  is  criston  ihu  yon  autu  ton 

ixovoytrr],    tov   xvpiov     tj/xuv,    tov  ysvrjOsvta     tx     7tviv/.iato^  ayts,  sx  /naptaj 

monogen  ton  quirion  imon,  ton  genegenta  ek  pneuraatus  agiu  ec  maria 

■fiyj  rtapOivn,      tov    trii  Tiovtus  rtiXafs    ^avpuOsvta,    ta^svta,  tij  tpityj  rj/xtpa 

tis  parthenu  .  ton  epi  pontio  pilatu  staurothenta,  tafinta,  te  trite  imera 

avaatavta    tx    Vfxpav,  avafiavta.  ftj   *«j    apai'Sj,      xadr^fiivov      ev    6f|ta    tu 

anastanta  ec  nicron,  anaunta  is   tos  uranos,  catimenon   in  dexia  tu 

rtarpoj,    o9(v    ip^itat    xpuai,    ^lovta^    xat,    rfxpsj  .    xai,   fij   rtifi-juo     aycoi', 

patros,   oten   erchete   crine  zontas   ce  nicros  .   ce   is   pneuma   agion 

ayt  {uiv  xotrwi'iai')  affatv  a^api'twr,  craxpoj  ava^itaoiv  .    afifjv. 
agri  atisin  amartion,  sarcos    anasta  .    amin. 

That  this  manner  of  spelling  may  not  be  thought  peculiar  to  the 
writer  of  the  MS.,  I  will  add  another  specimen  from  the  first  chapte* 


NOTES.  315 

of  Genesis,  in  an  Anglo-Saxon  MS.  of  the  Bodleian  Library,  NE.  D. 
11,  f.  28.     A  fac  simile  of  it  is  published  by  Hicks,  Thes.  p.  168. 

Ei*    apxv     (Ttoirjmv    o     Oio^    tov   s^avov  zac  tr^v  yr^v  .  H  Ss  yt^  tjv  aopai'of 

En  archn  epoeisen  o  theos  ton  uranon  ce  tin  gin  .  i  de  gi  in  aoratos 
ce    acatasceuastos  ce  skotos  in  epano  tis  abussu  .  ce  phneuma  then 

frtf^fpafo    iTiavu  t's  uSai'oj.     Kut  ciTisv  o    9foj      yi;i'-/r9i^to   $tof,    xat,    lysvi-to 

epefereto  epano  tu  ydatos  .  ce  ipen  o  theos  genethito  fos,  ce  egeneto 

^aj  .   xat  eibev  o    ^toj    •fo  ^wj  otc  xaXov  .  xat,   6(.f;^aiptcr£i'      o    Oso;, 
fos  .  ce   iden  o  theos  to  fos,  oti  kalon,  ce  chechorisen  o  theos. 

Neither  was  this  method  of  writing  Greek  peculiar  to  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  :  it  occurs  in  the  specimen  which  Mabillon  has  given  of  the 
characters  in  the  Codex  Dyonisianus.     De  re  Diplomat,  p.  367. 

ITt.crT'fi'w    ft?    fia    Otov     TCa-tcpa — xat,  ft?  -to  rti'su^a     ro   aytov  -to    xvpior 

Pisteugo  is  ena  theon  patera — ke  is  to  pneuma  to  agion  to  kyrion 

xat  fcwrtotoc,  "to  ix   f »  rtarpoj. 
ke  zoopion,  to  ek  tu  patros. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  these  passages  present  many  errors :  yet, 
from  a  diligent  comparison  of  those  words  and  syllables,  in  which  the 
ear  was  less  liable  to  be  deceived,  I  think  it  may  be  inferred  that  not 
only  the  vowel  t,  but  also  v,  and  the  diphthongs  «  and  ot,  were  gene- 
rally sounded  alike,  and  expressed  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  i,  and  that  the 
diphthong  at  had  the  long  slender  sound  in  the  present  English  a,  and 
therefore  was  always  expressed  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  letter  e.  In  these 
respects  the  pronunciation  of  our  ancestors  appears  to  agree  perfectly 
with  the  pronunciation  of  the  modern  Greeks.  Dans  at  ft,  ot,  ^,  u, 
says  De  la  Rocca,  vicar  general  of  the  isle  of  Syra,  les  Ellenistes 
de  Paris  pretendent  qu'il  faut  prononcer  les  trois  premieres,  comme 
si  elles  etoient  deux  letters  ai,  ei,  o'i :  a  I'egard  des  deux  autres  la 
premiere  comme  e,  la  seeonde  comme  i.  Nous  prononcons  an  con- 
traire  la  premiere  comme  e,  et  les  quatres  autres  comme  i.  Precis 
Historique  sur  I'lsle  de  Syra,  p.  159.     Paris,  1790. 


(T)— p.  194. 

The  vernacular  poetry  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  has  been  ably  described 
by  Mr.  Turner,  in  his  fourth  volume,  p.  374.  Its  principal  charac- 
teristics appear  to  be  a  constant  inversion  of  phrase,  with  the  frequent 


316  NOTES. 

use  of  alliteration,  metaphor,  and  periphrasis.  Rhyme  seems  neither 
to  have  been  sought  after,  nor  rejected.  It  occurs  but  seldom.  To 
reduce  the  measure  of  the  verse  to  certain  rules  is  difficult,  perhaps 
impracticable.  Of  the  many  writers  who  have  attempted  it,  not  one 
has  succeeded.  If  I  may  be  indulged  in  a  conjecture,  I  would  say 
that  their  versification  consisted  in  such  an  arrangement  of  words,  as 
might  easily  be  adapted  to  some  favourite  national  tune.  All  their 
poetry  was  originally  designed  to  be  sung  to  the  harp. 

The  reader  will  not  perhaps  be  displeased  with  a  short  specimen 
of  Anglo-Saxon  poetry,  believed  to  have  been  composed  by  Csedmon, 
the  celebrated  monk  of  Whitby.  Bede  translated  it  in  his  Ecclesiasti- 
cal History:  but  confessed  that  his  version  did  not  do  justice  to  the 
spirit  and  elegance  of  the  original.  (Bed.  1.  iv.  c.  24.)  The  Anglo- 
Saxon  verses  are  found  in  King  Alfred's  translation  of  Bede,  and  are 
generally  supposed  to  have  been  transcribed  by  that  prince  from  some 
ancient  copy.  I  think  it,  however,  equally  probable,  that  they  were 
the  composition  of  the  royal  translator. 

To  the  Anglo-Saxon  I  have  added  an  English  version  as  literal  as 
possible. 

Nu  pe    yceolan  hejiijean 

Heopon  jiicej'  peajib. 

COetobep  mihte 

Anb  hip  mob  jej'anc 

Yeojic  pulboji  paebeji. 

Spa  he  pulbjiep  jehpaep 

Ece  bpidicen 

Opb  onpcealbe. 

He  aepepc  jepcop 

Eopf'an  beapnum 

Heopon  co  pope 

Halij  pcyppenb. 

Damibban  jeapb 

CDon  cynnep  peajib 

Ece  Dpihcne 

^pcepi  ceobe. 

Fipium  polban 

Fpea  aelmihcij.     Alfred's  Bep.  p.  597. 

Now  ought  we  to  praise 
Of  heaven  the  guardian. 
The  might  of  the  Creator, 
The  thoughts  of  his  mind, 


NOTES. 

The  works  of  the  Father  of  glory. 

How  he,  of  all  glory, 

The  Lord  eternal ! 

Made  the  beginning. 

He  first  did  frame, 

For  the  children  of  earth, 

Heaven  as  a  canopy  : 

Holy  Creator ! 

The  expanded  earth 

The  guardian  of  man. 

The  Lord  eternal, 

Afterwards  made. 

For  men  tlie  earth  : 

Ruler  Almighty ! 


(U)— p.  209. 

EPITAPHIUM   ALCWINI. 

Hic,  rogo,  pauxillum  veniens  subsists,  viator, 

Et  mea  scrutator  pectore  dicta  tuo. 
Ut  tua,  deque  meis,  cognoscas  fata  figuris, 
Vertitur  en  species,  ut  mea,  sicque  tua. 
Quod  nunc  es,  fueram,  famosus  in  orbe  viator : 

Et  quod  nunc  ego  sum,  tuque  futurus  eris. 
Delicias  mundi  casso  sectabar  amore  : 

Nunc  cinis  et  pulvis,  verraibus  atque  cibus. 
Quapropter  potius  aniraam  curare  memento, 

Quam  carnem :  quoniam  haec  manet,  ilia  perit. 
Cur  tibi  rura  paras  ?     Quam  parvo  cernis  in  antro 

Me  tenet  hic  requies,  sic  tua  parva  fiet. 
Cur  Tyrio  corpus  inhias  vestirier  ostro 

Quod  niox  esuriens  pulvere  vermis  edet 
Ut  flores  pereunt  vento  veniente  minaci. 
Sic  tua  namque  caro,  gloria  tota  perit. 
Tu  mihi  redde  vicem,  lector,  rogo  carminis  hujus, 

Et  die,  da  veniam,  Christe,  tuo  famulo. 
Obsecro  nulla  manus  violet  pia  jura  sepulchri 

Personet  angelica  donee  ab  arce  tuba. 
Qui  jaces  in  tumulo,  terrse  de  pulvere  surge, 
Magnus  adest  judex  milibus  innumeris. 
2d2 


317 


318  NOTES. 

Alchwin  notnen  erat  sophiam  mihi  semper  amanti, 
Pro  quo  funde  preces  rnente,  legens  titiilum. 

Hie  requiescit  beata;  memoriae  domnus  Alchwinus  abbas,  qui  obiit 
in  pace  xiiii.  Kalend.  Junias.  Quando  legeritis,  o  vos  omnes,  orate 
pro  eo,  et  dicite  :  Requiem  ajternam  donet  ei  Domimis. Tliis  epi- 
taph was  inscribed  on  a  brass  tablet  fixed  in  the  wall.  Vit.  Ale.  p.  161 


(V)— p.  238. 

In  ray  account  of  Edwin,  I  have  ventured  to  oppose  the  whole 
stream  of  modern  writers.^  With  the  person  or  history  of  Ethelgiva, 
they  scarcely  appear  acquainted  :  her  daughter  is  their  favourite  ;  and, 
after  lavishing  upon  her  every  charm,  of  which  the  female  form  is 
susceptible,  they  marry  her  to  Edwin  before  his  coronation,  lash  with 
zeal  the  bigotry  of  her  supposed  enemies,  and  allot  to  her  the  disgrace 
and  sufferings,  which  I  have  described  as  the  fate  of  her  mother.  In 
the  present  note  I  may  be  allowed  to  detail  the  authorities  on  which 
my  narrative  is  grounded. 

I.  As  to  the  names  of  the  two  women,  Mr.  Turner  has  produced 
an  ancient  charter,  in  which  they  are  called  Ethelgiva  and  Elgiva, 
(Testes  fuerunt  ^Ifgiva  regis  uxor,  et  iEthelgiva  mater  ejus.  Ex 
Hist.  Abbcnd.  Turn.  vol.  iii.  p.  163.)  The  authenticity  of  the  in- 
strument, as  he  observes,  is  suspicious  ;  but  I  have  no  doubt  of  the 
accuracy  of  the  names.  In  the  contemporary  biographer  of  St.  Dun- 
stan,  the  mother  is  called  Ethelgiva,  (MS.  Cleop.  B.  13  :)  and  Elgiva 
is  often  mentioned  as  the  name  of  the  woman  from  whom  Edwin 
was  afterwards  separated.  Hoved.  Ann.  958.  Wigorn.  Ann.  958. 
Westmon.  Ann.  958. 

II.  But  was  not  Elgiva  married  to  Edwin  at  the  time  of  his  coro- 
nation ?  I  answer  in  the  negative.  1.  This  marriage  is  not,  as  far 
as  I  have  read,  expressly  asserted  by  any  ancient  writer.  2.  By 
every  historian,  who  describes  at  length  the  transactions  of  that  day, 
she  is  considered  not  as  the  wife,  but  as  the  mistress  of  the  king. 
See  note  11,  p.  236.     3.  The  contemporary  life  of  St.  Dunstan, 

'  From  this  number,  however,  should  have  been  excepted  Dr.  Milncr,  who,  in  his 
History  of  Winchester,  (vol.  i.  p.  153,)  has  shown  that,  in  narrating  the  history  of 
Elgiva,  Rapin,  Guthrie,  Carte,  and  Hume  have  substituted  a  romance  of  their  own 
creation  in  place  of  the  real  facts,  as  they  are  stated  by  the  ancient  writers. 


NOTES.  319 

plainly  shows  that  she  was  not  his  wife  :  as  it  ascribes  the  indelicacy 
of  Elhelgiva's  conduct  to  her  liope  of  prevailing  with  the  king  to 
marry  either  her  or  her  daughter,  (Eotenus  videlicet,  quo  sese  vel 
etiam  natam  suam  sub  conjugali  litulo  illi  innectendo  sociaret.  MS. 
Cleop.  p.  70.)  Of  consequence  the  king,  at  the  time  of  his  corona- 
tion, remained  unmarried :  and  the  queen  to  whom  Dunstan  is  repre- 
sented as  offering  the  grossest  insult,  is  the  creation  of  modern  pre- 
judice. 

III.  Whether  Edwin  married  Elgiva  after  his  coronation,  is  a  more 
difficult  question.  That  she  was  his  near  relation,  (proximo  cogna- 
tam.  Malms,  de  Reg.  1.  ii.  c.  7,)  is  acknowledged :  and,  consequently, 
the  marriage,  if  ever  it  took  place,  must  have  been  deemed  void,  ac- 
cording to  the  canons,  which,  at  that  period,  obtained  the  force  of 
laws  among  our  ancestors.  Perhaps  the  expressions  of  the  monk  of 
Ramsey,  (illicitum  invasit  matrimonium.  Hist.  Ram.  p.  390,)  and 
the  title  of  queen,  which  Wallingford  gives  to  Elgiva,  (Chron.  Wal- 
ling, p.  543,)  may  countenance  the  idea  that  they  were  actually  mar- 
ried :  and  a  MS.  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  (Tib.  B.  4,)  quoted  by 
Mr.  Turner,  (vol.  iii.  p.  164,)  in  a  paragraph  which  occurs  not  in  the 
other  copies,  asserts,  that  in  the  year  958,  Archbishop  Odo  separated 
Edwin  and  Elgiva,  because  they  were  relations,  (958.)  On  J'yppum 
jeapie  Oba  apcebipcop  cocpaembe  Eabpi  cynmj  ^  ^Eljype 
pop  ftaem  %a  hi  psepon  co  jepybbe.)  But  the  other  chroniclers, 
when  they  notice  the  separation,  are  less  positive ;  and  observe,  that 
tlie  archbishop  acted  in  this  manner,  because  Elgiva  was  either  the 
king's  relation,  or  his  mistress.  (Archiepiscopus  regem  Westsaxonum 
Edwium  et  Elfgivam,  vel  quia,  ut  fertur,  propinqua  illius  extiterit, 
vel  quia  ipsam  sub  propria  uxore  adamavit,  ab  invicein  separavit. 
Hoved.  Ann.  958.  Wigorn.  Ann.  958.  Sim.  Dunel.  Ann.  958. 
Vel  causa  consanguinitatis,  vel  quia  illam  ut  adulteram  adamavit. 
Westmon.  Ann.  958.)  However,  were  we  to  admit  the  marriage,  yet 
the  very  date  of  the  separation  will  furnish  an  additional  proof  that  it 
was  posterior  to  the  king's  coronation.  Otherwise,  how  can  we  ac- 
count for  the  apathy  or  indolence  of  that  active  and  inflexible  prelate, 
Odo,  who  would  have  waited  three  years  before  he  performed  that 
which  he  must  daily  have  considered  as  an  imperious  and  indispen- 
sable duty  ?  If  his  irresolution  be  ascribed  to  fear,  why  did  he  omit 
the  favourable  moment  of  the  insurrection,  and  wait  till  Edwin  was 
firmly  and  peaceably  seated  on  the  throne  of  Wessex,  Kent,  and 
Sussex  ? 

IV.  I  do  not  know  that  any  writer  has  mentioned  the  name  of  the 
unfortunate  woman,  who  was  banished  to  Ireland,  and  at  her  return 


320  NOTES. 

put  to  a  cruel  death.  That  it  was  either  Elthelgiva  or  Elgiva,  is  cer- 
tain :  tliat  it  was  Elgiva,  is  the  consentient  assertion  of  our  modern 
historians.  I  cannot  submit  to  their  authority.  1.  To  decide  the 
controversy,  we  must  have  recourse  to  Osbern,  from  whose  narrative 
succeeding  writers  have  derived  their  information.  In  his  account  of 
the  coronation,  he  mentions  Ethelgiva  under  the  designation  of  adul- 
tera,  (she  was  then  the  wife  of  a  thane,  according  to  Brompton,  p. 
8G3,)  and  adds,  that  her  daughter  was  in  her  company.  But  from 
that  moment  he  loses  sight  of  the  daughter,  and  fixes  our  attention 
solely  on  the  mother,  till  he  describes  her  death  by  the  swords  of  the 

insurgents,  (Repertum  simul  cum  adultera  et  filia  ejus Regem 

cum  adultera  persequi  non  desistunt ipsam  repertam  subnerva- 

vere.  Osbern,  p.  105,  106.)  1  do  not  think  it  possible  to  read  at- 
tentively the  narrative  of  Osbern,  and  believe  that  it  was  the  daughter 
who  fell  a  victim  to  the  fury  of  the  rebels.  2.  From  the  writers 
quoted  above,  it  appears  that  Elgiva  was  alive  in  958,  since  in  that 
year  she  was  separated  from  Edwin.  Now,  the  death  of  the  woman 
who  returned  from  Ireland,  happened  in  956,  or  at  the  latest  in  957. 
Osbern  informs  us,  that  she  was  murdered  during  the  revolt  of  the 
Mercians,  and  before  the  division  of  the  kingdom  between  the  two 
brothers :  events  which  occurred  in  956,  according  to  the  Peterbo- 
rough, (p.  27,)  and  the  Saxon  Chronicles,  (p.  116;)  in  957,  accord- 
ing to  Simeon,  Wigornensis,  and  Matthew  of  Westminster.  (Vide 
omnes  ad  Ann.  957.)  Hence  it  follows,  that  the  woman  who  was 
banished,  and  afterwards  put  to  death,  must  have  been,  not  the 
daughter,  but  her  mother,  Ethelgiva. 

From  these  premises,  I  should  infer,  that  these  ladies  were  women 
of  higli  rank,  but  abandoned  character,  who  endeavoured  to  corrupt 
the  morals  of  their  young  sovereign  :  that  the  mother  was  compelled 
to  quit  the  kingdom,  and  venturing  to  return,  perished  during  the 
revolt ;  and  that  Edwin,  after  her  banishment,  either  took  Elgiva  to 
his  bed  as  his  mistress,  or  married  her  within  the  prohibited  degrees, 
which  called  forth  the  censures  of  Archbishop  Odo.  If  these  circum- 
stances be  true,  the  laboured  narrative  of  Hume,  and  the  passionate 
declamation  of  Mr.  Turner,  may  be  given  to  the  winds. 


NOTES.  321 


(X)— p.  244. 
Ex  Wolst.  Epist.  ad  Elplierj.  Eph.   Winton. 

Insuper  excelsum  fecistis  et  addere  templum, 

Quo  sine  nocte  manet  continuata  dies. 
Turris  ab  axe  micat,  quo  sol  oriendo  coruscat, 

Et  spargit  lucis  spicula  prima  suae. 
Stat  super  auratis  virgse  fabricatio  buUis, 

Aureus  et  totum  splendor  adornat  opus. 
Luna  coronato  quoties  radiaverit  ortu, 

Alterum  ab  aede  sacra  surgit  ad  astra  jubar. 
Si  nocte  inspiciat  hunc  prgetereundo  viator, 

Et  terram  Stellas  credit  habere  suas. 
Additur  ad  speciem,  stat  ei  quod  vertice  Gallus 

Aureus  ornatu,  grandis  et  intuitu. 
Despicit  omne  solum,  cunctis  supereminet  arvis, 

Signiferi  et  Boreas  sidera  pulcbra  videns. 
Imperii  sceptrum  pedibus  tenet  ille  superbis, 

Stat  super  et  cunctum  Wintoniae  populum. 
Imperat  et  cunctis  evectus  in  aera  gallis, 

Et  regit  occiduum  nobilis  imperium. 
Impiger  imbriferos  qui  suscipit  undique  ventos, 

Seque  rotaudo  suam  prasbet  eis  faciem. 
Turbinis  horrisonos  suffertque  viriliter  ictus, 

Intrepidus  perstans,  flabra,  nives  tolerans. 
Oceano  solem  solus  vidit  ipse  ruentem  : 

Aurorse  primum  cernit  et  hie  radium. 
A  longe  adveniens  oculo  vicinus  adhasret, 

Figit  et  adspectum  dissociante  loco : 
Quo  fessus  rapitur  visu  mirante  viator, 

Et  pede  disjunctus,  lumine  junctus  adest. 

Act.  SS.  Bened.  saec.  iv.  p.  931. 


322 

For  the  convenience  of  those  who  may  wish  to  compare  the  Saxon 
with  the  modern  English,  and  who  have  no  grammar  of  that  language, 
the  following  Alphabet  and  Prayer  are  appended  to  this  edition. 

SAXON  ALPHABET. 


A 

a 

B 

b 

E 

c 

D 

b 

e 

e 

F 
D 

F 

h 

I 

1 

K 

k 

L 

1 

CO 

m 

N 

n 

a. 

0     0 

b. 
c. 
d. 
e. 
f. 

P  P 
Qcp 
R   ji 

I  I' 
T    c 

h. 

U  u 
V    V 

1. 
k. 

WY 

X    X 

1. 
m. 

Y  y 
Z     z 

n. 

Th  D,  b,  ]>.  That  p.  And  ^. 

The  vowels  are  sounded  as  in  Latin.  The  5  was  sounded  nearly  as 
in  German;  hence  y  has  been  substituted  for  it  in  bejeonb,  heyond; 
hahje,  holy;  jeap,  year;  baej,  day. 


THE  LORD'S  PRAYER, 

Written  about  A.  D.  900,  by  Alfred,  bishop  of  Durham. 

Vjien  pabep  %ic  apb  in  Beopnap  pic  jehaljub  %m  noma 
Our     Father  which  art     in     Heavens      be      hallowed    thine  Name 

CO  cyme?)  bin  pic  pic  bin  pilla  pue  ip  in  Beopnap  anb  m 
come      thy  Kingdom  be    thy  Will    so    as  in    Heavens     and  in 

6opbo.  Vpen  hlap  opep  pipche  pel  vp  co  bsej  anb  popjep 
Earth.        Our   Loaf  supersubstantial  give  us   to   Day  and     forgive 

vp    pcylba   upna   pue  pe    popjepan    pcylbjum  vpum,   anb   no 

us     Debts       our      so    we       forgive  Debts         ours,     and   do 

mleab    vpib  in    cupcnunj,  Al  jeppij  vpich  ppom  iple.  Amen. 

not  lead    us  into  Temptation,  but  deliver  every  one  from  Evil.   Amen. 

THE   END. 


\ 


^^.. 


CHEAP  CATHOLIC  BOOKS, 

Published  by  J.  Iflurphy  &  Co.,  Baltimore. 

C^^  liberal  Discount  to  Booksellers,  Country  Merchants,  Clergymen,  Religious  So. 
cieties,  and  others,  purchasing  in  quantities,  for  sate  or  gratuitous  distribution. 

Bishop  EnglandPs  Works,  published  under  the  aus- 
pices and  immediate  superintendence  of  the  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop 
Reynolds,  the  present  Bishop  of  Charleston.  5  v.  8vo.  cloth  $]0  00 
The  same Library  style,  marbled  edges  12  00 

Thi!  subjects  of  these  volumes  present  attractions,  not  only  to  the  inquirer  after 
Religious  Truth ;  but  to  the  Statesman  and  to  the  Lawyer  ihey  present  much  that  is 
worthy  of  their  study,  as  well  for  the  subject  matter,  as  (or  the  slyle  of  the  writer, 
and  the  simplicity  of  the  language  which  he  used  to  embody  the  analytical  deductions 
made  by  his  gigantic  mind.  His  Discourses  furnish  Models  of  Oratory  worthy  of 
imitation  by  Divines,  Staiesnien,  aiul  members  ol  the  Legal  Profession.  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  say  in  what  Dr.  England  excelled  ;— as  an  orator,  he  was  great,  sublime,  thrill- 
ing : — as  a  Theologian,  his  profound  erudition,  and  familiarity  with  the  writings  of 
the  Fathers  of  the  Church,  and  with  Ecclesiastical  History  of  all  ages,  and  all  coun- 
tries, place  him  high  amongst  the  highest: — as  a  Controversialist, the  evenness  of  hia 
temper,  the  lucidity  of  his  reasoning,  and  the  force  of  hie  language,  command  for 
him  the  respect  of  his  antagonist,  and  the  admiration  of  all  his  readers. 

These  writings  are  now,  for  the  first  lime,  presented  to  the  American  public,  imrfer 
the  auspices  and  immediate  superintendence  of  the  Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  Reynolds,  the 
present  Bishop  of  Charleston,  who  has  at  great  expense  caused  the  Writings  of  his 
Illustrious  Predecessor  to  be  collected  and  arranged.  This  has  been  done  with  great 
care  and  labor,  and  the  entire  matter  is  comprised  In  five  large  octavo  volumes. 

Owing  to  the  great  expense  attending  the  publication  of  these  Works,  it  was 
deemed  injudicious  to  print  but  a  small  edition  ;  and  there  being  but  a  limited  num- 
ber remaining  unsold,  it  is  earnestly  hoped  that  every  Catholic  who  can  afford  it, 
will  secure  a  copy  at  an  early  day — and  thus  aid  in  disseminating  tlie  Writings  of  one 
of  the  Fathers  of  the  American  Church,  and  in  relieving  from  an  embarrassing  re- 
sponsibility the  Rt.  Rev.  Pielate  through  whose  labors  and  agency  they  are  now 
presented  to  the  public. 

To  such  as  are  unacquainted  with  the  merits  of  these  Works,  we  submit  a  few 
brief  extracts  from  the  numerous  and  liberal  notices  laken  by  the  American  press, 
both  religions  and  secular: 

**  VVe  trust  that  the  Protestant  and  Catholic  will  vie  with  each  other  in  shewing  that  they  love  literature  and 
ap(>reciate  v*-ortli,  without  regard  to  sectarian  prejudice."  Charleston  Courier. 

"  The  collected  works  of  the  learned  and  esteemed  prelate,  is  a  contribution  to  the  civilized  and  Ctiristian 
world.  Such  an  offering,  within  the  circles  of  religion  and  literature,  occurs  but  rarely — it  is  an  event  of  the 
age,  and  as  such  the  works  before  us  will  be  appreciated."  Baltimore  Sun. 

"  They  deserve  to  take  their  place  as  contributions  to  American  literature  on  the  shelves  of  our  libraries,  and 
to  find  readers  beyond  the  pale  of  the  religious  belief  of  their  writer."  N.  Y.  Literary  World. 

"  We  fondly  trust  that  no  Catholic  in  the  United  States,  capable  of  understanding  these  volumes,  will  fail  to 
procure  a  copy."  Pittsburg  Catholic 


"  Now  that  this  great  compilation  has  been  presented  to  the  Caibolic  Church  and  public,  we  hope  the  zeal, 
anxiety,  and  expense  of  the  escellent  compiler  will  not  go  without  its  reward."  Boston  Pilot. 

Bishop  England  on  Slavery. — Letters  of  the  late 

Bishop  England  to  the  Hon.  John  Forsyth,  on  the  subject  of 
Domestic  Slavery ;  to  which  are  prefixed  copies,  in  Latin  and 
English,  of  the  Pope's  Apostolic  Letter  concerning  the  Afri- 
can Slave  Trade.  With  some  Introductory  Remarks,  &c.  &c. 
by  William  George  Read,  Esq.  .1  vol.  8vo.  .full  bound,  cloth      50 

The  name  of  the  gifted  and  lamented  author  of  these  Letters,  is  a  sure  guarantee 
of  their  distinguished  merit.  The  numerous  discussions  and  misunderstandings  con- 
stantly arising  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  render  these  letters  peculiarly  interesting  to 
all  classes. 

11 


Cheap  Catholic  Boolcs,  ■published  by  J.  Jilurphy  ^  Co. 

Protestantism  and  Catholicity  compared  in  their  Effects 

on  the  CivilisMtion  of  Europe.      By  the  Rev.  J.  Balmes. 

With  a  Biographical  Notice  of  the  Author Svo.  cloth  2  00 

The  same sheep,  extra  2  25 

€«       «t     library  style,  marbled  edges  2  50 

As  the  title  of  this  work  affords  but  a  very  inade(iuate  idea  of  the  variety  and  exterU  of 
lubjects  discussed,  we  annex  a  summary  of  the  jirincipal  heads  of  chapters  : 

CHAP.  CHAP. 

1.  The  Nature  and  Name  of  Protestanlisin.  science  according  to  Montesquieu— 

2.  The  Causes  of  Protestantism.  Honor— Virtue. 

3.  Extraordinary    Phenomenon     in     the  30.  On  the  DiflTereiit  Influence  of  Protesl- 

Uaihohc  ciiurch.  antism  and  Catliohcity  on  the  Pubhc 

4.  or  Protestantism  and  the  Human  Mind.  Conscience. 

5.  Instinct  of  Faith  in  the  Sciences.  31.  Of  Gentleness  of  Manners  in  General. 

6.  Different  Rehgious  Wants  of  Nations—  32.  Of  the  Amehoralion  of  Manners  by  the 

Mathematics — Moral  Sciences.  Action  of  the  Church. 

7.  Indifference  and  Fanaticism.  33.  Of  the  Development  of  Public  Benefi- 

8.  Fanaticism— its  Definition— Fanaticism  c^nce  in  Europe. 

in  the  Catholic  Church.  34.  Of  Tolerance  in  Matters  of  Religion. 

9.  Incredulity  and  Religious  Indifference  :i5.  Of  the  Right  of  Coercion  in  General. 

in  Europe  the  Fruitsof  Protestantism.  36.  Ot  the  Inquisilion  in  Spain. 

10.  Causes  of  the  Continued  Existence  of  37.  Second   Period  of  tlie  Inquisition  in 

Protestantism.  Spain. 

11.  The  Positive  Doctrines  of  Protestant-  38.  Religious  Institutions  in  Themselves. 

ism  are  Repugnant  to  the  Instinct  of  39.  Religious  Institutions  in  History- The 
Civilization.  Early  Solitaries. 

12.  Effects  which  the  Introduction  of  Pro-  40.  Religious  Institutions  in  the  East. 

testantism  into  Spain  would  have  pro-  41.  Religious  Institutions  in  the  History  of 
duced.  the  West. 

13.  Protestantism  and  Catholicity  in  their  42.  Of  Religious  Institutions  During  ths. 

Relation  to  Social  Progress— Prelim-  Second  Half  of  the  Middle  Ages  ir 

inary  Coup  d'oeil.  the  West— The  Military  Orders. 

14.  Did  tliere  exist,  at  the  time  when  Chris-  43.  Continuation  of  the  same  Subject — Eu 

tianity  Appeared,  another  Principle         rope  in  the  Thiiteenth  Century. 

of  Regeneration  .■'  44.  Religious  Orders  for  the  Redemption  ot 

15.  Ditiiculties  which  Christianity  had  to  Captives. 

overcome  in  the  work  of  Social  Re-  45.  Universal  Advance  of  Civilization  Im 

generation — Slavery — Could   it  have  peded  by  Protestantism. 

been  Destroyed  more  Speedily  than  it  46.  The  Jesuits. 

was  by  Christianity.'  47.  The  Future  or  Religious  Institutions— 

16.  Ideas  and  Manners  of  Antiquity  respect-  Their  Present  Necessity. 

ing  Slavery— The  Church  begins  by  43.  Religion  and  Liberty. 

Improving  the  Condition  of  Slaves.    49.  The   Origin  of  Society,  according  to 

17.  Means  used  by  ilie  Church  to  Eiifran-  Catholic  Theologians. 

chise  Slaves.  50.  Of  Divine  Law,  according  to  Catholic 

18.  Continuation  of  the  same  Subject.  Doctors. 

19.  Doctrines    of   St.    Augustin    and    St.  51.  The  Transmission  of  Power,  accord- 

Thomas  of  Aquin  on  the  subject  of  ing  to  Catholic  Doctors. 

Slavery — Recapitulation.  52.  On  the  Freedom  of  Language  under 

20.  Contrast   between  the    two  kinds  of  the  Spanish  Monarchy. 

Civilization.  53.  Of  the  Faculties  of  the  Civil  Power. 

21.  Of  the   Individual — Of  the   feeling   of  54.  On  Resistance  to  the  Civil  Power. 

Individuality  out  of  Christianity.         55.  On   Resistance  to  De  Facto  Govern- 
29.  How  the  Individual  became  absorbed  ments. 

by  the  Ancient  Society.  56.  How  it  is  Allowed  to  Resist  the  Civil 

23.  Of  the  Progress  of  Individuality  under  Power. 

the  Influence  of  Catholicity.  57.  Political  Society  in  the  16th  Century. 

24.  Of  the  Family— Monogamy — Marriage-  .'iS.  On  Monarchy  in  the  16th  Century. 

tie  Indissoluble.  59.  On  Aristocracy  in  the  16th  Century. 

25.  The  Passion  of  Love.  60.  On  Democracy  in  the  16lh  Century. 

26.  or  Virginity  in  its  Social  Aspect.  61.  V<aliie  of  different   Political   Forms— 

27.  Of  Chivalry,  and  the  Manners  of  the  Character  of  Monarchy  in  Europe. 

Karbarians  in  their  Influence  on  the  63.  How  Monarchy  was  strengthened  in 
Condition  of  Woman.  Europe. 

28.  Of  the  Public  Conscience  in  General.    63.  Two  sorts  of  Democracy. 

29.  Of  the   Principle  of  the   Public   Con-  64.  Content  between  the  Social  Elements. 

20 


Cheap  Catholic  Books,  published  by  J.  Murphy  <§r  Co. 

65.  Polilieal  Doctrines; — Protestantism.  70.  Historiial  Analysis  of  Intellectual  De" 
6t).  Ot  Political  Doctrines  in  Spain.  velopnieiil. 

67.  Political  Liberty  ;— Intolerance.  71.  Religion  and  the  Human  Intellect  in 

68.  Unity  in  Faith  Reconciled  with  Polili-  Europe. 

cal  Liberty.  72.  Progress  of  the  Human  Mind  from  the 

69.  Intellectual   Development   under   the  lllh  Century  to  the  present  time. 

Influence  of  Catholicity.  73.  Summary  of  the  work. 

Brownson's  Review  says  : — "  \  he  translation  of  this  work  into  our  language  we  re- 
gard as  a  happy  event.  It  is  precisely  the  work  which  in  the  present  crisis  we  need, 
and  its  influence  will  be  wide  and  lasting.  The  work  hardly  reads  as  a  translation, 
but  hasttie  freedom,  freshness,  case,  and  vigor  of  an  original  work,  and  yet,  as  far  as 
we  have  compared  it  with  the  French,  it  is  faithful,  and  even  literal.  We  hope  that 
the  work,  which  is  published  in  a  neat  but  cheap  style,  will  find  as  ready  a  sale  in 
this  country  as.  we  learn  it  is  finding  in  England. 

"  We  have  no  room  to  give  any  extended  review  or  analysis  of  the  Abba's  work, 
and,  indeed,  no  analysis  can  give  a  correct  and  adequate  notion  of  it.  The  work  to 
be  known  must  be  read  entire,  and  we  recommend  all  who  would  possess  one  of  the 
great  books  which  has  appeared  in  our  day,  to  lose  no  time  in  procuring  it." 

"  We  have  already  spoken  of  the  high  merits  of  this  work.  It  is  not  one  of  an  or- 
dinary stamp,  but  one  that  by  the  blessing  of  God,  will  work  a  great  change  in  the 
ideas  both  of  Catholics  and  Protestants  in  this  country.  Tlie  force  of  long-continued 
calumny  and  short-sighted  national  prejudice  has  prevailed  over  ignorance  of  facts, 
and  a  wish  to  concede,  as  much  as  can  be  ctmceded,  until  even  Catholics  have  been 
led  to  suppose  that  their  divine  religion  has,  from  some  unaccountable  reason,  had  a 
less  beneficial  influence  than  Protestantism  upon  human  society  and  civilization  ;  as 
if  that  which  is  liom  God  could  fail  to  be  the  best  in  all  its  relations  with  mankind. 
We  rejoice  therefore  to  see  so  able  and  philosophical  a  refutation  of  this  pernicious 
error  brought  within  the  means  of  our  readers  by  tliis  elegant  translation." 

Dublin  Review, 

Extracts  from  the  Preface  to  the  American  Edition "  The  work  of  Balnies  on  the 

comparative  influence  of  Protestantism  and  Catholicity  on  European  civilization, 
which  is  now  presented  to  the  American  public,  was  written  in  Spanish,  and  won 
liir  the  author  among  his  own  countrymen  a  very  high  reputation.  A  French  edition 
was  published  simultaneously  with  the  Spanish,  and  the  work  has  since  been  trans- 
lated into  the  Italian  and  English  languages,  and  been  widely  circulated  as  one  of 
the  most  learned  productions  of  the  a^e,  and  most  admirably  suited  to  the  e.\igencies 
of  our  times.  When  Protestantism  could  no  longer  maintain  its  position  in  the  field 
of  theology,  compelling  its  votaries  by  its  endless  variations  to  espouse  open  infidel- 
ity, or  to  fall  back  upon  the  ancient  church,  it  adopted  a  new  mode  of  defence,  in 
pointing  to  its  pretended  achievements  as  the  liberator  of  the  human  mind,  the  friend 
of  civil  and  religious  freedom,  the  patron  of  science  and  the  arts;  in  a  word,  the  ac- 
tive element  in  all  social  ameliorations.  This  is  the  cherished  idea  and  boasted  ar- 
gument of  those  who  attempt  to  uphold  Protestantism  as  a  system.  They  claim  for 
it  the  merit  of  having  freed  the  intellect  of  man  from  a  degrading  bondage,  given  a 
noliler  impulse  to  enterprize  and  industry,  and  sown  in  every  direction  the  seed  of 
national  and  individual  prosperity.  Looking  at  facts  superficially,  or  through  the 
distorted  medium  of  prejudice,  they  tell  us  that  the  reformers  of  the  16th  century 
contributed  much  to  the  development  of  science  and  the  arts,  of  human  liberty,  and 
of  every  thing  which  is  comprised  in  the  word  civilization.  To  combat  this  delusion, 
so  well  calculated  to  ensnare  the  minds  of  men  in  this  materialistic  and  utilitarian 
age.  the  author  undertook  the  work,  a  translation  of  which  is  here  presented  to  the 
public.  He  does  not  say  that  nothing  has  been  done  for  civilization  by  Protestants  ; 
hut  he  asserts  and  proves  that  Protestantism  has  been  greatly  unfavorable,  and  even 
iiijurinus  to  it. 

'■  By  thug  exposing  the  short-comings  or  rather  evils  of  Protestantism  in  a  social  and 
political  point  of  view,  as  Bossuet  and  others  had  exhibited  them  under  the  theolo- 
gical aspect,  Bahnes  has  rendered  a  most  important  service  to  Catholic  literature. 
He  has  supplied  the  age  with  a  work,  which  is  peculiarly  adapted  to  its  wants,  and 
which  must  command  a  general  attention  in  the  United  States. 

"  In  preparing  this  edition  of  the  work  from  the  English  translation,  great  care 
has  been  taken  to  revise  the  whole  of  it,  to  compare  it  vviih  the  original  French,  and 
to  correct  the  various  errors,  particularly  the  mistakes  in  translation.  A  biographi- 
cal notice  of  the  illustrious  writer  has  also  been  prefixed  to  the  volume,  to  give  the 
reader  an  insight  into  his  eminent  character,  and  the  valuable  services  he  has  ren- 
dered to  his  country  and  to  society  at  large." 

Urged  by  these  considerations,  and  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  several  errunent 
clergymen,  the   re-publication  of  this  work  was  undertaken,  at  such  a  moderate 
price  as,  it  is  hoped   will  ensure  it  a  wide  circulation. 
21 


Cheap  Catholic  Books,  published  by  J.  Murphy  ^  Co. 
Butler's  Lives  of  the  Fathers.,  Martyrs.,  and  other 

Principal  Saints,  compiled  from  Original  Monuments  and 
other  authentic  Records,  illustrated  with  the  remarks  of  Ju- 
dicious Modern  Critics  and  Historians  ...  .2  vols.  Svo.  cloth  4  00 

The  same 2  vols,  sheep  4  50 

"       «'     2  vols.  imit.  turkey  5  CO 

"       "     2  vols,  cloth,  gilt  edges  5  00 

"       "     2  vols.  imit.  gilt  edges  6  00 

««       "     4  vols,  cloth  4  50 

"       ««     4  vols,  sheep  5  00 

"       "     4  vols,  cloth,  gilt  edges  6  00 

"       "     4  vols.  imit.  gilt  edges    8  00 

To  a  work  so  well  and  so  favorably  known  as  the  Lives  of  the  Saints,  it  is  deemed 
unnecessary  to  say  any  thing  by  way  of  commendation.  Suffice  it  to  state,  that  the 
present  edition  has  been  gotten  up  with  the  greatest  care,  under  the  supervision  of 
the  eminent  Professors  of  St.  Mary's  College,  Baltimore.  It  is  printed  on  fine  paper, 
from  a  good,  clear  and  bold  type,  and  may  justly  be  considered  the  most  complete  as  it 
ie  unquestionably  the  cheapest  edition  published. 

Extract  from  the  Preface  to  the  Metropolitan  Edition. — "  In  presenting  to  the  Public 
this  new  edition  of  the  Lives  of  the  Saints,  we  think  it  useless  to  expatiate  upon  the 
excellence  of  the  work.  The  many  editions  through  which  it  has  passed ;  the  vari- 
ous translations  of  it  in  different  parts  of  the  world  ;  the  high  encomiums  bestowed 
upon  it  by  the  most  illustrious  prelates  and  doctors  of  the  church  ;  the  immense  mass 
of  information  which  it  contains  concerning  the  history  of  our  holy  religion ;  the 
wonderful  examples  of  piety  and  virtue  presented  to  our  admiration  in  every  page, 
are  eminently  calculated  to  rouse  us  from  our  lethargy,  excite  our  zeal,  and  prompt 
us  to  walk,  with  undaunted  courage,  in  the  footsteps  of  those  noble  and  generous 
heroes  who  have  preceded  us  in  the  spiritual  warfare;  in  fine,  the  learned,  judi- 
cious, and  edifying  remarks  with  which  it  is  so  abundantly  illustrated,  recommend 
the  work  much  more  powerfully  and  eloquently  than  we  could  do  ourselves. 

"  We  shall  therefore  content  ourselves  with  stating,  that  our  main,  nay,  our  only 
reasons  for  publishing  this  new  edition  of  the  Lives  of  the  Saints,  are.  Jfirst.  to  present 
to  the  Catholics  of  the  United  Stales  the  complete  work  of  the  venerable  author  ■with 
all  the  notes  and  remnrks  tvhich  he  added  to  the  lives  of  the  principal  saints,  and  which 
contain  so  much  useful  information,  and  in  the  second  place,  to  put  the  work,  in  this 
complete  form,  at  a  price  so  low  as  to  enable  all,  even  the  poorest,  to  procure  it  without 
inconvenience.  Our  only  desire  in  doing  so  is,  to  promote  the  glory  of  God,  by 
spreading  among  the  faithful  a  work,  every  page  of  which  exhibits  in  the  most 
striking  manner,  the  treasures  of  his  infinite  goodness  lor  his  elect,  and  to  con- 
tribute as  much  as  we  can  to  the  salvation  of  our  brethren,  by  furnishing  them  with 
the  most  powerful  incentives  to  virtue  and  the  best  examples  for  their  imitation  ;  and 
we  confidently  hope  that  our  wishes  and  efforts  will  be  blessed  by  the  Almighty." 

"  The  excellency  of  this  work  of  the  Rev.  Alban  Butler,  as  a  record  of  the  fruits 
of  Catholic  sanctity  in  every  age  since  the  commencement  of  the  Christian  era,  and 
as  an  incentive  to  imitate  the  example  of  those  who  have  been  most  distinguished 
for  their  virtue,  is  universally  admilied,  and  this  alone  would  be  a  sufficient  reason 
to  welcome  the  publication  of  the  present  edition.  But  when  we  consider  that  this 
will  be  the  only  complete  edition  of  the  work  from  the  American  press,  we  have 
abundant  reason  to  congratulate  the  Catholic  community  on  being  enabled  to  provide 
themselves  with  so  valuable  a  production,  at  so  little  cost."  U.  S.  Cath.  Mag. 

Brief  Explanation  of  the  Ceremonies  of  the  Mass,      6 

This  brief  but  faithful  exposition  of  the  Ceremonies  of  the  Mass,  is  gotten  up  in  a 
style  of  neatness  and  cheapness  that  should  induce  every  Catholic  to  possess  a  copy. 

Character  of  the  Rev.  W.  Palmer.,  M.  Jl..,  as  a  Con- 
troversialist, SfC 18mo.  paper      12 

12 


Cheap  Catholic  Books,  published  by  J.  Murphy  ^  Co. 

Banquet  of  Theodulus,  or  Re-Union  of  the  Different 

Christian  Communions,  by  the  late  Baron  de  Starck,  Protestant 
Minister,  and  first  Preacher  to  the  Court  of  Hesse  Darmstadt. 

12mo paper      25 

The  same flexible  cloth      38 

"       "     full  bound  cloth      50 

This  able  production  of  the  late  Baron  de  Starck,  is  presented  to  the  American 
pubhc  with  the  view  to  promote  as  far  as  possible,  the  Re-union  of  the  ditferent 
Christian  communions.  On  its  first  appearance  in  Germany,  it  produced  the  great- 
est sensation,  and  passed  rapidly  through  several  editions. 

"  This  is  the  production  of  a  Protestant  minister  ;  but  one  who  looked  in  sorrow 
upon  the  distracted  state  into  which  Protestantism  had  thrown  the  Christian  world, 
and  who  endeavored,  by  the  publication  of  the  volume  before  us,  to  pave  the  way 
for  the  return  of  the  misguided  followers  of  the  Reformation  to  the  bosom  of  the 
ancient  Church.  It  is  an  entertaining  and  instructive  work,  and  exhibits  in  the  form 
ol  dialogue  the  evidences  which  Catholicity  has  elicited  from  Protestant  writers." 

Catholic  Mirror. 

Choice  of  a  State  of  Life,  by  Father  Charles  J.  Ros- 

signoli,  S.  J.    Translated  from  the  French 18mo.  cloth      50 

The  same cloth,  gilt  edges      75 

"  It  is  peculiarly  adapted  to  meet  the  wants  of  that  portion  of  youth  who  are  on 
the  point  of  entering  upon  the  active  duties  of  life,  and  from  its  simple,  yet  eloquent 
pages,  may  be  drawn  counsels  and  admonitions  applicable  to  all  time.  This  little 
treatise  may  indeed  be  read  with  profit  by  all  who  desire  to  advance  in  virtue ;  and  its 
interesting,  yet  meditative  tone  cannot  but  rivet  the  pious  reader's  attention." 

Trutk  Teller. 

"This  little  book,  published  in  Baltimore  with  the  approbation  of  the  Venerable 
Archbishop  of  that  Dioccss,  is  a  work  of  great  merit,  and  particularly  useful  to  our 
countrymen  at  the  present  day— especially  to  the  young.  Nothing  is  so  important  on 
setting  out  in  life  as  to  make  a  wise  choice  of  the  means  whereby  to  attain  the  desired 
end  ;  as  in  undertaking  a  journey  to  a  strange  city,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  in- 
quire the  way,  and  to  pursue  that  which  shall  be  indicated  as  the  direct  and  only 
safe  road. 

"  The  first  question  to  be  settled  is— Whither  am  I  going?  Where  do  I  intend  that 
my  journey  shall  terminate.'  Every  Christian  will  unhesitatingly  answer— God  is  my 
end— Heaven  is  my  resting  place.  Then  all  my  plans,  all  my  actions,  my  occupa- 
tions, and  studies  should  be  so  disposed  and  chosen  as  to  make  sure  of  the  attain- 
ment of  this  all-important  end. 

"  But  men  are  not  all  alike.  Their  dispositions  and  tastes  essentially  differ.  The 
same  line  of  action  that  will  make  one  man  happy  will  make  another  miserable. 
The  studies  that  tend  to  refine  and  elevate  one,  will  corrupt  and  degrade  another. 
The  State  of  Life  which  will  be  honored  by  one  will  be  dishonored  by  another.  If 
therefore  a  man  makes  a  wrong  choice,  he  runs  the  riskof  sowing  for  himself  sorrow 
and  disappointment,  and  of  afterwards  reaping  despair.  The  river  on  which  his  bark 
ghdes  so  smooth,  on  his  setting  out,  hurries  him  to  a  stormy  ocean  and  to  shipwreck. 

"  It  is  a  great  error  to  suppose  that  in  order  to  make  a  wise  choice  and  to  secure 
salvation  it  is  necessary  to  become  a  priest  or  a  monk  or  a  nun,  for  in  either  of  these 
states  persons  may  live  unworthy,  and  be  damned.  Whereas  in  the  world,  amid 
all  its  cares  and  distracting  employments,  men  may  attain  perfection  and  reach  Hea- 
ven. The  unworthy  religious  might  have  been  a  saint  had  he  lived  in  the  world, 
and  the  pious  tradesman  have  dishonored  his  profession  had  he  chosen  the  cassock 
or  the  cowl. 

"  Of  infinite  moment  then  Is  it  for  all  men  to  make  a  wise  choice  and  to  make  it 
m  season.  If  it  be  deferred,  habits  are  fixed,  reason  becomes  distorted,  the  will 
obstinate,  and  a  choice  cannot  be  well  made,  and  often  cannot  be  made  at  all.  To 
those,  therefore,  who  desire  to  make  a  choice  and  to  make  it  wisely,  we  recommend 
to  them  this  little  work  of  Father  Rossignoli.  They  will  there  find  considerations 
and  arguments  full  o(  piety  and  unction  to  convince  them  of  the  importance  of  de- 
ctriing,  and  to  stimulate  tliem  to  immediate  action,  and  what  is  belter  still,  rules  to 
guide  them  infallibly  in  making  a  wise  choice,"  Boston  Filol. 


1.3 


Cheap  Catholic  Books,  published  by  J.  Murphy  ^  Co. 
Father  Oswald^  a  Genuine  Catholic  Story.. iSmo.  cloth     50 

The  same c cloth,  gilt  edges      75 

This  work  is  intended  )o  be  a  refutation  of  Father  Clement;  and  as  the  author bas 
been  signally  successful  in  accomplishing  his  design,  the  circulation  of  this  work  is 
veil  worthy  the  zeal  of  those  who  have  at  neart  tlie  honor  and  propagation  of  the 
irue  faith.  The  work  is  well  worthy  tlie  commendations  which  the  press  has  every- 
where bestowed  upon  it;  and  we  do  not  liesitate  to  welcome  it  among  the  produc- 
tions which  are  to  be  the  most  popular  and  influential  means  of  removing  anti-Ca- 
tholic prejudice,  and  leading  the  Protestant  mind  to  the  discovery  and  acknowledg- 
ment of  truth.  The  present  edition  has  been  carefully  revised,  corrected  and  im- 
proved throughout. 

"  Few  ifany  books  of  Catholic  literature  have  come  up  more  effectually  to  the  ob- 
iects  with  which  they  set  out  than  the  tale  of  Father  Oswald.  The  rites  and  dogmas 
of  our  holy  religion  are  explained  in  a  masterly  style  and  in  so  animated  a  manner, 
that  even  an  indifferent  reader  will  find  his  interest  in  the  book  kept  up  to  the  last. 
Il  is  a  model  of  a  work  especially  in  the  manner  in  which  the  religious  colloquies 
are  kept  up.  It  is  presented  to  the  Catholic  public  in  an  improved  style,  and  we 
hope  every  Catholic  will  supply  himself  with  a  copy  of  the  work.  We  can  safely 
say  that  there  are  few  Catholic  books  in  our  language,  better  adapted  to  general  use 
or  calculated  to  do  more  extensive  and  lasting  good."  tf.  S.  Calh,  Mag. 

Fenelon  on  tlw  Education  of  a  Daughter. .  .24mo.  cloth     50 

The  .same cloth,  gilt  edges      75 

This  little  work,  from  the  pen  of  the  illustrious  Fenelon,  Archbishop  of  Cambray, 
is  now,  for  the  lirst  time  presented  to  the  American  public.  Like  all  the  other  pro- 
ductions of  that  distinguished  Prelate,  his  "  Education  of  a  Daughter,"  addressed 
to  Christian  parents,  on  the  vital  subject  of  the  education  of  youth,  has  been  univer- 
sally admired  for  the  excellence  and  wisdom  of  its  instructions,  the  beauty  of  its 
maxims,  and  the  intrinsic  worth  of  its  counsels.  The  name  of  Fenelon  will,  no 
doubt,  be  a  sufficient  recommendation  to  introduce  it  to  the  favorable  notice  of  all 
who  feel  an  interest  in  the  virtue  and  happiness  of  the  youthful  and  innocent  portion 
of  the  community.  To  assist  in  promoting  tliat  happiness,  and  preserving  that  in- 
nocence and  virtue,  in  the  hearts  of  children,  is  the  principal  motive  of  tlie  present 
publication,  and  hence  it  is  confidently  hoped  that  parents  and  teachers  will  give  it 
a  favorable  reception. 

"  This  is  a  very  neatly  executed  volume,  and  one  of  the  best  specimens  of  typo- 
graphy tliat  we  have  witnessed  from  Mr.  Murphy's  press.  The  type  is  clear  and 
beautiful  and  the  paper  of  excellent  quality,  while  the  work  is  set  off  with  a  hand- 
some title-page  and  ornamental  chapter  heads.  The  admirable  lessons,  however, 
contained  in  this  well  known  production  of  the  immortal  Pension,  justly  deserve  to 
be  placed  before  the  public  in  the  richest  attire  that  mechanical  art  is  capable  of  im- 
parling. Nothing  can  be  of  greater  importance  to  parents  than  to  learn  the  difficult 
art  of  successfully  trainins  the  youthful  mind,  and  of  giving  to  the  female  children 
under  their  charge  that  physical  and  moral  education  which  will  fit  them  to  be  useful 
members  of  society,  and  to  fulfil  the  great  end  for  which  they  were  placed  in  this 
world.  The  vast  majority  of  parents  are  but  too  lamentably  ignorant  of  their  duties 
in  this  respect,  and  the  consequences  of  it  are  but  too  keenly  felt  even  by  them- 
selves, though  at  a  period  when  it  is  too  late  to  repair  the  effects  of  their  culpable 
inattention.  The  work  before  us  is  a  manual  of  excellent  instructions  on  this  all- 
important  subject,  and  every  family  should  be  provided  with  a  copy  of  it," 

U.  S.  Catholic  Magazine. 

First  Communion.,  a  Series  of  Letters  to  the  Young 

24ino cloth       38 

The  same cloth,  gilt  edges      50 

There  is  no  act  so  excellent  and  sublime,  and  which  demands  so  much  reverence 
and  devotion  on  the  part  of  those  who  perform  it,  as  the  reception  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion, which  does  really,  truly,  and  substantially  contain  the  body  and  blood  of 
our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ ;  for  "  here  is  not  a  question  of  preparing  a  fit 
habitation  for  a  man,  but  for  the  God  of  majesty  and  glorv,  for  the  King  of  heaven 
and  earth."  The  excellence  of  the  Holy  Communion,  and  the  special  devotion  with 
which  it  should  be  received,  have  led  the  author  as  well  as  the  translator  of  this  book 
to  present  it  to  the  public  ;  its  object  beiuff  to  inspire  the  minds  and  hearts  of  chUdren 
with  the  highest  possible  respect  and  Iohl'im.,'  ile.Mrc  for  the  Holy  Communion,  and  to 
assist  those  who  prepare  them  to  a|i|ir.ia.  Ii  uonlillv  and  devoutly  so  august  and  sub- 
lune  a  mystery.  I  heartily  rcooiiuiiend  this  little  uork  to  the  Clergy,  and  all  those 
who  have  tlie  charge  of  the  young.  JOHN  BAPTIST  PAGANI, 

Provincial  of  the  Order  of  Charity 
15 


DATE  DUE 

<r-T--t 

^-^ 

JiO]t4«»ia 

GAYLORO 

PRINTED  IN  U.S.A. 

^H 

■ 

B' 

ll 

',  ■  "^ 

B'    5085.L75 

T  ,e  antiquitiesof  the  Anglo-Saxon 

Princeton  Theological  Semmary-Speer  Library 


1    1012  00081    5318 


^,. 


/ 

'1 

V  .- 

''    J. 

:;i 

■■^:l 

iB 

Hw:^ 

